1. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian Empire
Author(s): Nadav Naʾaman
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins (1953-), Bd. 120, H. 1 (2004), pp. 55-72
Published by: Deutscher Verein zur Erforschung Palästinas
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2. The Boundary System and Political Status
of Gaza under theAssyrian Empire
By Nadav Na'aman
Gaza (Gazze) ismentioned for the first time in the annals of Thutmose III, and itwas the
main Egyptian centre in Canaan in the Late Bronze Age. Later, in the early Iron Age, it
became the capital of a kingdom under its own ruler (cf. the sor?nim in biblical historiog
raphy, e.g. Josh 13,3). The history of Gaza in the firstquarter of the first millennium b.c.e.,
before the arrival of theAssyrians, is practically unknown, but the citymust have kept its
independence forhundreds of years, except possibly for shortperiods of subjection to neigh
bouring powers (e.g., Aram Damascus under Hazael). Its political status compared to its
neighbours is indicated by the prophecy of Amos against the Philistine kingdoms (Amos
1,6-8), which denounces only Gaza, while the punishment falls on all fourkingdoms (Gaza,
Ashdod [Isd?d], Ashkelon [(Asqal?n] and Ekron [Hirbet el-MuqannacIT?l Miqn?]). Thus,
Gaza was probably themost important Philistine kingdom in themid-eighth century b.c.e.
When Tiglath-pileser III reached Philistia in 734 b.c.e. Gaza had been an established king
dom for about 400 years, with its own regime, administrative and religious institutions (for
surveys of the history of Gaza, see Stark 1852; Mayer 1907; Eph?al 1971; Katzenstein
1992; Ovadiah 1993; Ehrlich 1996; Humbert 2000).
The available documents make itpossible to sketch an outline of thehistory of Gaza from
the Assyrian conquest on, but thedata are open to differentinterpretations. Some fundamental
problems are debated among scholars. For example: the statusof thekingdom of Gaza under
Assyrian rule; the kingdom's borders; the scope of theAssyrian intervention in its internal
affairs; the relation between Gaza's rulers and the tribal leaders situated near itsborders; and
finally, the changes in its political status between theAssyrian withdrawal from Palestine
(late 630s or early 620s b.c.e.) and thePersian conquest of Egypt (about 525 b.c.e.).
To investigate these problems we have documentary and archaeological evidence. There
are diverse documents - includingAssyrian, Babylonian and Greek texts,epigraphic inscrip
tions from south Palestine, and theBible. The archaeological evidence is known from exca
vations and surveys (see recentlyyezerski 2003). The long delay in publishing many ex
cavations and surveys conducted in southernPalestine and northernSinai, the results of which
are known only from preliminary reports and summary articles, is a serious obstacle to
research. Another obstacle is that the Tell of ancient Gaza, located in themiddle of the
modern city,has been occupied uninterruptedly for thousands years and is covered by modern
buildings (see Phythian-adams 1923). It is thereforepractically impossible to excavate the
site of ancient Gaza.
In what follows I will tryto clarify some of the above-mentioned problems, opening the
discussion with Tiglath-pileser's 734 campaign to Philistia, which started a new era in the
history of Gaza after hundreds years of relative stability.
zdpv 120 (2004) 1

3. 56 Nadav Na'aman
Gaza in the Inscriptionsof Tiglath-pileser III
According to theEponym Chronicle, the first Assyrian campaign to the coast of Philistia took
place in the year 734 b.c.e. The campaign aimed to block the possible approach of an
Egyptian task force to Philistia, and took the anti-Assyrian coalition headed by Rezin of
Damascus by surprise ( a a 1991, 92-93). The annals describing the events of thatyear
have not yet been found, but three summary inscriptionsof Tiglath-pileser III (Summ. 4, 8
and 9) relate in similar phrases the campaign conducted against Gaza in thatyear (see the
synoptic table inTadmor 1994, 222-225).
The Gaza episode as related in Summ. 4 may be restored as follows (Spieckermann
1982, 325-330; Tadmor 1994, 138-141 lines 8-15; a5a a 1999a, 401-402; Frahm
1997/98, 403 ad p. 188-189):
-
"Hanunu of Gaza, [who] fle[d before] my weapons and escaped [to] Egypt Gaza, [his royal city, i
conquered. His people], his goods and [his] gods [i despoiled. An imag]e [of the great] gods, my
[lords], my royal image [i fashioned gold and setup] in the
and of Gaza]. i counted(them)
palace [of
among the gods of their land, and established [th]eir [regular offerings?]. As for [him (/. e., Hanunu),
the fear of my majesty] overwhelmed him and like a bird he flew [from Egypt...]. i returned him to
his position, [The city of Gaza i turned] into [an Assyrian] emp[orium. Gold], silver, multi-coloured
... i re]ceived."
garments, linen garments, large [horses,
According to the three summary inscriptions, Hanunu of Gaza fled toEgypt and theAssyrian
king entered the city, erected his stele in thepalace, carried itsbooty toAssyria and imposed
payment of an annual tribute. Hanunu, who fled toEgypt, returnedand submitted toTiglath
pileser. He was restored to the throneand became an Assyrian vassal. An Assyrian emporium
was established atGaza in order to control the maritime commerce with Egypt and theLevant
(Tadmor 1994, 222-225; Ehrlich 1996, 94-98, with earlier literature; a a 2001,
260-261).
The authors of Summ. 8-9 combined the takingof thebooty and thepayment of tribute
in one passage, whereas the author of Summ. 4 kept them separate. In the firstpart of the
episode he mentioned the booty (people, valuable goods and statues of gods), and in the
second part he listed the tribute.The "gods" (Hani) are probably the ancestral gods of Ha
nunu, rather thanGaza's cult statues ( a'a a 1999a, 401-404; for a different interpreta
tion, see uehlinger 2002, 109-115). The deportation probably included members of the
royal family (tadmor 1994, 176 line 15) and statues of the royal house of Gaza, all of which
were transferred Assyria inorder to secure the loyaltyofGaza's king. Retaining the statues
to
of royal houses was an effective step thatcould secure loyalty.
Whether the despoiled statues
were returned remains unknown1.
eventually
The removal of thegods from Gaza is juxtaposed in Summ. 4 with the transfertoGaza of
a golden image (probably a golden plaque in the formof a stele) of theAssyrian king and the
symbols of theAssyrian gods2. This image was established in the palace of Gaza, where a
1
Tiglath-pileser's policy towards Gaza may be compared to that of Sennacherib towards Ashkelon.
After the conquest of the city in 701 b.c.e., Sennacherib deported the rebellious king (Sidqa), some
members of his family, and "the gods of his (/'.e., $idqa) father's house" (Oppenheim 1969, 287b).
2
Formally, the texts of Summ. 4,10 and 8,17 refer to two images and must be translated in the plural.
However, the author was probably describing a golden plaque in the form of a stele, on which were
depicted the king and the symbols of the great gods of Assyria, similar in form to the statues erected
by the Assyrian kings. The plural form was necessary in order to juxtapose the deported statues with
the new golden image set in the palace (see Tadmor 1994, 177 note 16; Uehlinger 1997, 310).
ZDPV 120 (2004) 1

4. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian Empire 57
chapel was probably built for it and regular offeringsmade. The statuemust have been a
reminder to the king of Gaza who held the real power. In the context of the inscriptions, the
Assyrian image(s) set up in the palace took the place of the statues deported fromGaza to
Assyria.
Tiglath-pileser's most detailed summary inscription (Summ. 8) mentions a campaign to
theBrook of Egypt (Nahal Musur), and the settingup of a royal image immediately after the
conquest of Gaza (tadmor 1994, 178 line 18). The toponym umna-halmu-sur is followed in
the textby the apposition 'river' (n?[ru]). Thus, it is evident that the text refers to a river (the
Brook of Egypt), not to a place called "the city of the Brook of Egypt", as some scholars
suggested (e.g., Alt 1945, 129-131; 1953, 157; Ephcal 1982, 30.37.93.104; Tadmor 1994,
178 note 18). The river's name, theBrook of Egypt, indicates that from the northernview
point itwas considered as theborder of Palestine, and that thedesert area on its southwest and
west was considered an Egyptian territory (see Na'aman 1986, 237-251).
On the basis of Tiglath-pileser's description of theGaza episode, in particular the setting
of a royal image in thepalace and the establishment of an Assyrian emporium,cogan (1993,
407) suggested thatGaza had "a political status beyond regular vassaldom but not yet full
incorporationas a province". However, there is no indication of Gaza's exceptional political
or administrative status in documents written in the time of laterAssyrian rulers. I have
recently suggested thatAssyrian intervention in the territories vassal kingdoms was the
of
norm rather than the exception. The establishment of an Assyrian emporium at Gaza has
parallels in building projects carried out by Assyrian rulers in other vassal kingdoms in the
Levant (i.e., Ashdod, Tyre, Sidon, Arvad, Edom, and possibly Byblos, Judah and Moab)
(Finkelstein/Singer-Avitz 2001; a'a a 2001). Moreover, the practice of settingAs
syrian royal images with the symbols of thegods of Assyria in palaces and temples of vassal
kings is well documented in theAssyrian royal inscriptions (Yamada 2000, 295-297; see
Spieckermann 1982, 322-344). Yamada (2000, 296-270) suggested that the image with
symbols of thegods served for the swearing of theoath and as a witness to honoring theoath
imposed on the ruler and the local elite. cole andmachinist (1998, XIV-XV.XXIII notes
26-30) furthernoted that royal divine images functioned as an object of oath. We may
conclude that Gaza's treatment was not uncommon, and that there is no evidence of the
kingdom's exceptional status among theAssyrian vassals in theLevant.
Gaza in the Inscriptions of Sargon II
After his victory over Hamath and its allies (720 b.c.e.), Sargon led his troops towards
Philistia (for references, see Fuchs 1994, 437 sub voce H?zutu; Oppenheim 1969, 285).
Unlike Tiglath-pileser's campaign of 734 b.c.e., on thisoccasion Egyptian troops crossed the
Sinai Peninsula and came to the aid of Hanunu, king of Gaza. The Assyrian army won the
battle near Raphia (Refah), theEgyptian task force retreated toEgypt, and Hanunu was taken
into captivity and deported to Assyria. Sargon destroyed the city of Raphia, seized "9033
people together with their
many possessions" and deported them toAssyria (fuchs 1994, 90
lines 54-57; Oppenheim 1969, 285).
Gaza's new king is not named in Sargon's Since Silli-Bel, the king of Gaza
inscriptions.
who ismentioned for the first time in Sennacherib's 701 b.c.e. campaign, was still in power
in 667 (Streck 1916, 140-142 line 28), itwas probably his unnamed predecessor who
zdpv 120 (2004) 1

5. 58 Nadav Na5aman
succeeded Hanunu on the throneof Gaza. The contributionspaid by Gaza and relatedmatters
are mentioned three times in theAssyrian documents of the time of Sargon II:
1. A letter the time of Sargon (ND 2765 lines 33-46) runs as follows (Postgate
of 1974,
117-118; Deller 1985, 329-330; Weippert 1987, 100 note 36, with earlier literature;
Parp?la 1987 no. 110; Saggs 2001, 219-221):
"I have received 45 horses of the [lan]d?. The emissaries of Egypt, Gaza, Judah, Moab and Ban
Ammon entered Calah on the twelfth, with their tribute in their hands. 24 horses of the (emissary) of
Gaza inhis hand.The (emissaries Edom,Ashdod andEkron [went
of) o]ut? [of i]t?([TA?
MUR]UB4
[??-su? ]-u-ni)."
The governor of Calah reports to the king first that the emissaries of some western
kingdoms, includingEgypt, had arrived inCalah and brought horses as gifts to theAs
syrian court. Secondly, he informs the king that theGaza envoy had brought an extra
delivery of 24 horses, either as a special gift, or his deficit from the previous year3.
Thirdly, he mentions that theenvoys of Edom, Ashdod and Ekron, who must have arrived
was sent to
inCalah earlier, possibly with a gift of horses, had left the city. The letter
Marduk-remani, the provincial governor of Calah. Since another governor was in office in
712, itwas written before thisdate (Deller 1985, 330; 1987, 219).
2. According to an Assyrian administrative document (ND 2672), the ruler of Gaza dis
patched 17 horses (postgate 1974, 388-389 lines 24-35). The horses must have been
of the breed known in theAssyrian documents as mat K?sayu, i.e., 'Nubian' (Postgate
1974, 11). They were delivered toAddu-hati, governor of Subat-Hamath in the time of
Sargon II (postgate 1974, 382 note 2)4.
3. A tablet fromFort Shalmaneser (ND 10078) records the distributionof wine (dalley/
Postgate 1984 no. 135; Deller 1985, 328-330; Weippert 1987, 100 note 36). Among
the recipients are delegates from Palestinian kingdoms, who received thewine on two
occasions. The envoys of Ashdod, Edom, Gaza and Judah received wine at an "early
time" (p?niutu); and the envoys of Ashdod (KUR Sa-du-d[u-a-a])5, Judah,Edom, Ekron
and Ban-Ammon (and possibly others; the tablet breaks at this place), received it on a
"later" occasion (urk?utu).The tablet should be dated to the time of Sargon II (deller
1985, 328-329), and it is possible that these delegations are referred to in tabletND
2765.
4. In a letterdiscovered at Nineveh (ABL 568), Sennacherib, the crown prince, informshis
father,Sargon II, of the contributions received from two cities, and their distribution
among dignitaries of the royal Assyrian court (Martin 1936, 40-49; postgate 1974,
111.283-284; parpola 1987, 35-36 no. 34). A closely related list of contributions
received from Ashkelon appears inND 2672 (see above). In lightof theclose similarityof
the dispatches mentioned inND 2672 and ABL 568, it is evident that the lattercontri
butions were sent by Philistine cities, one of which must have been Ashkelon. As de
3
For the king of Ashkelon paying to Assyria the deficit of the former year, see postgate 1974, 387
line 3.
4
For references to his correspondence, see Parp?la 1987, 233 sub voce Adda-hati. For the province
of Subat-Hamath, see Na'aman 1999b, 421-429.
5
The name of Ashdod is written in two different forms in the Assyrian texts, i. e., Asdudu and Sadudu.
See Weippert 1987, 100 note 36; Ephcal 1999, 5-6.
ZDPV 120 (2004) 1

6. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian Empire 59
liveries fromAshkelon and Gaza are listed inND 2672, itmay be speculated that the
second was sent from Gaza 6.
delivery
According to theNineveh Prism of Sargon, in 711 b.c.e. theAshdodites tried in vain to
induce some Assyrian vassals (the kings of Philistia, Judah,Edom andMoab) to rebel against
Assyria (Fuchs 1998, 46 lines 25-28; Oppenheim 1969, 287). The designation "kings of
Philistia" {sarr?ni mat Piliste) refers to the threekingdoms of Gaza, Ashkelon and Ekron,
described in theprism as "payers of tributeand gifts toAshur, my lord", /. loyal Assyrian
e.y
vassals.
Gaza under theLate Assyrian and Babylonian Empires
The city of Gaza is notmentioned in the description of Sennacherib's campaign to Palestine,
either in the list of tributepayers near Sidon, or in the description of the fighting (frahm
1997, 53-55 lines 32-60; 58-59; Oppenheim 1969, 287-288). However, Silli-Bel, king of
Gaza, ismentioned among thePhilistine rulers towhom Sennacherib assigned Judahite ter
ritories at the close of the campaign (Luckenbill 1924, 33 line 34; see 70 line 30; Oppen
heim 1969, 288). Taking into account the strategicposition of Gaza on theway toEgypt, and
the fact thatan Egyptian task force crossed Philistia on itsway to Eltekeh, we may assume
thatGaza was forced to participate in the anti-Assyrian alliance, and thatEgyptian troops
were stationed in the city7.When theEgyptian task force retreated, theking of Gaza surren
dered toAssyria, and like other Philistine rulers (/.e., Padi of Ekron and Sharru-lu-dari of
Ashkelon), whose kingdoms had been forced to take part in the anti-Assyrian coalition, was
treatedfavourably and received some territories detached from thekingdom of Judah. In 695
b.c.e., the king of Gaza dispatched toNineveh a tributeof 1 talent of silver (Fales/Post
gate 1995, 43 no. 54).
Silli-Bel is listed in the inscriptions of Esarhaddon among the Palestinian and Cypriot
Assyrian vassals who were mobilized forwork in the constructionofNineveh (borger 1956,
60 line 57; Oppenheim 1969, 291). He is listed once again in an inscriptionof Ashurbanipal
among theAssyrian vassals who participated inhis campaign toEgypt in 667 b.c.e. (Streck
1916, 140-142 line 28; Oppenheim 1969, 294).
Nebuchadrezzar captured Gaza in the course of the conquest of Syria-Palestine in 604
b.c.e. In 601/600 he crossed northernSinai but was defeated atMagdolos (Herodotus II 159).
In a counter-attack Necho II conquered Gaza (Jer47,1), but could not hold it and retreated to
his land (Freedy/Redford 1970, 475 note 57; Lipinski 1972; Lipschits 1998, 468-469).
Gaza and Ashdod are mentioned in the list of Philistine and Phoenician kings and their
kingdoms that appears in a broken prism written inNebuchadrezzar IPs seventh year (598
b.c.e.) (Unger 1931, 286 lines 23-29; Oppenheim 1969, 287-288; Na3aman 2000, 40-41,
with earlier literature in note 25), whereas Ashkelon and Ekron had been destroyed before
6 that the formerly suggested reading for Rev.
The tablet was collated by parpola, who demonstrated
1 ([...] ma-da-t? mA-zu-r[i...]) is erroneous (see parpola 1987, 255). The assumption that the
tribute was sent by Azuri, king of Ashdod, must be abandoned. Rev. 1may tentatively be restored
[PAP an-ni]- r? ma-da-t?-^mA-ta...]; "[All thi]s (is) the tribute of Ata[.. .]".Was Ata[.. .] the ruler
of Gaza in the time of Sargon II?
7 then served as the Egyptian headquarter and as a
Kitchen (1983, 249-251) suggested that Gaza
base for operations.
ZDPV 120 (2004) 1

7. 60 Nadav Na'aman
thatyear and aremissing from the list.This is the latest textualevidence of Gaza as kingdom
under its own ruler. Later, at an unknown date, itwas annexed by the Babylonians, and under
thePersian Empire was included in theArabian territory northernSinai (see below).
of
The Boundary System of Gaza in theLate Eighth - Seventh Centuries b.c.e.
In IronAge II threePhilistine city-stateswere located along the southern coast of Palestine
(fig. 1): Ashdod, Ashkelon and Gaza. The boundaries that separated them are clear: W?d?
Ibt?h (Nahal Evtah) between Ashdod and Ashkelon, and W?d? el-Hes? (Nahal Siqm?) be
tweenAshkelon and Gaza. The natural northern boundary of thekingdom of Ashdod isNahr
R?bin (Nahal S?r?q), and thatof the kingdom of Gaza on the south isW?d? Gazze (Nahal
Bds?r). Assuming for themoment that thesewere the boundaries of the three neighbouring
kingdoms, the coast of Ashdod would have extended over about 23 km8, thatof Ashkelon
over about 18km and thatof Gaza over about 20 km.
On the eastern side, the three Iron II kingdoms must have reached thewestern borders of
thekingdom of Gath. Following Hazael's conquest of Gath in the late ninth centuryb.c.e. (2
Kgs 12,18), Ashdod expanded eastward and annexed the city of Gath. Ashkelon and Gaza
also took advantage of Gath's decline and expanded eastward, up to thewestern border of the
-
kingdom of Judah.The kingdom of Gaza possibly reached the line of Tell en-Nag?le Tell
es-SerVa. On theassumption that thekingdom ofGaza's southernborder reachedW?d? Gazze
(Nahal Bas?r), its southeasternbordermust have passed W?d? es-SerVa (Nahal Ggr?r), up to
its juncturewith W?d? Gazze (Nahal Bos?r).
Against this 'minimalist' approach to the border system of Gaza, which demarcates its
southeastern and southern borders along W?d? es-SerVa (Nahal Gor?r) and W?d? Gazze
(Nahal Bas?r), Oren (1993a) has suggested a maximal delineation of Gaza's borders. His
point of departure is the distributionof Assyrian centres in thewestern Negev and northern
Sinai. Among these centres are Tell el-Hes?, Tell es-SerVa, Tell Abu Hur?ra, Tell Gemme, Tell
Abu Sal?ma and er-Ruq?s, taking it for granted that all these centres were built within the
confines of a single kingdom, that of Gaza, and thusmark its borders. Moreover, oren
assumed that Gaza effectively controlled large territories
and villages located in the sparsely
inhabited regions of thewestern Negev and northernSinai9. By
identifyingthe Brook of
Egypt (AssyrianNahal Musur) as W?d? el-Aris, he delineated the borders of Gaza between
W?d? el-'Ar?s on the southwest,Tell el-F?r"a (south) on the southeast and Tell el-Hes? on the
northeast.
8
For the assumption that Ashdod's northern border in the Iron Age passed along Nahr R?b?n (Nahat
see Na'aman 1998. In the Late Bronze Age Joppa was an
??r?q), Egyptian centre, and following the
Egyptian withdrawal from Canaan in about the mid-twelfth century B.c.E. it became the port of the
newly-established kingdom of Ekron (for a different interpretation, see FiNKELSTElN 1996, 228-231).
After Ekron's destruction in about the mid-tenth century B.C.E. the area of
Joppa passed either to
Ashdod or to Ashkelon. In the late eighth century the
city and its hinterland were in Ashkelon's
hands, and in 701 B.C.E. Sennacherib transferred the area of Joppa to Padi,
king of Ekron. It is thus
evident that Joppa, with its hinterland, changed hands many times and was never an
independent city.
This explains its handing over by the Persian
king in about themid-fifth century to Eshmunazer, king
of Sidon (donner/R?LLIG 1966-69 no. 14 line 18).
9
For a similar delineation of the of Iron I Gaza, see FiNKELSTElN
territory 1996, 228-231.
ZDPV 120 (2004) 1

8. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian Empire 61
Fig. 1. Southern Palestine and Northern Sinai in the Seventh Century B.c.E.
(1)Nahr R?bin (Nahal S?r?q); (2) W?d? Ibt?h (NahalEvtah);
(3) W?d? el-Hes? (Nahal Siqm?); (4) W?d??azze (Nahal Bss r);
(5) W?d?es-SerVa (Nahal Ggr?r); (6) W?d? eWAr?L
ZDPV 120 (2004) 1

9. 62 Nadav Na5aman
The assumption that the distributionof theAssyrian centres located in southernPalestine
and northernSinai is congruentwith theboundaries of thekingdom of Gaza is not supported
by the evidence. First, theAssyrian built theircentres in the territories almost all vassal
of
kingdoms in the Levant (see recently: Finkelstein/singer-AviTZ 2001; na'aman 2001,
with earlier literature),so the attributionof all the above-mentioned Assyrian centres to the
territory Gaza is arbitrary.Second, the realityof borders thatpass through sparsely inhab
of
ited areas, where therewere few permanent settlements, must be examined in light of the
textual evidence. After all, local leadersmight control territoriesand settlements located in
peripheral areas and their tribal territories
were not controlled by neighbouring kingdoms.
Oren produced no evidence that the rulersof Gaza effectivelycontrolled the sparsely inhab
ited areas of northernSinai and the southwestern Negev, or that those areas were considered
part of its territories.
Contrary toOren's suggestion,Assyrian royal inscriptions indicate that the local tribal
leaders of northernSinai and thewestern Negev cooperated with theAssyrians, who assigned
them to supervise their tribal territories(see alt 1945, 131-135; 1953, 160-162; tadmor
1966, 89-92; Na5aman 1979, 69-72.84; Ephcal 1982, 93-94.99-100). For example, Tig
lath-pileserappointed IdibPilu as a "gatekeeper facing Egypt" (tadmor 1994, 168 line 6).
He also appointed Siruatti theMe'unite to the office of q?pu over the area 'below
Egypt'
(Na'aman 1997). Sargon placed the s?h (lunas?ku) of the city of Laban (whose name is
unfortunatelybroken) in charge of the deportees settled near the Brook of Egypt (Nahal
Musur) (Na3aman 1979, 71 and note 6; fuchs 1998, 57). The toponym rllbn ismentioned
afterRaphia in Shishak's topographical list,and Alt (1945, 133-134) suggested identifying
itwith the Laban mentioned in Sargon's inscription.Laban was probably a tribal centre
located in theRaphia area, where Sargon settleddeportees to replace those thathe deported in
his 720 b.c.e. campaign (Alt 1945, 130-134; Na5aman 1979, 81-82).
Esarhaddon in his second year (679 b.c.e.) conducted a campaign against Arza, a city
located in the border zone of the Brook of Egypt {Nahal Musur), plundered the city and
deportedAsuhili, itsking, and its inhabitants(for references, see borger 1956, 130 sub voce
Arza; Oppenheim 1969, 290.292). Asuhili was probably a local s?h, leader of the pastoral
groups who lived in the area ofNahal Musur, and his status in this area was similar to thatof
the s?h of Laban in the timeof Sargon II ( a5a a 2001, 264-265). IdibPilu, Siruatti, the
s?h of Laban and Asuhili were tribal leaders who lived in the area near the border of Egypt,
and theirtribal territorieswere not included in thekingdom of Gaza's territory. is thusclear
It
thatGaza's southern and eastern borders passed north and west of their territories.
Preparing to cross the Sinai desert and conquer Egypt (671 b.c.e.), Esarhaddon arrived in
Raphia and there made the final preparations for crossing thedesert (borger 1956, 112 lines
16-18). He described it thus: "Camels (ansegammali)of all thekings of theArabs I gfathered
and goatskins I l]oaded on them" (borger 1956, 112 rev. lines 1-2). A parallel fragmented
passage mentions goat- and waterskins (borger 1957/58, 118 ?77 line 10)10. The Arabs
controlled both the road and other means of transportation, making it necessary to cooperate
with them (Ephcal 1982, 137-142). The of Gaza, who, to Oren's
king according assump
tion, effectivelygoverned the area of Raphia, played no part in the preparations to the cam
paign and evidently had no power in this area.
10
For the amount of water necessary for the army to cross the Sinai desert, see the estimation of
Cruz-Uribe 2003, 22-23.
ZDPV 120 (2004) 1

10. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian 63
Empire
Sargon ITs inscriptions state that he "opened the sealed h[arb]our (k[?r]u) of Egypt,
mingled Assyrians and Egyptians together and made them trade with each other" (Gadd
1954, 179 lines 46-49; fuchs 1994, 88 lines 17-18). Oren (1993b; Oren et al. 1986)
identifiedthe "sealed harbour" as thewell-planned and heavily fortifiedsite of er-Ruq?s. The
site is located along the coast, about 7.5 km south of W?d? Gazze (Nahal Bos?r), and covers
an area of about 20-25 acres. Its geometric configuration, internal
plan, massive defense
system andmud brick platforms- all these elements indicate that it
was built by theAssyrians
and served as their main port on the coast south of Gaza. Oren's suggested identificationof
er-Ruq?s with the "sealed harbour" thatSargon built is fully vindicated by his excavations at
the site.
Sargon's statement, that he opened "the sealed harbour of Egypt", is remarkable. It
indicates that theAssyrians considered the area of er-Ruq?s to be Egyptian territory, and
contradicts the assumption that W?d? e l-Aris, located about 60 km southwest of it,
marked the
border of Egypt.
Reading the Assyrian royal inscriptions, it becomes clear that before the conquest of
Egypt, the city of Raphia, located 21 km south of the estuary of W?d? Gazze (Nahal Bds?r),
far northeast (47km) fromW?d? el-"Aris,was the southernmostplace they reached in their
campaigns. This is indicated by two references:
(1) In 720 b.c.e. Sargon fought an Egyptian task force led by the army commander Re5e
(Egyptian Raia or RaHa), and afterhis victory destroyed the city of Raphia and deported its
people (see above). At er-Ruq?s, about themidway between Raphia and W?d? Gazze (Nahal
Bds?r), he built the new port to serve as a major harbour for the commerce with Egypt,
therebycompeting with Gaza for the profits from theEgyptian trade.The new harbour also
secured the naval and continental transportation between Gaza and Raphia.
(2) In his campaign to conquer Egypt (671 b.c.e.) Esarhaddon camped atAphek (Tell Ras
el- ), near the southwesternborder of the province of Samaria, and proceeded southward
"as far as (adi) the town of Raphia, to theborder zone (ana ite) of theBrook of Egypt". The
location of Raphia is defined by reference to the region of theBrook of Egypt (/.e., ana ite
nahal m?t musur is an adjunct sentence to adi Rapihi), just as the location of the city of
sa p?ti m?t Same<ri>na)
Aphek is defined by reference to the province of Samaria (Apqu
(Borger 1956, 112 line 16)n. In Raphia Esarhaddon loaded on camels as much water as
they could carry for crossing the desert, and continued on itsway toEgypt. It is evident that
Raphia appears as the last settled stationon theway toEgypt. The two references indicate that
the area between W?d? Gazze (Nahal Bos?r) and Raphia was considered a kind of buffer zone
separating thekingdom of Gaza from theEgyptian territory.
Further support for thisconclusion may be drawn from the location of theBrook of Egypt
(Nahal Musur). Two conflicting identifications of its place were proposed: W?d? Gazze
(Nahal Bos?r) andW?d? el-Ans. Enclosed are the transcription and translationof the five key
references thatappear in the inscriptionsof Tiglath-pileser III (no. 1), Sargon II (no. 2) and
Esarhaddon (nos. 3-5):
11 are not sup
Rainey's translations of ana ite ("as far as, towards") and sa ite ("which is beside")
ported by textual evidence (Rainey 1982, 131; 2001, 60).
ZDPV 120 (2004) 1

11. 64 Nadav Na^aman
1. ina uruNahal Musur rn?run [sa . . .] (Tadmor 1994, 178 line 18).
.
"[I erected] my royal stele at theBrook of Egypt, a ri[ver that ..]".
2. [. ..] sa patti uruNahal M[usri . . .] (fuchs 1998, 28 line 5).
".. . (situated) at the border zone of theBrook of Eg[ypt . ..]".
3. umArzasa iteNahal m?t Musri (borger 1956, 33 line 16).
"Arza (situated) at the border zone of theBrook of Egypt".
4. uruArzasa p?ti Nahal m?t Musri (borger 1956, 50 line 39; Heidel 1956, 14 line 57).
"Arza (situated) at the border zone of theBrook of Egypt".
5. adi Rapihi ana iteNahal m?t Musur (borger 1956, 112 line 17).
"As far as the town of Raphia, to the border zone of theBrook of Egypt".
I rendered the threenouns itu,pattu and p?tu by "border zone", since these terms, like the
cognate Hebrew termgsb?l, refer to an area rather than to a borderline. It is evident that
Raphia and Arza were located near theBrook of Egypt.
Mazar (1952) suggested identifyingArza as Tell Gemme, on W?dT Gazze (Nahal Bos?r),
and his suggestion was accepted by some scholars ( a a 1979, 72-73, with earlier
Van Beek 1993, 672; Wapnish
literature; 1996, 287-288)l2. I recently discussed the ar
chaeological evidence of Tell Gemme, in particular the rib vaulting over the doorways be
tween the rooms and theostraca. These indicate thatat least some of the inhabitants who lived
on the site had come from theZagros mountains (Na3aman/Zadok 1988; Na'aman 2001,
263-266). It fits Sargon's statement thathe settled deportees, who probably came from the
newly-established Assyrian provinces in the east, in the border zone of theBrook of Egypt
(fuchs 1998, 28.57).
We may conclude thatuntil theAssyrian conquest of Egypt (671 b.c.e.) the area between
W?dT Gazze (Nahal Bas?r; theBrook of Egypt) and Raphia was considered the frontier the
of
Assyrian empire, and that northernSinai was considered to be Egyptian territory. Gaza's
southeastern and southwesternborders probably reached the line of W?d? es-SerVa (Nahal
Gdr?r) and W?dT Gazze (Nahal Bss?r), the areas beyond thesewadis being controlled by the
Arabs, who with the Assyrians, and due to the latter's on their trans
cooperated dependence
portation, gradually gained greater power and economic strength(briant 1982, 153-176).
The Shifting of theBorder in the Sixth - FifthCenturies b.c.e.
Esarhaddon's 671 b.c.e. campaign, in which he crossed northern Sinai and conquered Lower
Egypt, marked a shift in the history of northernSinai. His son, Ashurbanipal, conducted
several campaigns to Egypt and succeeded in expanding theAssyrian domination toUpper
Egypt. This was the firsttime since theend of theLate Bronze Age thatan empire effectively
controlled the road thatcrossed northernSinai, although for only a short time.
Assyria no doubt made efforts to strengthen its grip over themain routes of northern
Sinai, and must have built at least some centres in strategic locations the road. How
along
12
For the identification of the Brook of Egypt as W?d? el-(Ans, see Rainey 1982, 131-132; EPHcal
1982, 103-105; Ahituv 1984, 203 note 631; Oren 1993a, 102-103; Stern 2001, 114; cf. Hooker
1993.
ZDPV 120 (2004) 1

12. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian Empire 65
ever, it is archaeologically impossible to separate the building projects initiatedby theAs
syrians in northernSinai after the conquest of Egypt from the earlier projects, in particular
since the surveys of northernSinai did not address thisproblem, but treated the late eighth -
seventh centuryperiod as a chronological unit (see oren 1993a; 1993c, 1391-1393; Stern
2001, 114-115412-416; yezerski 2003). Tell Abu SalTma (S?h Zuw?yid) is a case in point.
The site is located about 15km west of Raphia (Refah), and a fortresswith an Assyrian temple
was discovered in the excavations13. However, we cannot decide whether it was built before
or afterEsarhaddon's campaign to Egypt. The scope of theAssyrian building
operations in
northernSinai after the conquest of Egypt cannot be established.
The process of settlement in northernSinai grew rapidly after theAssyrian conquest of
southernPalestine in the late eighth centuryand thenew economic opportunities thatemerged
as a result of thepax Assyriaca. We may assume that theAssyrian conquest of Egypt further
accelerated this process. After theAssyrian retreatfromEgypt, theEgyptians took its terri
tories inPalestine and probably pursued a similar policy in theirrelationswith the vassals and
nomads, so thatprosperity and economic growth continued uninterrupted.
Under theNeo-Babylonian empire the kingdom of Gaza was still considered the south
ernmost region inAsia. This is indicated by one of Nabonidus' royal inscriptions.The Bab
ylonian king summoned his troops from all over his realm, defining its southwesternborder
as "the land of Gaza on the border of Egypt (p?t m?t Misir)" (langdon 1912, 220 lines
39-40). In another inscription commemorating his mother, Adad-Guppi Nabonidus men
tionsEgypt (Misir) as marking his southwesternborder (p?tu) (Gadd 1958, 48 line 42; 62
line 19). It is thereforeclear that, as in the time of theAssyrian empire, Gaza's southern
border was considered in the sixth century to be the southernmost frontierof the Neo
Babylonian empire (see Vanderhooft 1999, 39 note 142).
1Kgs 4,21-24 [MT 5,1-4]: "Solomon ruled over all thekingdoms from theRiver to the
land of the Philistines and to the border of Egypt. [. ..] For he had dominion over all the
region west theRiver fromTiphsah toGaza". According to this late (post deuteronomistic)
text,Solomon's kingdom extended from theEuphrates toGaza, which, just like the south
western border of Nabonidus' kingdom, marks the border of Egypt. Thus Solomon was
to and Babylonian
depicted as the rulerof an enormous kingdom, equal in extent theAssyrian
territory of eher nari ("Beyond theRiver").
A new concept of the place of Sinai in the boundary system emerged afterCambyses'
see recentlyCruz-Uribe 2003, with
conquest of Egypt in about 525 b.c.e. (for the campaign,
This is reflected in the history of Herodotus, who wrote his work after the
earlier literature).
Herodotus (III 5) de
organization of the Persian province system by Darius I (521-486).
scribes the extent of the satrapy of "Beyond theRiver" (eher n?riTAbar-nahar?) as follows
(the translationfollows godley 1938):
13
For the excavations on the site, see reich 1984, with earlier literature. In the Hellenistic period Tell
Ab? Sallma was probably called Bytyl, and in the Byzantine period was called Bitulion (alt 1926;
abel 1939, 227-228.544-548; 1940, 224-227; Tsafrir/di Segni/Green 1994, 91, with earlier
literature). Albright (1924, 154-155) suggested identifying Byzantine Betulion with Biblical Beth
el (1 Sam 30,27) and Bethul/Bethuel (Josh 19,4; 1 Chr 4,30). Although this suggested identification
is untenable (Alt 1935, 309-310), the ancient site may well have been called Bethel, possibly after
the temple erected there by the Assyrians.
ZDPV 120 (2004) 1

13. 66 Nadav Na'aman
"Now the only manifest way of entry into Egypt is this. The road runs from Phoenice as far as the
borders of the city of Kadytis, which belongs to the Syrians of Palestine, as it is called. From Kadytis
(which, as I judge, is a city not much smaller than Sardis) to the city of Ienysus the seaports belong to
the Arabs; then they are Syrian again from Ienysus as far as the Serbonian marsh, beside which the
.
Casian promontory stretches seawards; from this Serbonian marsh [. .] the country is Egypt. Now
between Ienysus and the Casian mountain and the Serbonian marsh there lies a wide territory for as
much as three days' journey, wondrous waterless".
On thebasis of a philological analysis, Leuze (1935, 105-108) demonstrated thattheborders
of Philistia ("from Phoenice as far as the borders of the city of Kadytis") exclude themen
14
tioned toponyms; that the seaports of theArabs includes Gaza/Kadytis and Ienysus; and
that the territory the Syrians ("from Ienysus as far as the Serbonian marsh") excludes the
of
mentioned toponyms.He thusconcluded that Gaza was at that time in thehands of theArabs,
and his conclusion was accepted by other scholars (e.g., MlTTMANN 1983, 132.140; lemaire
1990, 45-46.74; Well 1991, 51-52; Rainey 2001, 59-60),5.
Herodotus (II 158; III 5) wrote thattheborderline between the fifthsatrapyof thePersian
empire ("beyond theRiver") and the sixth (Egypt) ran close to Mount Casius. The shiftingof
theborder and the inclusion of northernSinai in the fifthsatrapy- contrary to the concept of
the border under theAssyrian and Babylonian empires - were the result of Cambyses' con
quest of Egypt and its annexation to the empire's province system.The conquest of Egypt
radically changed the 'northern'concept of Sinai as an Egyptian territory whose border was
located on theBrook of Egypt (Nahal Musur). Northern Sinai was no longer viewed as a kind
of 'no-man's land', a territorythatwas attributed both in Egypt and in Palestine to the
kingdom located on its other end (Na'aman 1986, 237-251). In the fifth century b.c.e.
northernSinai was inhabitedand considered an integralpart of theprovince to thenorthof it.
The territory controlled by theArabs was excluded from that of the fifth satrapy (see
Abel 1939, 543). This is indicated by the passage cited above (Herodotus III 5), and by
Herodotus III 91:
"The fifth province was the country (except the part to the Arabs, which paid no tribute)
belonging
between Posideion, a city founded on the Cilician and Syrian border by Amphilochus son of Am
phiaraus, and Egypt; this paid three hundred and fifty talents; in this province was all Phoenice, and
the part of Syria called Palestine, and Cyprus".
As forGaza, the city developed under thePersian kings and became themost
importantcity
inPalestine. Herodotus (III 5) described itas a town "not much smaller thanSardis". Itsrise
and prosperity resulted fromAshkelon's decline after itsdestruction in 604 b.c.e., and from
its prominent place in the south Arabian trade and the commerce with
Egypt under the
Babylonian and Persian empires. Herodotus II 159wrote that"Necho [. . .]met and defeated
the Syrians at Magdolus, taking the great Syrian city of Kadytis after the battle". Gaza is
-
explicitly called a "great Syrian city" /. its inhabitantsare thoseHerodotus (III 5; VII 89)
e.,
calls "Syrians of Palestine". Assuming that Herodotus' description ofGaza reflects the reality
of his time, it suggests that themajority of the city's inhabitants
were autochthonous 'Philis
tines', although political and economic control was in the hands of the Arabs Leuze
(see
1935, 107).
14
For the name Kadytis (which is interpreted as a nisbe-form, "that of Gaza, Gazaean"), see QuAE
gebeur 1995.
15
For a different opinion, see Katzenstein 1989, 71; Mildenberg 1990, 140-141.145-146.
ZDPV 120 (2004) 1

14. The Boundary System and Political Status of Gaza under the Assyrian Empire 67
We may conclude that,according toHerodotus, the fifth satrapy extended between the
town of Posideion, on the southernborder of Cilicia, in the north and Mount Casius in the
south.The Arabian territory between Gaza's northernborder and Ienysus in the south (usually
located near el-cAnS; see already Stark 1852, 223-224)16 did not belong to the satrapy,7.
According to Pseudo-Scylax ? 104, theborders of Syria and Phoenicia extended from the
Thapsakos River (the Orontes River) in the north, to Ashkelon in the south (leuze 1935,
204-229, with earlier literature; Galling 1938; Elayi 1982). The description concludes
with thewords: "This is the border of Coele-Syria. The sailing along the coast from the
estuary of Thapsakos to the city of Ashkelon amounts to 1700 stadia".
The delineation of Pseudo-Scylax, written in about themid-fourth century b.c.e., differs
from thatof Herodotus in that it concentrates on thePhoenician cities and their settlements
along the coast and ignores the Syrian cities. Assuming thatGalling's amendment to the
first lines of the text is valid (Galling 1938, 70-71), the description opens with Arados
(Arwad) and leaves a territorial gap between theOrontes and Arados. The text ends with
Ashkelon and omits the area between Gaza and Mount Casius. It is thus evident that the
Coele-Syria referred to in Pseudo-Scylax differs fromHerodotus' satrapy of "Beyond the
River".
Conclusions
Summing up thediscussion, it is clear that throughoutthe IronAge II, Gaza's southernborder
was located near theborder zone ofW?d? Gazze (Nahal Bas?r; theBrook of Egypt). That its
rulers sometimes held the area of Raphia is a possibility, but cannot be established with
certainty.The area of northernSinai was controlled by Arabian tribal leaders, each having its
tribalcentre and territory.Their settlementsmay be described as a kind of urban centres in a
nomadic environment (compare rowton 1973; 1976). Following the conquest of Syria
Palestine, theAssyrians appointed some tribal leaders as theirrepresentatives in these periph
eral areas. The Arabs gained political and economic power from the cooperation with the
course of
empires, and from the accelerating settlementprocess in the peripheral areas in the
the 7th- 5th centuries b.c.e., and gradually consolidated their hold in these areas. This is
evident from Herodotus' description of theArabian control of the emporia of northernSinai,
including themajor city of Gaza, in the fifthcentury b.c.e. Under the Persian empire the
Arabs alone had a king and semi-independent status, and this is reflected in Herodotus'
statementthat their territory northernSinai was not included in thePersian taxation system
in
(Herodotus III 91)18. A direct linemay be drawn from the independence of theArab leaders
in northern Sinai before the Assyrian conquest, when they cooperated with the Philistine
rulers, to theirgrowing political and economic power as a result of theircooperation with the
Assyrian empire, and finally to their independence and control over the coast between Gaza
and Ienysus under the Persian empire.
16
Abel (1939, 539-541) suggested that the name Ienysus has the structure of a Greek name that
appears in Herodotus with the suffixes -ssos, or -ussos. He therefore disassociated the town from
Rhinocorura (el-'ArTs) and located it in the vicinity of S?h Zuw?yid.
17
For the road system of northern Sinai in the Persian period, see Graf 1993, 161-167, with earlier
literature.
18 Knauf
For the Arabs on the periphery of Palestine in the Persian period, see Ephcal 1982, 192-214;
1990; Graf 1990; Lemaire 1990, 45-54, with earlier literature; 1997.
ZDPV 120 (2004) 1

15. 68 Nadav Na'aman
There are no textual evidence concerning Gaza's relationswith the tribal leaders on its
southern and southeasternborders prior to theAssyrians conquest of 734 b.c.e. There must
have been agreements between the two sides whereby the tribal leaders kept theirautonomy
and were allowed to engage in their long-distance trade in return for customs and presents.
The two sides benefited from the revenues gained from the commerce, and the agreements
must have been kept, since neither side was able to take the place of the other.
The relations of Gaza's rulerswith Assyria were entirelydifferent.I have recently tried to
show the aggressive nature of thepolicy implementedby thekings of Assyria in theLevant,
and the extent of Assyrian intervention in the internal affairs of their vassals (Na'AMAN
2001). Tiglath-pileser III wrote thathe turnedthecity ofGaza intoan Assyrian emporium (bit
k?ri). The textprobably refers to the construction of an emporium near Gaza, which may
tentativelybe identified with the heavily fortified late Iron II settlementof el-Bla'h?ye, situ
ated near the city of Gaza (Humbert/SADEQ 2000). Sargon built the new port of er-Ruq?s,
which competed with Gaza for the revenues from the tradewith Egypt and for the profits of
theArabian trade.The many anti-Assyrian rebellions thatbroke out in kingdoms along the
Mediterranean coast, including the two revolts of Hanunu of Gaza, were the direct results of
theAssyrian imperial activity.Under Assyrian rule,Gaza possibly declined; but following the
destructionof Assyria, and later thatof Ashkelon, itsnorthernneighbour,Gaza gained power
and reached itszenith under thePersian empire,when itwas controlled by theArabs, held the
foremost position among the coastal cities of Palestine, and was described as "not much
smaller thanSardis" (Herodotus III 5).
Territory is no doubt an importantcomponent in the strengthand economic power of
kingdoms. But there are other factors, no less such as location, naval and conti
important,
nental routes and means of transportation,capital and internal organization.
Alhough its
extentwas limited,Gaza took advantage of thesemeans and became one of the
territorial
most importantcities inPalestine in the first
millennium b.c.e.
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