The document compares the Socialist party platform from 1932 to the legislation enacted under the New Deal. It notes that while New Deal laws were supposedly enacted to fulfill Democratic campaign pledges, critics have argued they actually achieve the goals outlined in the Socialist platform instead. The document aims to show that the philosophy behind the New Deal is destructive and aims to abolish private property rights. It asks readers to carefully consider the evidence presented on the nature and goals of this philosophy.

1. FOOLS GOLD

2. Madison & Marshall, Inc.
18 EAST 48TH STREET
NEW YORK CITY
PUBLISHER'S NOTICE
The pen name, "The Senator from Alaska," used by Mr . Fred R. Marvin
for the first two editions of FOOLS GOLD resulted in so many requests from
all parts of the country for better identification, that both the real and the
pen name appear with this, the third, edition . The nom de plume, "The
Senator from Alaska," was used by Mr. Marvin more than three decades
ago when he was a mining editor in the Pacific Northwest. His record as a
writer is listed in "Who's Who in America."
As a newspaper reporter, Mr. Marvin covered many conventions of the
People's Party . He investigated the strike activities of the Federation of Miners
in the '9os in Northern Idaho . He personally watched the formation of the
I. W. W. in 1904. This was the organization which fomented the strike in
Colorado in 1913 which developed into an open rebellion against constituted
authority. He made a detailed survey of the Nonpartisan League shortly after
its formation and his successful fight against this organization is well known
in the West because of his writings in the Mountain States Banker, a journal
which he founded and of which he was editor.
As representative of the Boston Transcript, his articles covering the trials
of the communists arrested in the Bridgeman raid in Michigan in I92o
were reprinted in a large number of leading dailies .
In 1923 he came to New York to become editor-in-chief of the New
York Daily Commercial, which position he held for a number of years .
He assisted in the formation of, and later became secretary of, the Ameri-
can Coalition of Patriotic and Fraternal Societies . In recent years he has
continued his research as head of the Committee on American Education
which is closely affiliated with the American Coalition.
He has written several other books and pamphlets which have been well
received throughout the country, and recently he prepared for use of more
than sixty radio stations many fifteen minute addresses .
Only one having Mr. Marvin's background and experience could have so
perfectly assembled the factual material contained in FOOLS GOLD .

3. rvvLL) ~vLL'
An Expose o f Un-American Activities
and Political Action in the
United States since r86o
BY
"THE SENATOR FROM ALASKA"
FRED R. MARVIN
MADISON & MARSHALL, INC .
18 EAST 48TH STREET, NEW YORK
1936

4. Copyright, 1936, by
MADISON & MARSHALL, INC.
FIRST PRINTING, APRIL, 1936
SECOND PRINTING, MAY, 1936
THIRD PRINTING, AUGUST, 1936
THIRD EDITION NOTICE
The finer edition of FOOLS GOLD, in handsome cloth
binding, larger and more readable type, with an attractive and
striking jacket, is available to those who wish this book for
permanent use at the original price of two dollars .
MADISON & MARSHALL, InC.
PRINTED I N THE UNITED STATES O F AMERICA

5. CONTENTS
PREFACE
V
I. THE CASE OUTLINED
I
II. SOCIALIST PLATFORM AND NEW DEAL
LEGISLATION COMPARED
7
III. SOME OF THOSE IN COMMAND AT WASHINGTON
16
IV. THE PHILOSOPHY OF DESTRUCTION
24
V. THE PHILOSOPHY OF DESTRUCTION BECOMES ORGANIZED
IN THE UNITED STATES 31
VI. THE BIRTH OF THE BRAIN TRUST 43
VII. SOCIALISM AND THE NONPARTISAN LEAGUE 55
VIII. THE COMMUNISTS ENTER THE UNITED STATES 68
IX. THIRD PARTY MOVEMENTS IN THE '20S 80
X. "STEALING" PARTY NOMINATIONS
92
XI. NEW DEAL LEGISLATION IS DESTRUCTIVE
104
XII. A FINAL WORD
122
I

6. APPENDIX
GOVERNMENT
172
It
A " FACTS CONCERNING SOCIALISM THAT SHOULD BE UNDER-
STOOD 127
« a
B THE INTERNATIONALS 133
"C7' THE POPULIST MOVEMENT 137
«
D
a
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD 146
ttE" SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM SAME THEORY 152
«
F
"
CITATIONS FROM SOCIALIST SOURCES OF INTEREST IN
STUDY OF THE NEW DEAL 158
"G" CITATIONS IN RE SOCIALISM APPLICABLE TO NEW DEAL 162
It „
H SOCIALISM WOULD DESTROY RELIGION I66
91
I RIGHTS OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND AUTHORITY OF THE

7. PREFACE
THE glittering particles of worthless mica found in the sands
of the many streams in the West and Alaska deceived innu-
merable untrained prospectors who had gone out, full of hope
and ambition, to locate Nature's hidden stores of real gold .
Posting their location notices and believing that they were
rich beyond even the fondest dreams of avarice, they hastened
to the nearest mining camp there to celebrate their good
fortune in days and nights of riotous spending . When they
had exhausted their available cash and much of the credit
they had gained by telling of their discovery, they retired to
sleep off the debauch. Upon awakening, they were informed
by some old-timer that what they had found was nothing
but worthless fools gold .
The enchanting promises of paternalism under the name of
a New Deal have, like the false gold of the foolish pros-
pectors, deceived many minds . Those who believe they have
found the key to the vault in which is stored the real gold of
"a new social order" that will buy "a more abundant life,"
and "greater security for all," have posted their location
notices upon the door of the federal government and are
celebrating by the riotous spending of public funds . When at
last they have exhausted the taxpayers' ready cash and mort-
gaged all wealth, thus ruining the credit of the nation, they
will retire to sleep off the debauch . Upon awakening, they
will be informed by those who saw the folly of it all, that
what they found was nothing but another kind of worthless
fools gold.
"The Senator from Alaska."

8. Chapter I
THE CASE OUTLINED
IN November, 1932, because this nation, for two or more
years, had been in something of an economic muddle, there
was a growing demand to "get rid of Hoover." It had not
been difficult to create the impression that, in some manner
not explained, he was personally responsible for the ills of the
people. The vote that placed Franklin Delano Roosevelt in
the White House did not come so much from those truly
anxious to elect him as from those determined to unseat Mr .
Hoover.
Three full years have elapsed since Mr . Roosevelt entered
the White House. His many promises, made on the stump,
have not been kept. The Democratic platform has been tossed
to one side. Experimental legislation, much of which is held
unconstitutional by many, and some of which has already
been nullified by the Supreme Court, clutters the statute
books. There are as many, if not more, persons out of em-
ployment now as there were on March 4, 1933. The debt
which has been created in the past few years is the largest in
the history of the United States .
The growing demand to "get rid of Roosevelt" which was
no more than the feeble moan of the distracted a year ago,
now takes on the proportions of a mighty roar . Unfortu-
nately, we think too much in terms of politics . We seem to
be of the impression that the man in the White House can
work miracles. He cannot. No man, elected in 1936, no
matter how able, can, in four short years, accomplish much,
and he will accomplish little unless he knows and undertakes
to eradicate the germ which now infects the body politic .
A sound, safe, conscientious man wedded to the theory of con-
stitutional government, one who holds even a political prom-
I

9. 2
FOOLS GOLD
ise sacred, himself not affected by this poison, will do a great
deal toward restoring confidence . With confidence restored,
business will be encouraged again to produce ; capital invest-
ments will follow; the demand for workers will steadily in-
crease; and this, in turn, will give these wage-earners the
means to purchase foodstuffs and so benefit the farmers .
If, however, the man who succeeds Franklin D. Roosevelt
-and it matters not what political label he wears-is at all
infected with the dangerous philosophy upon which New
Deal legislation is based ; and if those elected to the Congress
.remain subservient to group pressure, there can and will be
no change for the better .
The thing the American people must get rid of is the germ
of our troubles . That germ is found in the fallacious theory,
alien in its origin, that, by the abolition of the institution
of private property and by the establishment of a form of
government that does not recognize the right of the indi-
vidual to acquire and own property, the people, as a whole,
will enjoy what many term "economic security ."
At one time in this nation we had a large element enjoying
economic security. They were the colored slaves of the South .
They had no worries over economic questions since they had
houses in which to live, food to eat and clothing to wear,
while if sick or disabled they were supplied proper medical
attendance-but they did not have liberty and freedom .
Whether we call that false philosophy socialism, com
munism, paternalism, Fabianism or New Dealism matters
little. A snake is a snake even if the name given to this or
that species is sonorous or unpronounceable . The philosophy
which has the political support of a large element in our
society under various titles, is un-American, unethical, anti-
religious and economically unsound .
It is un-American because by its acceptance we reverse the
system of government outlined by the Constitution . Under the
Constitution the citizen is master and the State the servant .
The false philosophy holds that the State is master and the

10. THE CASE OUTLINED 3
citizen the servant. Under the Constitution we are governed
by laws, not by men ; the philosophy mentioned would have
us governed by men, not by laws.
It is unethical because its acceptance would deprive the
citizen of his freedom of initiative and action ; would elevate
the shiftless and penalize the thrifty ; would exalt the ignorant
and crucify the intelligent.
It is un-Christian because it is based wholly upon a ma-
terialistic conception, would abrogate the laws of nature which
are God's laws ; would subordinate and, in the end, eliminate
the spiritual side of life; all of which leads to the deification
of man.
It is economically unsound because its acceptance would
result in the abolition of the right of the individual to own
and acquire property .
The philosophy upon which the New Deal is founded is
destructive. It has appeared during the ages under many
names and has been propagated by many different groups
and organizations . It is best known to-day as socialism and
communism.
This book is offered to present briefly-and only briefly-
the nature of that philosophy ; how it gathered force on the
Continent many years ago ; how, when, and by whom it was
introduced into the United States ; how it has been know-
ingly and intentionally advanced through the use of various
organizations and movements resulting in a number of its
leading exponents being installed in key positions in the fed-
eral government ; how it has shaped much of the restrictive,
regulatory and confiscatory legislation now on the statute
books; and how, if carried to its final conclusion, it will result
in the complete socialization of this country and the abolition
of the institution of private property, the foundation upon
which rests all of our institutions, including the home and
religion.
It will be difficult for a large number to accept, in full, the
preceding statements or conclusions because the objective

11. 4
FOOLS GOLD
sought-the abolition of the right of the individual to acquire
and own property-seems contrary to human nature . We are
not asking any one, at this time, to accept either statements
or conclusions. Before they do either we ask them to read
carefully what we have to offer in the following pages to
sustain our position .
This book is not presented as a direct attack upon either
the New Deal or the present administration at Washington .
It is emphatically nonpartisan . We do not hold the Demo-
cratic party per se responsible for many things that have been
done in its name. The truth is, that for a number of years
both the Republican and Democratic parties have imposed
several socialistic nostrums upon the American people
through the channels of legislation . Both parties-and the one
is no more responsible than the other-have established
boards, bureaus and commissions to put these socialistic pro-
posals into effect. These boards, bureaus and commissions
always started modestly and with comparatively small appro-
priations. Each succeeding year, however, they enlarged their
personnel, expanded their functions and secured larger ap-
propriations . As a nation we have been drifting. Slowly but
surely, organized agencies have maneuvered us into the swift
and destructive current of socialistic thought .
It will be charged, no doubt, by many that we have not
supported certain statements and conclusions with sufficient
evidence ; or that this evidence is incomplete ; or that this
evidence is weak and not convincing . We have no thought of
making this the last word upon the question : rather might it
better be termed the first word, since the entire subject has
not before been presented as we have undertaken to present it .
Criticism will come, possibly, from two major sources:
first, those who are fully aware of the nature of the plan to
socialize this country through legislative action ; and second,
from that large element in our population who do not believe
that such a conspiracy as we outline exists. We expect criti-
cism from the former which, no doubt, will be sharp and

12. THE CASE OUTLINED
5
severe. If they do not find a few minor sentences or statements
upon which to center their attacks we will be greatly sur-
prised. The criticism from the latter, however, will be of a
different nature . These critics will brush the whole thing
aside, as they have done in the past, with the simple statement,
"Oh, I don't believe that tommy-rot ; they can't do that in
the United States."
Our appeal is to that large number of honest and sincere
American citizens-and they are still in the vast majority-
who sense that something is wrong, and are ready to heed
the warning and willing to make an investigation for them-
selves.
While the early history of the organized movement to de-
stroy the private property right may seem dull and uninter-
esting-because we all think in terms of to-day-yet it is
highly important, if the disease from which we suffer is to be
cured, that the American people be advised as to certain
fundamental facts. These facts, we daresay, no one will
attempt to controvert, however much they may scoff at the
conclusion that the carrying out of the socialist-communist
program will be injurious to the American people . While the
last few chapters of this book contain what many will hold
to be the meat of the story, the preceding chapters contain
information which will make the nature of the germ of our
trouble obvious.
Any thoughtful and careful businessman, farmer or wage-
earner, whether in the so-called independent, salaried or
laboring class, before accepting some plan alleged to be for his
benefit and profit would gather all the information he could
concerning the plan, and that which motivated its advocates .
Have we, as a people, done this when it comes to govern-
ment ?
Is it not true that, when certain reforms in our govern-
mental and economic systems have been presented, every one
of us, regardless of location, occupation or political aflilia-

13. 6
FOOLS GOLD
Lion, failed to exercise the common precaution we use when
our individual interests appear at stake?
Have we not, in the past, been swayed more by emotion
than by common sense?
Is it not time we began a searching inquiry into certain
fundamental truths in order that our children may be spared
the evil effects of similar errors?
For these reasons we ask the reader to be a bit patient with
us in the telling of our story; to read on and on even though
a chapter, or a part of a chapter here and there, may appear a
bit dull and not related to the subject involved . It is all re-
lated, all important, if we are to grasp the true nature of
just what this New Deal legislative program means to each
of us as individuals .

14. Chapter II
SOCIALIST PLATFORM AND NEW DEAL LEG-
ISLATION COMPARED
DURING the past two years the charge has been made many
times, both in and out of the Congress, that New Deal
legislation enacted since the 4th of March, 1933, does not
carry out the 1932 campaign pledges of the Democratic party
but, on the contrary, does carry out the 1932 platform pledges
of the Socialist party.
Most of these New Deal laws were enacted, in so far as
honest Democrats were concerned at least, on the assumption
that they would correct the economic ills from which the
nation suffered. Although many, both in and out of the Con-
gress, recognized the fact that this legislation was not only
restrictive and regulatory but that it was not in harmony
with the Democratic platform or the theory of government
expressed in the Constitution, very few, at the time they gave
it support, grasped the fact that it was, in truth, confiscatory ;
that it was imposing a tax burden upon the American people
which, if carried to its final conclusion, means that the bulk
of the property now in the hands of individuals will pass
into the hands of government in the settlement of tax bills .
Moreover, those who gave this legislation unqualified sup-
port were induced to believe that the nation faced a serious
emergency, and that this legislation would successfully meet
the situation. They did not recognize the fact that steps were
being taken which, if carried to their logical conclusion,
would mean the abandonment of constitutional government,
and the substitution of a centralized bureaucratic government
at Washington.
Since it is obvious that New Deal laws carry out many
of the major platform pledges of the Socialist party, not
7

15. 8
FOOLS GOLD
only as they were expressed in 1932 but in the platforms of
the past, there must be a reason . There is.
Surprising as it may be to both Democrats and Republi-
cans alike, the truth is that this legislation is the result of well
defined socialist activities . For more than three decades the
socialists in the United States have been supplying both
parties with reformative laws. Writing in 1912, the late Mor-
ris Hillquit, in his day a leading socialist propagandist, said :
"Such measures of social reform are, as a rule, originally
formulated by the Socialist parties on radical and thorough-
going lines. They become the object of a persistent and wide-
spread propaganda, and finally acquire the force of popular
demands. At this stage the `progressive' and sometimes even
the `conservative' statesmen of the dominant political parties
begin to realize the political significance of the proposed
measure. The Vox Populi means votes on election
day. . . ." 1
An early platform of the Socialist party (1904), after
stating that its aim is to "seize every possible advantage that
may strengthen them to gain complete control of the powers
of government," gives the following reason for urging re-
formative laws :
". . . We are using these remedial measures as means to
the one great end of the co-operative commonwealth. Such
measures of relief as we may be able to force from capitalism
are but a preparation of the workers to seize the whole powers
of government in order that they may thereby lay hold of the
whole system of industry. . . :' 2
Since it is obvious-at least to a large number of thinking
persons-that New Deal legislation is designed to place in
the hands of a centralized government the regulation of in-
dustry, agriculture and labor ; that it is confiscatory, and that
it provides a system whereby all governmental functions now
1 "Socialism Summed Up," page 86 .
2 Proceedings National Convention Socialist Party for 1904, page 308 .
This platform is dealt with more fully in Chapter V.

16. performed by the States and their political subdivisions, are
handled from Washington, there must be a reason . There is.'
The theory of socialism and communism-two names for
the same thing-is that the ills from which society suffers,
social as well as economic, are due to the recognition of the
right of the individual to acquire and own property ; and
that, under the federal Constitution, as well as the constitu-
tions of the various States, the individual is protected and
defended in the exercise of this right . One way to weaken,
and so ultimately destroy, the private property right is for
the government to regulate and restrict the affairs of the
individual in the exercise of that right in such a manner
that it means neither profit nor benefit to him ; in conse-
quence he makes no effort to retain it . Another way to
weaken and so ultimately destroy that right, is to so increase
the tax levy against whatever property one may attain, that
he will find it neither profitable nor beneficial to make any
effort to retain that property . One way to put both methods
into operation is to establish a centralized government at
Washington in the hands of bureaucrats .
By placing the 1932 Socialist party platform in one column
and in a parallel column certain New Deal legislation, the
connection between the two becomes apparent . One will find
no relationship whatsoever between this legislation and the
platform declarations of the Democratic party in 1932, or any
other year. The parallel follows : 4
$The daily papers December 27th and 28th, 1935, carried a story from
Washington to the effect that a committee headed by Harold L . Ickes,
Secretary of the Interior, recommended the division of the country into ten
or twelve districts for "regional social and economic planning ." The com-
mittee further recommended the establishment of "a permanent national
development administration based upon the powers, duties and functions of
the emergency administration of public works, the Works Progress Adminis-
tration, the allotment committee and the Federal employment stabilization
office." This, if put into effect, would wipe out state lines and make
bureaucraticgovernment supreme.
4 The comparison here cited was prepared and issued by the League for
Constitutional Government, 18 East 48th Street, New York City, early in
1935. It was read into the Congressional Record by Senator Frederick Hale
of Maine, and has been used as the basis for a number of newspaper and

17. 10
FOOLS GOLD
National Platform Socialist Party, '32
It proposes to transfer the principal
industries of the country from private
ownership and autocratic, cruelly in-
efficient management to social owner-
ship and democratic control. Only by
these means will it be possible to or-
ganize our industrial life on a basis
of planned and steady operation with-
out periodic breakdowns and disas-
trous crises .
UNEMPLOYMENT AND LABOR
LEGISLATION
i . A federal appropriation of $5 ;
ooo,ooo,ooo for immediate relief for
those in need, to supplement state
and local appropriations.
2. A federal appropriation of $5;
ooo,ooo,ooo for public works and
roads, reforestation, slum clearance
and decent homes for the workers,
by federal government, states and
cities.
3. Legislation providing for the ac-
quisition of land, buildings and equip-
ment necessary to put the unemployed
to work producing food, fuel and
clothing and for the erection of
houses for their own use.
4. The six-hour day and the five-
day week without a reduction of
wages .
5. A comprehensive and efficient
system of free public employment
agencies .
6. A compulsory system of unem-
ployment compensation with adequate
benefits, based on contributions by
the government and by employers .
7. Old-age pensions for men and
women sixty years of age and over .
8. Health and maternity insurance .
The New Deal Answers
"Redistribution of Wealth"-
"Planned Economy"-Result: Increase
of Government bureaucracy and de-
struction of the individual property
right guaranteed under the American
form of Government.
UNEMPLOYMENT AND LABOR
LEGISLATION
i. The FERA Act of 1933 ap-
proved May 12, 1933, stated as its
purpose, "to provide for cooperation
by the Federal Government with the
several states in relieving the hardship
and suffering by unemployment."
$950,000,000 for this act appropriated
in 1934 and $3,300,000,000 for Na-
tional Industrial Recovery appropri-
ated in 1934.
2. The President received a blank
check for $4,880,000,000 in 1935 for
this purpose.
3. Covered by the FSHC, Federal
Subsistence Homesteads Corporation,
RRA and ECW, Emergency Conser-
vation Works (which directs the
Civilian Conservation Corps) .
4. Covered in NRA codes, and the
Socialistic Wagner Labor Bill which
had the support of the Brain Trust.
6. Covered by the Social Security
Bill.
7. Covered by the Social Security
Bill.
8. Covered by the Social Security
Bill.
magazine articles . It is here presented with the permission of the League
for Constitutional Government .

18. ... a ua. awaauvai u1 _nhlu laoor.
I I . Government aid to farmers and
small home-owners to protect them
against mortgage foreclosure, and a
moratorium on sales for non-payment
of taxes by destitute farmers and un-
employed workers .
12. Adequate minimum wage laws.
SOCIAL OWNERSHIP
I. Public ownership and democratic
control of mines, forests, oil and
power resources, public utilities deal-
ing with light and power, transporta-
tion and communication and of all
other basic industries .
2. The operation of these publicly
owned industries by boards of admin-
istration on which the wage-workers,
the consumers and the technicians are
adequately represented ; the recogni-
tion in each industry of the principles
of collective bargaining and civil
service.
BANKING
Socialization of our credit and cur-
rency system and the establishment of
a unified banking system, beginning
with the complete governmental ac-
quisition of the Federal Reserve Banks
and the extension of the services of
the Postal Savings Banks to cover all
departments of the banking business
and the transference of this depart-
ment of the post office to a govern-
ment-owned banking corporation .
TAXATION
r. Steeply increased inheritance
taxes and income taxes on the higher
incomes and estates of both corpora-
tions and individuals .
2. A constitutional amendment au-
thorizing the taxation of all govern-
ment securities .
Io . Loverea oy INSt/I cones, ana
Brain Trust desires to have the Child
Labor Amendment to the Constitu-
tion ratified which will regiment the
youth of America under Federal con-
trol.
ii. Covered by the HOLC, FCA,
etc.
Ii. Wagner Bill again. Result :
Federal dictatorship of wages.
SOCIAL OWNERSHIP
I. Reforestation, PA, Petroleum
Administration, Tennessee Valley Au-
thority, etc.
2. Covered by the Socialistic NRA,
but wrecking civil service.
BANKING
To a large degree covered by the
new banking law.
TAXATION
I. Partly covered by one of Roose-
velt's "must bills."

19. 11 i'VVLO VVLII
National Platform Socialist Party, '32
The New Deal Answers
(Continued)
(Continued)
AGRICULTURE
AGRICULTURE
Many of the foregoing measures
for socializing the power, banking
and other industries, for raising living
standards among the city workers,
etc., would greatly benefit the farm-
ing population.
As special measures for agricultural
upbuilding, we propose :
I . The reduction of tax burdens,
t. Covered by processing taxes, etc.
by a shift from taxes on farm prop-
erty to taxes on incomes, inheritances,
excess profits and other similar forms
of taxation.
2. Increased federal and state sub-
sidies to road building and educa-
tional and social services for rural
communities.
3. The creation of a federal mar-
keting agency for the purchase and
marketing of agricultural products .
4. The acquisition by bona fide co-
operative societies and by govern-
mental agencies of grain elevators,
stockyards, packing houses and ware-
houses and conduct of these services
on a non-profit basis .
The encouragement of farmers' co-
operative societies and consumers' co-
operatives in the cities, with a view
of eliminating the middleman.
5. The socialization of federal land
banks and the extension by these
banks of long-term credit to farmers
at low rates of interest.
6. Social insurance against losses
due to adverse weather conditions.
7. The creation of national, re-
gional, and state land utilization
boards for the purpose of discovering
the best uses of the farming land of
the country, in view of the joint
needs of agriculture, industry, recrea-
tion, water supply, reforestation, etc.,
and to prepare the way for agricul-
tural planning on a national and,
ultimately, on a world scale.
2. FERA schools, BRA, AAA, etc .
3. Covered by FSRC, Federal Sur-
plus Relief Corporation, AAA.
4. Many legislative proposals would
extend varied forms of credit to co-
operatives and farmers, also Senate
Bill 2367 seeks to turn farm tenancy
into ownership and House of Repre-
sentatives Bill 2066 to alleviate farm
indebtedness, the Bankhead Bill, RRA.
5. Covered in part by the new
banking law.
6. Does the Government desire to
regulate weather conditions? Farm
legislation already used to cover losses
to farmers from abnormal weather
conditions under AAA .
7. Covered by AAA and Govern-
ment new tariff laws, RRA .

20. CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES
I. Proportional representation .
2. Direct election of the president
and vice-president .
3. The initiative and referendum .
4. An amendment to the constitu-
tion to make constitutional amend-
ments less cumbersome .
5. Abolition of the power of the
Supreme Court to pass upon the con-
stitutionality of legislation enacted by
Congress.
6. The passage of the Socialist
party's proposed Workers' Rights'
amendment to the Constitution em-
powering Congress to establish Na-
tional system of unemployment,
health and accident insurance and
old-age pensions, to abolish child
labor, establish and take over enter-
prises in manufacture, commerce,
transportation, banking, public utili-
ties and other business and industries
to be owned and operated by the
government, and, generally, for the
social and economic welfare of the
workers of the United States .
7. Repeal the 18th Amendment
and take over the liquor industry
under government ownership and
control, with the right of local option
for each state to maintain prohibition
within its borders.
CIVIL LIBERTIES
I. Federal legislation to enforce the
First Amendment to the Constitution
so as to guarantee freedom of speech,
press and assembly, and to penalize
officials who interfere with the civil
rights of citizens .
2. The abolition of injunctions in
labor disputes, the outlawing of yel-
low dog contracts and the passing of
laws enforcing the rights of workers
to organize into unions.
3. The immediate repeal of the
Espionage Law and other repressive
legislation, and the restoration of civil
and political rights to those unjustly
convicted under wartime laws.
4. Legislation protecting aliens
from being excluded from this coun-
SOCIALIST PLATFORM
CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES
4. Already proposed by a Cabinet
member.
5. House of Representatives Bill
7997 proposes drastic restriction of
the Supreme Court's power, advocated
by many New Dealists .
6. Wagner Labor Bill again. Dela-
ware Corps ., PWA, NRA.
7. FACA, Federal Alcohol Control
Administration .
CIVIL LIBERTIES
This un-American program illus-
trates why only 2'/z % of the popular
vote in 1932 was cast in favor of the
un-American Socialistic Party Plat-
form.
13
2.
3-
4-
The Secretary of Labor is
doing her part to carry out
this program .

21. 14 FOOLS GOLD
The New Deal AnswersNational Platform Socialist Party, '32
(Continued)
(Continued)
try or from citizenship or from being
deported on account of their political,
social or economic beliefs, or on ac-
count of activities engaged in by them
which are not illegal for citizens .
5. Modification of the immigration
laws to permit the reuniting of fami-
lies and to offer a refuge to those
flexing from political or religious
persecution .
5.
The Secretary of Labor is
doing her part to carry out
this program.
THE NEGRO
THE NEGRO
The enforcement of Constitutional
This New Deal legislation was de-
guarantees of economic, political and
feated after great effort.
legal equality for the Negro. The
enactment and enforcement of drastic
anti-lynching laws .
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
While the Socialist party is opposed
The Socialist Party is a World
to all war, it believes that there can
Party, not an American Party.
be no permanent peace until Social-
ism is established internationally . In
the meantime, we will promote all
measures that promise to promote
good will and friendship among the
nations of the world including :
r. Reduction of armaments, leading
to the goal of total disarmament by
international agreement, if possible,
but if that is not possible by setting
an example ourselves . Soldiers, sailors,
and workers unemployed by reason of
disarmament to be absorbed, where
desired in a program of public works
to be financed in part by the savings
due to disarmament. The abolition
of conscription, of military training
camps and the R.O.T.C.
2. The recognition of the Soviet
2. The New Deal "Brain Trust"
Union and the encouragement of put this over.
trade and industrial relations with
that country .
3. The cancellation of war debts
3. Is the New Deal making any
due from the allied governments as effort to collect War Debts?
part of a program for wiping out war
debts and reparations, provided that
such cancellation does not release
money for armaments, but promotes
disarmament.

22. SOCIALIST PLATFORM
15
4. The entrance of the United
4. This New Deal legislation was
States into the World Court .
defeated.
5. The entrance of the United
5. A "Brain Trust" hope ; will be
States into the League of Nations proposed later.
under conditions which will make it
an effective instrument for world
peace and renewed cooperation with
the working class parties abroad to
the end that the League may be trans-
formed from a league of imperialist
powers to a democratic assemblage
representative of the aspirations of the
common people of the world .
6. The creation of international
6.
economic organizations on which la-
bor is adequately represented, to deal
with problems of raw material, in-
vestments, money, credit, tariff and
living standards from the viewpoint
of the welfare of the masses through-
out the world .
7. The abandonment of every de-
7.
gree of military intervention by the
More New Deal un-Ameri-
United States in the affairs of other
can philosophy.
countries. The immediate withdrawal
of military forces from Haiti and
Nicaragua.
8. The withdrawal of United States
8.
military and naval forces from China
and the relinquishment of American
extra-territorial privileges.
9. The complete independence of
9.
the Philippines and the negotiation of
treaties with other nations safeguard-
ing the sovereignty of these islands .
so. Prohibition of the sales of
munitions to foreign powers.

23. Chapter III
SOME OF THOSE IN COMMAND AT
WASHINGTON
TO get a clear concept of any great movement, one must take
into account not only the nature of the program advanced
but the background of those who are in command of that
program. You have before you a comparison of the 1932
platform of the Socialist party and the legislation adopted by
the New Deal to carry out these planks . Let us now turn to
some of those in command at Washington. One finds, upon
investigation, that not only is the legislation in question out
of harmony with the 1932 platform declarations of the Demo-
cratic party, but that the persons selected to administer this
legislation are not Democrats .
The primary purpose of this book is to expose a dangerous
fallacious philosophy of government and economics ; and to
point out how, practically unopposed, that philosophy gained
followers in the United States. In order, however, to make
the case clearer from the start, it seems desirable here to
inject the names of a few in appointive positions whose
assumed authority appears far greater than the constitutional
authority of the members of the Congress elected by the
people. Those in the public eye to-day, commonly labeled
brain trusters, are mere actors upon the stage, however . When
one of them disappears from the scene-as in the cases of
Raymond Moley, General Hugh Johnson and Donald Rich-
berg-others step from the wings to take the part thus made
vacant.
It will be recalled that in 1924 there appeared in the political
arena a third party . Its inception is found in a resolution
approved by the Socialist executive committee in 1921. The
name adopted for this third party was Progressive, on the
16

24. THOSE IN COMMAND
17
assumption, no doubt, that it would thus attract many of
those who followed the late Theodore Roosevelt in a third
party movement under that name some years before . The
late Senator Robert M. LaFollette, elected to the Senate from
Wisconsin as a Republican, headed this ticket as candidate
for president. Senator Burton K. Wheeler, elected from Mon-
tana as a Democrat, was named for second place .'
One is forced to the conclusion, after a careful study of
the facts, that what is now termed the New Deal party-
and that name is being rather commonly given to the ele-
ments in the saddle at Washington-is but the Progressive
(Socialist) party of 1924 seeking to conceal its identity by
wearing stolen clothing . This conclusion is forced both by
the nature of the legislation adopted, and by the personnel
of those holding key positions in the federal government .
The number of persons who supported the Progressive
(Socialist) ticket in 1924 now on the federal payroll is rather
impressive.
First and foremost of these is Basil M. Manly, a member
of the Federal Power Commission. In 1924 he was the direct-
ing genius of the People's Legislative Service, under which
name a bloc of Senators and Representatives-some of them
elected as Republicans and some as Democrats-operated .
Mr. Manly was a member of the executive committee of the
National Conference for Progressive Political Action, the
name of the organization sponsoring the convention which
nominated Mr . LaFollette 2 A book called "Where LaFollette
Stands on Fifty Living Issues" states that it was "compiled
by Basil M. Manly" and published by the "LaFollette for
President Committee ."
This little booklet written, or at least edited, by Mr . Manly,
is of special interest at this time, in view of the fact that one
of the planks of the platform adopted proposed to put the
1 A more complete account of this movement and elements involved in
its formation will be found in Chapter IX .
2 More complete data on this organization will be found in a later chapter .

25. 18
FOOLS GOLD
government in the electric light and power business in com-
petition with its citizens, which plank has been fully carried
out by the Tennessee Valley Authority . Presumably in hearty
sympathy both with the plank in the platform of the Pro-
gressive (Socialist) party in 1924, and with the action of the
New Deal party since March q, 1933, Mr. Manly has been
made a member of a body that sits in judgment upon the acts
of the privately owned utility corporations .
Donald Richberg is another of those who, in 1924, was
prominently connected with the Progressive (Socialist) move-
ment. While Mr. Richberg is one of the actors who has been
forced from the play-not because his acting was bad but
because, it is rumored, temperamentally he did not har-
monize with others in the cast-for two years he was one of
the leaders of the brain trust . During those years his very
word was sweet music to the ears of all who believed that,
through the operation of New Deal legislation, the wealth
of the United States could be completely socialized.
Mr. Richberg was chairman of the resolutions committee
of the Progressive (Socialist) convention . Among the reso-
lutions adopted was one favoring the submission of "a con-
stitutional amendment providing that Congress may by enact-
ing a statute make it effective over a judicial veto." That
means the nullification of a decision of the Supreme Court
as to the constitutionality of a law. The socialists, and all who
accept their theory, recognized then, as they do now, that the
Supreme Court is the one department of government not to
be swayed by popular clamor . It is to be presumed that while
one of the principal advisors to President Roosevelt, Mr.
Richberg was in complete harmony with this plank in the
Progressive (Socialist) platform .
Mr. Richberg is-or at least was-a member of the Advisory
Council of the Committee on Coal and Giant Power estab-
lished by the League for Industrial Democracy . This is a
socialist subsidiary organization the members of which have
sought to make palatable the declaration of Marx, "Abolition

26. THOSE IN COMMAND
19
of private property," by changing this slogan to read "Pro-
duction for use and not for profit ."
Frank P. Walsh was among the leading supporters of the
Progressive (Socialist) ticket in 1924. His name appeared on
the ballot as a LaFollette elector from New York . Mr. Walsh
is now one of the active attorneys supporting New Deal
policies.
Rex Tugwell, into whose hands nearly a billion dollars of
taxpayers' money has been placed to carry out a socialist
housing experiment, the very nature of which indicates its
ultimate failure, was among the rather large number of
professors who supported the Progressive (Socialist) ticket
in 1924.
Prof. Tugwell, possibly more than any other member of
the brain trust, has made clear its communist connection.
The New York Times in reporting one of his public ad-
dresses, said
"Mr. Tugwell held that the nation was witnessing the
`death struggle of industrial autocracy and the birth of demo-
cratic discipline: There was no reason to expect that the
disestablishment of `our plutocracy' would be pleasant.
-
These historical changes never are pleasant,' he said.
`We have, however, the duty of avoiding violence as the
process goes on, and this is why I regard the coming months
as among the most critical ones of our history .
"'Our best strategy is to surge forward with the workers
and the farmers of the nation, committed to general achieve-
ments, but trusting the genius of our leader for the disposition
of our forces and the timing of our attacks."' 3
Shortly after the inauguration of President Roosevelt, Prof .
A. A. Berle, Jr., made his appearance in Washington as one
of the original members of the brain trust . He later was
"loaned" to the LaGuardia "progressive" administration in
New York City, evidently to perform the function of a liaison
officer. Immediately after adjournment of the convention that
3 October 28, 1935 .

27. 20
FOOLS GOLD
nominated the late Robert M . LaFollette for president on the
Progressive (Socialist) ticket, Prof . Berle sent the nominee a
congratulatory telegram. In that telegram appeared this lan-
guage : "We believe that the time has come for a new deal ."
J. A. Franklin, Sidney Hillman and Rose Schneiderman,
all named as members of the Labor Advisory Administration,
were members of the Progressive (Socialist) campaign com-
mittee in 1924. Leo Wolman, another member of the Labor
Advisory Administration, was a supporter of the Progressive
(Socialist) ticket.
Edward F. McGrady, now an assistant secretary of Labor,
was a supporter of the Progressive (Socialist) ticket in 1924.
The New York Times says that Mr . McGrady, returning
from a trip to North Carolina, reported that the Federation
of Labor of that state "endorsed LaFollette and Wheeler ." s
There is a large army of lesser lights who, in 1924, sup-
ported the Progressive (Socialist) ticket now on the federal
payroll. Among those in this army whose names are fairly
well known are:
Frederick C. Howe, chairman, Consumers Council, AAA ;
H. T. Hunt, general counsel of the Federal Emergency
Administration; William M. Leiserson, secretary, National
Labor Board; Paul H. Douglas, on Labor Board Advisory
Committee; Prof. John A. Lapp, on Labor Board Advisory
Committee; Prof. Karl Borders, an NRA Research Investi-
gator; William E. Sweet, who has been something of a gen-
eral propagandist for the New Deal, now connected with the
Social Securities Administration ; Heywood Broun, Theater
Codes Advisor who lost his job when the Supreme Court
declared that law unconstitutional, none of whom, it should
be noted, has ever been known as an outstanding Democrat .
It would require far more space than is here available to
make anything like a complete list of those who, in 1924,
supported the Progressive (Socialist) ticket and are now hold-
4 Undated Press Release.
Is August 12, 1924 .

28. THOSE IN COMMAND
21
ing rather important positions in a so-called Democratic
administration. Indeed, the compilation of such a list is an
endless task since all federal payrolls are not available to the
public. The reader, acquainted with political conditions in
1924, may, however, for his own edification, enlarge this list
by noting those who, of his personal knowledge, then sup-
ported the Progressive (Socialist) ticket and thus aided in
the defeat of the Democratic candidate, Hon. John W. Davis,
for president.
With the failure of the Progressive (Socialist) party to gain
control of government, the plans were changed, but the
original Conference for Progressive Political Action which
guided the Progressive (Socialist) campaign in 1924, did not
fade out of the picture although not operating, at all times,
under that name. The leaders of the group with their eyes
on the 1932 election and with a plan to "steal" the Democratic
Party s fairly well outlined, issued a call for a conference in
Washington in March, 1931. The call was signed by Senators
Norris, as chairman, LaFollette, Cutting, Costigan and
Wheeler. It should be noted that the first three elected to the
Senate as Republicans supported the candidacy of Franklin
D. Roosevelt. Senator Wheeler was the running-mate of
LaFollette in 1924. This conference was composed of 164 dele-
gates according to the New York Times.7 Of this number,
eighty-one were openly connected with the Progressive-
Socialist movement in 1924 and others may have been . Two
of the delegates to this convention were rewarded by seats in
the Roosevelt cabinet. They are Daniel C. Roper and Harold
L. Ickes.
At least six others seated in this convention-there may
have been more-were likewise rewarded by federal appoint-
ments. They are: Frank Murphy, made Governor of the
Philippines; Isador Lubin, now commissioner of Labor Sta-
tistics, Department of Labor ; Mary Anderson, director of
6 See Chapter X.
7 March 12, 1931.

29. 22
FOOLS GOLD
Women's Bureau, Department of Labor ; Smith W. Brook-
hart, named head of the bank established to promote trade
with Soviet Russia and which found no trade to promote ;
Abel Wolman, state engineer, Maryland, for Federal Emer-
gency Administration of Public Works, and Leo Wolman,
previously mentioned .
In addition to those who were prominent in the Progres-
sive (Socialist) movement of 1924, and those who took part
in the so-called Progressive conference in 1931, now holding
appointive positions under Franklin D. Roosevelt, are many
others of like mind. Among them are : Henry A. Wallace,
Secretary of Agriculture; Henry Morgenthau, jr., Secretary
of the Treasury, and at least two of his assistants, Herbert
E. Gaston and Miss Josephine_Roche; Arthur E. Morgan and
David E. Lilienthal, directors of the Tennessee Valley Au-
thority; Harry L. Hopkins, in charge of relief, and a large
number of his assistants. With possibly a few rare exceptions,
none of these appointees has been known for loyalty to the
Democratic party, while some of them have been openly
connected with the left wing of the Republican party .
The enactment of New Deal legislation, the naming of
those who have been supporters of the socialist theory to key
positions in the federal government, the desperate attempt to
foist this legislation, regardless of its constitutionality, upon
the American people by propaganda, agitation and ballyhoo,
is the culmination of more than sixty years of well-designed
and cleverly executed work on the part of organized minori-
ties in the United States . Back of it all is a dangerous, destruc-
tive, fallacious doctrine which has ever had an appeal to those
who are not addicted to personal initiative and whose fond-
ness for work is nil.
The story of a plan to destroy the institution of private
property and confiscate the wealth of this nation has never
been fully told. It is time it was. The reader may not be
impressed with the comparison of the 1932 Socialist platform
with New Deal legislation ; he may see no connection between

30. the naming of supporters of the Progressive (Socialist) ticket
in 1924 as key men in a so-called Democratic administration,
and a well defined program to socialize this country . We ask
all such to join with us in considering the nature of the
underlying philosophy of socialism and communism ; and to
journey with us as we follow the effort of proponents of this
philosophy to gain political control in the United States .

31. Chapter IV
THE PHILOSOPHY OF DESTRUCTION
J. GEORGE FREDERICK who, one is forced to assume
from the nature of his writings, is a New Deal advocate, says :
"Always behind a genuine revolution, there is also a basic
philosophy and point of view ."'
Mr. Frederick recognizes two facts which the public at
large seem not to realize ; first, that the program of legisla-
tion initiated by the brain trust is revolutionary ; and, second,
that the program is not something new but has its root in a
basic philosophy. The question, then, is what is that
philosophy?
It is the age-old philosophy of destruction as opposed to
the philosophy of construction ; it is the philosophy of evil
as opposed to the philosophy of good . To-day it is best known
as socialism and communism. When one starts out to locate
the origin of the philosophy of destruction he finds himself
delving into ancient history and mysticism . Many students of
the subject insist it is presented allegorically in the earlier
books of the Old Testament. Others place an entirely different
interpretation upon certain language . This much, however, is
certain and the record is complete, that some centuries ago-
the exact time is not locatable-in the attempt of man to
discover the source of evil, the theory was advanced that the
cause of human suffering was the natural concomitant of the
institution of private property . From this premise the conclu-
sion was logically reached that, abolish this institution, place
all property, all wealth and all production, in the hands of
society as a whole to be administered for common good, and
human suffering would disappear .
Strange as it may seem, the early exponents of this theory
""A Primer of `New Deal' Economics," Business Bourse, 1933, page 151.
24

32. THE PHILOSOPHY OF DESTRUCTION 25
were not revolutionists; government and economics were not
involved in their program; they were thinking wholly along
idealistic lines.
As early as 1516 Sir Thomas More presented his fictional
work, "Utopia," the name of a country where this system of
community ownership was practiced . Many writers, in later
years, pictured similar lands of promise. Edward Bellamy's
"Looking Backward" and Ignatius Donnelly's "Czsar's Col-
umn" appealed to a great many. A careful perusal of these
fictional accounts of the land of Great Promise wherein there
is naught but peace, happiness, plenty and contentment, de-
veloped the fact that the writers wholly overlooked the
existence of certain well known human traits-laziness, shift-
lessness, avarice, greed, envy, jealousy, lust, etc .
A number of well-meaning persons tried to put into prac-
tice the perfect social order fictionally portrayed by Sir
Thomas More and others . None was successful; they all
crashed on the rock of human weaknesses .
When it became apparent to those who had accepted the
theory mentioned that these experiments were unsuccessful,
instead of seeking to locate the fault in the fallacy of the
premise, they sought some plausible reason for the failure .
It was then that they took the position that, since govern-
ments recognize the right of the individual to own property,
protecting and defending him in the exercise of this right,
the thing to do was first to destroy the government in ques-
tion, and so abolish the right. This accomplished, they held,
would mean that all wealth would go into a common pool
and be administered for the benefit of all .
That theory, first presented nearly two hundred years ago,
resulted in the formation of a secret group which planned
the destruction of the then existing, so-called capitalist gov-
ernments. This organization, established in Bavaria in 1776,
was known as the Order of the Illuminati.
Although short-lived as an open society, because the gov-
ernment detecting its subversive character dissolved it and

33. 26
FOOLS GOLD
arrested a number of its leaders, it continued to operate under-
ground. Some of its leading members took part in the French
Revolution at the close of the Eighteenth century . When the
good people, not only of France but of the civilized world,
began to realize the nature of the doctrine underlying the
excesses of murder and rapine, and the character of organ-
izations supporting these excesses, the reaction was so great
that the philosophy itself was more or less buried for about
a half century . It remained for Karl Marx to resurrect it,
cloak it with the idealism of so-called socialists who preceded
him, and present it under the name of communism .
While much has been written about Marx being the
founder of socialism and communism, the fact remains that
he founded nothing, enunciated nothing new, created no new
idea. The philosophy he presented was clearly that of destruc-
tion. The meat of the entire Marxian program will be found
in the battle-cry of Baboeuf, the French revolutionist, "Let
everything return to chaos, and from chaos let there rise a
new and regenerated world ." 2
Marx was a pronounced plagiarist . Possibly his persistent
robbery of others of their ideas encouraged him to urge a
policy of robbing every one of their material possessions
through a system of confiscation. Until Marx's time, the sug-
gestion had not been made admittedly that force and violence
-he called it revolution-should be adopted as a means to
destroy the institution of private property, but the idea was
nevertheless old.
With force and violence as the keynote of this program,
Marx sought to hide its hideousness by cloaking it with
idealism and presenting it as a plan for the aid and betterment
of the wage-earners of the world.
The sum and essence of the philosophy of destruction as
presented to-day and called communism-known by a large
element as socialism-is found in the "Communist Mani-
2 "Contemporary Socialism," John Rae, Scribner's, r9oi Edition, page i8 .
Name of person cited is spelled several ways. We follow that of Professor Rae.

34. THE PHILOSOPHY OF DESTRUCTION 27
festo," written and issued by Marx in 1848 with preface by
Friedrich Engels, his co-worker and financial backer . Marx
writes
"The theory of the Communists may be summed up in
the single sentence: Abolition of private property ." s Lest this
language be not sufficiently explicit, he adds, "You reproach
us with intending to do away with your property . Precisely
so : that is just what we intend ." 4
Professor F. J. C. Hearnshaw of London College, England,
has accurately analyzed the Manifesto upon which is based
not only socialism and communism but, in the United States,
what to-day is termed New Dealism . He writes : "The fascina-
tion of the Manifesto consisted in the facts that,
"(1) it diverted socialism from the policy of creating ideal
communities by its own exertions to the more attractive task
of seizing property and appropriating institutions already in
existence;
"(2) it abandoned the method of secret conspiracy and
subterranean operation hitherto practised by communistic
coteries-humorously camouflaged as `Leagues of the Just' or
`Societies of the Seasons'-and openly proclaimed war upon
all established creeds and organisations ;
"(3) it formulated a philosophy of history which filled the
credulous with hope and confidence, for it told them that
communism was the next predestined and inevitable phase in
social evolution, and that so far from having to fear such
failure as had overwhelmed the utopians, they had only to
sit still and watch the predetermined development of com-
munism out of capitalism;
"(4) in order that they might assist the fore-ordained and
hasten the inevitable, it provided them with a practical pro-
gramme of great allurement, the keynote of which was
`abolish, confiscate, appropriate' ;
."(5) it held out a prospect of revenge, destruction, and
8 Rand School Edition, page 30.
4 lbid., page 33 .

35. 28
FOOLS GOLD
sanguinary devastation-the overthrow and humiliation of
thrones, aristocracies, and above all the hated bourgeoisie-
that appealed with irresistible attraction to the passions of
envy, hatred, and malice which filled Marx and his associates
with fanatical and truly diabolical fury ."
The Marxian philosophy, under the name of socialism, was
introduced into the United States by a group of refugees
from Germany during the '6os of the last century . Marx had
been forced to leave the Fatherland, seeking safety in London
from which point he continued to issue his inflammatory
utterances. His followers, in Germany and central Europe,
accepting each of his statements without questioning either
their correctness or the sincerity of the man giving them
voice, continued to carry on subversive activities . The Imperial
Government of Germany was not slow in noting the nature
of the Marxian doctrine and, in effect, outlawed those en-
gaged in its propagation. Many of them headed straight for
the United States. No objection was made to their entrance ;
no examination of their physical or mental qualifications . We
asked no questions of the immigrant ; he volunteered no
information.
"Discontented revolutionists came pressing in from Europe
" writes Rowland Hill Harvey . "Verily New York was
a hodgepodge of revolutionary sects and nationalities." 6 "The
United States has always seemed to European radicals a
promising field for their experiments and ideas," 7 writes Prof.
Norman J. Ware.
The refugees we have mentioned began to arrive in the
United States when the nation was torn with civil strife.
They were unlike their fellow-countrymen who had preceded
them-and many who later followed-in that this refugee
s "A Survey of Socialism," F . J. C. Hearnshaw, Macmillan, 1928, pages
221-2 .
6 "Samuel Gompers," Rowland Hill Harvey, Stanford University Press,
1935, Page 16 .
7 "The Labor Movement in the United States," Norman J . Ware, D.
Appleton and Co., 1929, pages 303-304 .

36. THE PHILOSOPHY OF DESTRUCTION 29
element remained in the cities and began the propagation of
the revolutionary theories of Marx . Pretending their purpose
was to benefit the workingman, they were not workingmen
themselves, but on the contrary, as Prof . Ware states, were
"intellectuals and knew no trade but that of propaganda ." s
Prof. O. D. Skelton calls attention to the fact that they were
immigrants, "fighting their Old World battles in the New." s
"The intelligent and educated German worker and the
idealistic intellectual brought their socialism with them to
America," writes Nathan Fine. "Immediately upon landing
they set themselves the task of organizing their fellow-coun-
trymen and then reaching out for the native and English-
speaking workers. The socialist and free-thinking German
immigrant was handicapped by a foreign tongue, however,
and was up against an individualistic Anglo-Saxon tradition,
a religious people, and relative prosperity and economic
opportunity." 10
In other words, socialism originally presented in the United
States as a labor movement, was in no sense advanced by
wage-earners. Not only was the founder of socialism, Karl
Marx, not a wage-earner, but those who introduced this
philosophy of destruction into the United States were not
wage-earners, for they "knew no trade but that of propa-
ganda."
". . . it was a thankless task to preach a foreign philosophy
of discontent, to attempt to enlist under the banner of inter-
nationalism the proud patriots of a new and self-confident
country, and to persuade the free-born American that his
boasted equality was but a name . . . ," 11 says Jessie Wallace
Hughan, a well-known socialist writer .
But these Marxian socialists continued to preach what Miss
Hughan calls "a foreign philosophy of discontent," that being
87bid., page 310.
e "Socialism : A Critical Analysis," 0 . D. Skelton, 1911, page 302.
10 "Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States," Nathan Fine, Rand
School of Social Science, 1928, page 9o .
11 "What Is Socialism?" Vanguard Press, 1928, page 127.

37. 30
FOOLS GOLD
as near as we have ever known an admitted socialist to
recognize it as the philosophy of destruction. The seed planted
in time bore fruit. That fruit, in the nature of restrictive and
regulatory legislation, contrary to "individualistic Anglo-
Saxon tradition," is now being fed the American people in
allopathic doses . A "religious people" have been transformed
into an irreligious people, "relative prosperity and economic
opportunity" have been changed into a business depression
and restrictions placed upon the rights and liberties of the
people by legislative decree, as will be established later in
reviewing New Deal legislation . These changes, all of which
evidence the underlying philosophy of destruction, were not
brought about by any fault in our form of government or
our economic system. Instead, they are the result of a per-
sistent and continued assault emanating from socialist head-
quarters upon the institution of private property .
With this brief account of the origin and nature of the
philosophy which underlies what is termed New Dealism
to-day ; and with some understanding of the aims and pur-
poses of those who introduced it into the United States, we
turn our attention to the methods employed to advance that
philosophy until it became an organized movement suffi-
ciently powerful to force both Republican and Democratic
parties to adopt, in part at least, some of its alleged reforma-
tive schemes.

38. Chapter V
THE PHILOSOPHY OF DESTRUCTION BE-
COMES ORGANIZED IN THE U . S.
IN the period between 187o and 19oo American workingmen
in various crafts were seeking some form of organization that
might legitimately secure for them shorter hours, increased
wages and better working conditions . As they were all indi-
vidualists, anything of a socialistic nature was distasteful.
They had no thought of an assault upon either the form of
government or the system of economics ; indeed, they were
personally loyal . They did not believe that the men who paid
them wages were their enemies ; they sought to work in
harmony with their employers .
The professional propagandists who had taken refuge in
the United States, concealing the true nature of their doctrine
by presenting their program as one to benefit the wage-
earners, gained the attention of a few American workingmen
but others resented the interference of "these foreigners ."
The alien socialists, finding they were having little influence
with the honest workingman, adopted a system of boring
from within all legitimate labor organizations either to cap-
ture or to destroy them. It is this system, to which little
attention has been paid, that clearly marks the path of social-
ism from its first appearance in the United States to date .
One has but to follow its well blazed trail to note how, step
by step, first through boring from within labor unions, then
from within farmers' organizations, then permeating colleges
and universities, and later penetrating organizations and
societies of every kind and nature, the socialists have moved
forward all along the line until their final triumph in 1933
when, by "stealing" the Democratic party, they took political
control of the nation.
31

39. 32
FOOLS GOLD
"What they could not capture they were frequently able
to destroy," writes Professor Norman J. Ware.' When labor
unions were captured they were at once officered by clever
socialist agitators and propagandists, and although claiming
to be legitimate labor organizations were, in truth and in fact,
subsidiaries of the international socialist movement . "Their
adherents enter into the labor organizations, and edit labor
papers which are not avowedly socialistic, and yet advocate
what is essentially socialism," writes Prof . Richard T. Ely.2
When it was found impossible to capture a labor union,
the next step was to turn full attention to attack upon it in
order to destroy its effectiveness as an opponent to their
program. Every possible move was made to weaken its mem-
bership and its leaders were often maliciously and viciously
attacked. The theory supporting this method of campaigning
was that the public would readily accept and act upon charges
of dishonesty or lack of sincerity made against such leaders, a
theory which experience of more than four decades has
proven correct.
During the '7os and '8os there was much political confusion .
Dissatisfied elements, then as now, sought to express them-
selves through a new political party . The largest of these for
the period was the Greenback party. This did not escape
socialist penetration, for the party was made up largely of
workingmen. "Greenbackism was in the air," writes Norman
J. Ware, "and the eastern socialists were beginning their long
series of forays into the labor movement with the intent to
capture it for the revolution." 3 Referring to a convention
held at Pittsburgh, in 1876, which adopted a greenback plat-
form, Professor Ware writes :
". . . it permitted the New York socialists for the first time
1 "The Labor Movement in the United States," page 36 .
2 "Socialism and Social Reform," Richard T . Ely, Thomas Y. Crowell Co .,
1894, page 68.
3 "The Labor Movement in the United States," page 35 .

40. THE PHILOSOPHY OF DESTRUCTION 33
to cross the Alleghenies in force and practice their best trick
of withdrawing from any meeting they could not dominate ." 4
By 1874 the International Workingmen's Association, the
name under which the First International dominated by Marx
was known, had thirty affiliated groups in the United States .
With possibly two exceptions every one of these was formed,
officered and directed by aliens many of whom did not as yet
speak the English language.5
In 1876 this little group of alien propagandists formed what
was termed the Workingmen's party of the United States, the
name of which, in 1877 was changed to the Socialist Labor
party. Among those prominent in both conventions were
Adolph Strasser and Peter J. McGuire. The former, an ardent
socialist, was in part responsible for the formation of the
Cigarmakers Union which at that time was composed very
largely of socialists. McGuire was just a plain, noisy agitator .
"His attack upon private property," writes Rowland Hill
Harvey, "drew down upon his head the wrath of the Church
and the anger of his father, who stood upon the steps of a
church in New York City and pronounced the words which
disowned his wayward son."s
Within the socialist movement in the United States then-
and still more pronouncedly to-day-were two factions . One
held to the political point of view now called legislative
action; the other insisted upon the use of force and violence,
largely at that time, through strikes . Both factions, however,
as yet, were carefully feeling their way .
The most prominent labor organization, largely local, how-
ever, was the Knights of Labor established in 1869 by Uriah
S. Stephens. It had attained considerable strength and, above
all, a splendid standing with both the public and wage-earner
because its methods were those natural to a union composed
41bid ., page 35, footnote .
a See Appendix "B" for fuller information on the Internationals .
6 "Samuel Gompers," page t9 .

41. 34
FOOLS GOLD
almost entirely of American-born . A spirit of fairness was
shown in all of its dealings with employers .
Immediately following the formation of the Socialist Labor
party, its leaders started an intensive drive to force American
workingmen into its membership. The basic philosophy of its
platform-the abolition of the private property right-being
repulsive to the honest worker, induced him to seek member-
ship in some organization founded on true Americanism.
The result was that, in 1878, the Knights of Labor became
a national organization. There was nothing socialistic in its
program. "In fundamental aim and program the Knights of
Labor was opposed to socialism," writes Nathan Fine .7
The organization had no fight with capital. "We mean no
conflict with legitimate enterprize, no antagonism to neces-
sary capital," reads a part of the program . The platform
continues, "We shall, with all our strength, support laws
made to harmonize the interests of labor and capital . . . ." 8
The socialists finding that, even though they had vigorously
bored from within the Knights of Labor, they could not
capture it, planned its destruction. Two methods were to be
pursued; the first to bring the organization into disrepute
by the commission of some overt unpopular act in the name
of the Knights; 9 the other the formation of an opposition
union.10 The opposition organization, formed in 1886, known
as the Federation of Trade and Labor Unions, changed its
name the next year to the American Federation of Labor .
Samuel Gompers, prominent in the Cigarmakers Union, was
placed in charge of its activities .
"The Cigarmakers at this time contained many men in
v "Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States," page 147 .
8 "Samuel Gompers," pages 28-9 .
a One is forced to wonder if what the socialists are doing in the name of
the Democratic party is for the purpose of wrecking that political organization .
10 The recent action of a large element in the American Federation of Labor
in planning the formation of a new labor group to advance industrial
unionism-and that seems a nice term to cover its socialist inception-
parallels the methods adopted by the socialists in the '8os to wreck an
organization they could not capture .

42. THE PHILOSOPHY OF DESTRUCTION 35
their ranks who had participated in revolutionary political
movements in Germany, Austria, or the Scandinavian coun-
tries,"" writes Mr. Harvey. The dominant figure in this
union was Adolph Strasser, born in Hungary and who, to
judge from his many utterances, was in sympathy with the
force and violence element in the socialist movement .
Strasser, it would appear, became Gompers' mentor . As a
cigarmaker, Gompers came in daily contact with the Marxian
socialists who, with care and seeming sincerity, expounded
their philosophy to him . It evidently made an impression, but
it remained for Ferdinand Laurrell, one of the revolutionists
above mentioned, to give him a proper socialist background .
Peter J. McGuire, the fiery agitator, was another man close
to Gompers when the American Federation of Labor was
formed.
The Knights of Labor were at the zenith of their glory
when the American Federation of Labor appeared upon the
scene. Strasser, McGuire, Gompers and many others taking
part in the formation of the Federation held membership
cards in the Knights .
Stephens, the founder of the Knights, had sensed the possi-
bility of an opposing socialist union some years before . As
early as 1879, writing to a prominent member of the Order,
he said:
"You must not allow the socialists to get control of your
assembly. They are simply disturbers, and only gain entrance
to labor societies that they may be in better position to break
them up. You cannot fathom them, for they are crafty, cun-
ning and unscrupulous. . . . I have had an experience with
them . . . and I warn you against having anything to do
with them either individually or as a body. . . .f 12
In the East, socialist members of the Knights who had
bored from within, and had helped form the opposition
Federation of Labor, began to declare unwarranted boycotts .
11 "Samuel Gompers," page 17.
12 "Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States," page 147 .

43. 36
FOOLS GOLD
As honest workingmen were compelled to leave their jobs
this caused much dissatisfaction and ill-feeling . In the West
the force and violence element, most of whom were known as
anarchists, inaugurated a reign of terror. Finally they called
a strike against the McCormick Harvester Company at Chi-
cago. Day after day crowds of men-there were few, if any,
honest employees of the harvester concern among them-
assembled in the streets around the plant seeking to prevent
men going to work. Workingmen were assaulted and the
members of their families threatened . This finally resulted in
an open clash. The police interfered to preserve order . A
number of persons were killed . A few days later, upon the
call of an anarchist editor, a great protest meeting was held
in Haymarket Square. While the crowd was being harangued,
some one threw a bomb into the police formation . Several
officers died as the result of the injuries received. Indignation
was so great that those alleged to have been connected with
this affair were arrested . A number were convicted and
several hanged .
The impression was at once gained, due to socialist propa-
ganda, that the Knights of Labor, in some manner, had a
hand in, or was responsible for, the Haymarket affair . The
Knights vigorously protested . Their official paper, the Knights
of Labor, stated that the organization had "no affiliation,
association, sympathy or respect for the band of cowardly
murderers, cutthroats and robbers, known as anarchists .
. . .
f 13 Membership in the Order rapidly decreased . The
organization had not been captured ; it was being destroyed.
Unjust boycotts and unsuccessful strikes, forced upon the
Knights by the socialists who bored from within, with the
culminating Haymarket affair, was the poison that brought
death some years later .
For a time all went well within the American Federation
of Labor. Its membership increased as that of the Knights
decreased. Being of socialist inception the growing member-
1s "The Labor Movement in the United States," page 316 .

44. THE PHILOSOPHY OF DESTRUCTION 37
ship of American workingmen caused the alien agitators to
fear that possibly they may have erected a Frankenstein.
Hence they inaugurated a program of control . "The Socialists,
having resolved to convert the Federation to their cause, pro-
ceeded to bore from within, that is, to push their organiza-
tions into the trade unions and work for their program,"
writes Mr. Harvey.14
In the 1890 convention there was a clear-cut issue between
the socialist members and the American workingmen . The
Socialist Labor party sought to seat a delegate . His right to a
place in the convention was denied . This caused the socialists
to renew their efforts . In the meanwhile the Socialist Labor
party had fallen into the hands of Daniel DeLeon, an ardent
Marxist and a bitter opponent. Plans to commit the Federa-
tion officially to socialism came from the West. Thomas J.
Morgan, an avowed Marxist and secretary of the International
Machinists Union, in the 1893 convention offered a resolution
to go to a referendum of the members, which resolution con-
tained pure socialist proposals . Among them were:
"The municipal ownership of street cars, and gas and elec-
tric plants for public distribution of light, heat and power .
The nationalization of telegraphs, telephones, railroads and
mines." And then this one :
"The collective ownership by the people of all means of
production and distribution." 15
Although this resolution was adopted by a referendum vote
of 2244 to 67, when it came up for approval in the Federation
convention in 1894, it was defeated . Referring to this reso-
lution, N. I. Stone, a socialist writer, said that "for the first
time in the history of organized labor of America the question
of Socialism was put squarely before the rank and file of the
American trade unions." 19
The defeat of this resolution angered the socialist delegates .
14 "Samuel Gompers," page 72.
15 "Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States," page 142.
16 "The Volks-Zeitung Library,' Vol . 2, No. 3, April 1, 1900, page 5.

45. 38
FOOLS GOLD
Holding Gompers personally responsible, they proposed to
teach him a lesson. They defeated him for reelection.
Although, a year later, the Old Man was returned to the
presidency by the bare majority of eighteen out of a total vote
of zo64, the socialists continued to carry on their plan either
to capture or destroy the Federation . The system that had
proved so successful in the wrecking of the Knights-com-
mitting some overt unpopular act and causing the blame to
rest upon labor-was planned .
The socialists formed the American Railway Union . Eugene
V. Debs, later titular head of the Socialist party, was made
president. A strike was called in the plant of the Pullman
Palace Car Co ., at Chicago. The Federation, while not directly
involved, was maneuvered into giving its support . Destruction
of property and personal violence followed . Finally trains
hauling mail cars were stopped . Grover Cleveland, then Presi-
dent of the United States, ordered out federal troops . Gov-
ernor Altgeld of Illinois, showing a friendly feeling toward
socialists in general, protested this action. The President wired
the Governor, in substance and effect, that if it became neces-
sary to move the mails, he would conscript every able-bodied
man in America. That broke the strike.
Gompers and the American element in the Federation com-
menced to recognize the fact that they had a ruthless foe
with which to deal, and it soon became the policy, which
policy continued down to the break in its ranks at the 1935
Atlantic City Convention, to placate rather than openly to
oppose the socialist program . In consequence the Federation
has, time and time again, placed itself unreservedly behind
socialist legislative proposals, some of the members knowing
what they were doing but with the majority of the members
not knowing.
Early recognizing the fact that to capture the wage-earners
of this nation was not enough to gain control of the govern-
ment, and so put into operation the complete socialist pro-
gram, attention was early turned to the agricultural section

46. THE PHILOSOPHY OF DESTRUCTION 39
of the West. The general program was that of agitation to
intensify whatever unrest there might be, and to create addi-
tional ill-feeling. This has been carried on persistently to this
date. The formation of the People's party, early in the '9os
of the last century, enabled the socialists to do a splendid
job of boring from within agricultural organizations.17
Within the socialist movement there was growing a differ-
ence between those who believed in the legislative action
system to gain their ends, and those who believed in the
force and violence system. This resulted in a split in 1901
and the formation of the Socialist party, the name of the
leading socialist political organization to-day . Under the able
leadership of the late Morris Hillquit, agitation and propa-
ganda was extended and intensified to secure "the national-
ization of all means of production and distribution ." This,
it will be recalled, was practically the wording of the Morgan
resolution offered the A. F. of L. which, while being adopted
by a referendum vote, was defeated in the 1894 convention .
The Socialist party, in its 1904 platform, came frankly into
the open and set forth in clear and unmistakable language
the reason it was urging a large number of reformative pro-
posals. That platform stated that the "socialist movement,
therefore, is a world-movement," and one that pledged its
"fidelity to the principles of international socialism ." It divided
the people into two classes-workers and capitalists-stating
that, "there can be no possible compromise or identity of
interests, any more than there can be peace in the midst of
war, or light in the midst of darkness." 18
The platform declared that, "Socialism means that all those
things upon which the people in common depend shall by
the people in common be owned and administered ." 19 In
other words, that no individual shall enjoy the fruit of his
17 For a more complete account of the socialist connection with the
Populist movement see Appendix "C."
18 Proceedings of the National Convention of the Socialist Party, 1904,
page 307.
19 Ibid ., page 308 .

47. 40
FOOLS GOLD
efforts, no person shall be permitted to acquire any form of
property which he can call his own .
Stating that the aim of socialism is to secure possession of,
"all those things upon which the people in common depend"
-that is, things now produced and owned by individuals
such as the products of the farms, the factories, the shops,
means of transportation, etc.-the party expressed in clear
and unmistakable language, just how the ends desired were
to be attained. The platform reads :
"To the end that the workers may seize every possible
advantage that may strengthen them to gain complete control
of the powers of government, and thereby the sooner establish
the cooperative commonwealth" (remember cooperative com-
monwealth is the technical name for the form of government
now operating in Russia), "the Socialist party pledges itself
to watch and work" for certain so-called legislative reforms 2°
Nowhere in the platform, or in the arguments favoring
its adoption as printed in the official proceedings, will one
find a word urging these legislative reforms because they will,
per se, cure the ills alleged to exist . On the contrary, the
socialists definitely state the reason for urging them is because,
if adopted, they "will lessen the economic and political powers
of the capitalist"-that is, those who approve of our form of
government and our economic system-"and increase the like
powers of the worker"-that is, those who accept the socialist
formula. The language follows :
". . . we are using these remedial measures as means to
the one great end of the cooperative commonwealth . Such
measures of relief as we may be able to force from capitalism
are but a preparation of the workers to seize the whole
powers of government, in order that they may thereby lay
hold of the whole system of industry . . . :' 21
The socialists here frankly state that the purpose of reforma-
tive legislation is to establish the cooperative commonwealth,
20 Ibid., page 308.
2 1 Ibid ., page 308.

48. THE PHILOSOPHY OF DESTRUCTION 41
which cannot be set up until the present form of government
is abandoned. Then certainly the purpose is not, as the people
are led to believe, to cure any economic ills from which they
suffer.
Some may contend that the platform declarations of the so-
cialists in 1904 do not express their position to-day. A com-
parison of this 1904 platform with those of 1928 and 1932
reveals no change in the purpose of the Socialist party . The
main features of the latter platform are given in Chapter II .
Jessie Wallace Hughan, an official spokesman for the So-
cialist party, a contributing editor to the New Appeal, an
official organ of the socialists, writing in 1928, said that, "We
find six lines of legislation that must be pursued simultane-
ously in order to reach the goal." 22 The goal is a pure
socialistic state wherein no person is permitted to acquire
or own property . In summing up some of her arguments in
a chapter captioned, "Methods of Realization," she writes:
"These demands show that the Socialist state is to be
brought about automatically by economic forces, and deliber-
ately by legislation of six general types ." 23
The six types to be inaugurated "simultaneously," accord-
ing to Miss Hughan, which we have paragraphed for a better
and clearer understanding, are :
"First, the political, including proportional representation,
direct election of President and Vice-President, and abolition
of the law-determining power of the Supreme Court ;
"Second, measures to insure civil liberties, including the
repeal of the Espionage Act and the prohibition of the injunc-
tion in labor disputes ;
"Third, the international demands, directed to the abolition
of imperialism and of war;
"Fourth, the financial, consisting of inheritance, income and
other taxes bearing heavily upon superfortunes ;
"Fifth, the industrial, embracing various forms of labor
22 "What Is Socialism," page 203.
2s 1bid., page 114.

49. 42
FOOLS GOLD
legislation, social insurance and pensions, freedom to strike,
the minimum wage, and finally the guarantee of employ-
ment; and
"Sixth, the collectivist, under which comes the gradual
acquiring of the basic industries, beginning with the natural
resources and the larger trusts ." 24
While the right wing of the socialist movement, early in
this century, was perfecting a concrete program of reforma-
tive laws, all of which are reflected in New Deal legislation,
the left wing, or force and violence group, was not idle . Bill
Haywood, with his Western Federation of Miners, had spread
death, destruction and terror through the western metal
mining camps . The success attending his efforts resulted in
the formation, in 1905, of a left wing of the socialist move-
ment called the Industrial Workers of the World, but better
known as the I .W.W. While the activities of this branch of
the movement only incidentally affect the present situation,
one should have a fair understanding of the organization. For
that reason, a brief history is given in Appendix "D."
With the formation of the Socialist party, in the hands
of those who had made some study of American psychology,
definite plans were made to carry on the battle for complete
socialization along all fronts . This was aided by the forma-
tion of many subsidiary organizations with rather deceptive
names, and by an intensive campaign to penetrate the schools
and colleges .
24 Ibid., page 114.

50. Chapter VI
THE BIRTH OF THE BRAIN TRUST
WHILE the right and left wings of the socialist movement,
the former represented by the Socialist party and the latter
by the I.W.W., were having their little internal troubles, the
brain trusters of the early Twentieth century imported a new
brand of socialism into the United States. It was known as
Fabianism, although that name was not commonly attached
to it in this country .
The Fabian movement was formed in England in 1884
(some claim in 1883) by Frank Podmore, a well-known
spiritualist and prominent with Mrs. Annie Besant in the
Theosophist movement. The Fabians were a group of social-
ists who discarded the garb of the street and dressed in robes
of the "upper crust." They rejected a number of the Marxian
conceptions, principally the class struggle . While the Fabian
movement was composed largely of those who had not
joined the Socialist party (this due to its rigid discipline),
they, did affiliate with the Second International and worked
in complete harmony with the many socialist organizations.
The socialist movement in England for many years had
been directed exclusively by those who saw no flaw in Marx's
writings. Marx introduced the revolutionary idea, that is, the
theory that force, violence and acts of terrorism were neces-
sary to attain the ends sought. This the Fabians rejected,
moving to the right, taking the position that their aims could
be secured through legislative action. This is not only the posi-
tion of those that may be termed Fabians in the United States,
but also of the well-informed element in the whole socialist
movement. The end sought by all-and this applies to the
communists as well-is the overthrow of all governments
43

51. 44
FOOLS GOLD
which recognize the private property right, it being their con-
tention that capitalism, which is based on that right, is re-
sponsible for all the ills to which man is heir .
Prof. Hearnshaw, referring to the Fabians, uses this
language:
"The policy of the Fabians was in accord with their appar-
ently mild and persuasive creed . They studiously avoided the
giving of shocks to society; they went about, not in sheep-
skins and goat-skins, but in silk hats and frock coats, like
the most innocent of shopwalkers ; they enrolled in their
ranks pitiful parsons of all denominations, and got them to
assure the religious world-gravely perturbed by the material-
istic atheism of Marx-that socialism was really nothing more
than applied Christianity ; they lived in suburban villas;
waxed eloquent in drawing-rooms ; made money, invested it,
and flourished on the dividends like any ordinary capitalist ;
drew rents and royalties, and sought differential increases of
salaries, just as though they had been normal parasites of
the toiling proletaria . . . .
"Their method of attack upon capitalism from their first
day to the present has been thoroughly characteristic : it has
been the method of sapping rather than assault; of craft
rather than force; of subtlety rather than violence . 'Permea-
tion' has been their watchword . Power rather than property
has been their immediate quest ; but power which will enable
them in the end-by peaceful and constitutional means, in-
finitely more effective and less destructive than communist
violence-to possess themselves of property . They have
wormed their way, often in disguise, into political clubs, trade-
union executives, cooperators' directorates, educational com-
mittees, religious conferences, boards of guardians, municipal
councils, and other public bodies, and have made it their
business to guide and drive them in a socialistic direction.
Above all, they have tried to bemuse the public mind into
the belief that `socialism' and `collectivism' are synonymous

52. THE BIRTH OF THE BRAIN TRUST
45
terms; and that all they are aiming at is a harmless and
beneficent extension of state and municipal enterprise." 1
Tract No. 5, issued by the Fabians some years ago, details
the plans and purposes . Prof. Hearnshaw has analyzed this
document and in a few terse sentences exposes the scheme .
He writes :
"Step by step, land, mines, railways, ships, banks, shops-
everything-will be nationalised, municipalised, socialised.
Private enterprise will be slowly but completely squeezed out
of existence; competition will be imperceptibly but entirely
eliminated. And the funds to achieve these ends will not be
seized by lawless force ; they will be quietly but remorselessly
extracted from private enterprise and competitive industry
themselves by a graduated system of predatory taxation.
Nothing will be confiscated ; everything will be purchased
and paid for. The members of the possessing classes will, by
some ingenious device or other, compensate one another, until
(again gradually) their funds run out, when they will, to
their great advantage, be compelled to resort to work, even
if it be only to `earn a precarious livelihood by taking in
one another's washing.' Meantime the proletariat will rejoice.
They will all be servants of the beneficent state ; their wages
will go up, for they will fix them themselves through their
elected representatives ; their hours of labour will go down,
for they will no longer have to maintain capitalists and land-
lords in luxury ; they will begin to draw large old-age
pensions whilst they still have youth and energy to enjoy
them; education, medical attendance, amusements, recreations,
transport-all will be free and unrestricted. In the end, every
one will be a blessed pauper, paying away all his earnings
in rates and taxes, and in return being luxuriously maintained
(so long as he does not display any recrudescence of indi-
vidualism) on outdoor relief ." 2
Tract No. 127 contains this significant statement:
1 "A Survey of Socialism," Hearnshaw, pages 298 -9.
2 lbid., pages 305-6.

53. 46
FOOLS GOLD
"To the socialist, taxation is the chief means by which he
may recover from the propertied classes some portion of the
plunder which their economic strength and social position
have enabled them to extract from the workers . . . . To the
socialist, the best of governments is that which spends the
Most." 3
We have given the foregoing citations rather fully for a
reason. We ask you now to re-read them, changing the words
"Fabian" and "Fabianism" where they appear to "New Deal"
or "New Dealism." Professor Hearnshaw wrote what we have
quoted in 1928, long before the program of the brain trust
was sprung on the people of the United States and yet no
man to-day can compress in so few words as complete an
analysis of the methods, aims and purposes of the forces
supporting the present Administration at Washington .
Fabianism was introduced as an organized movement in
the United States in 1905 when a group of intellectuals
formed the Intercollegiate Socialist Society. Among those
establishing this organization were Harry W . Laidler, Clar-
ence Darrow, Jack London, the late Morris Hillquit and a
number of others of the same mental trend. The purpose
of the organization was stated in this language : "For the
purpose of promoting an intelligent interest in socialism
among college men and women, graduates and under-
graduates. 4
While not claiming any direct connection with the Fabians
of England, the Intercollegiate Socialist Society adopted, prac-
tically in toto, Fabian tactics, aims and purposes . For instance,
the society's leaders took the Fabian position that by elevating
the theory and causing it to be discussed by the high-brows,
they could educate the rising generation to accept its realiza-
tion as their one and only salvation. Thus they believed they
could, within a few decades, have socialist thought sufficiently
intrenched in the minds of a powerful and influential
$ Cited, Ibid., page 306 .
4 "Socialism in Thought and Action," Laidler, page 503 .

54. THE BIRTH OF THE BRAIN TRUST
47
minority, to gain political control and thereby establish the
"new social order" cited by the society as its true purpose .
While it may be giving this organization more credit than
is its due, by checking its activities and the spread of its
influence from the date of its organization to the present
year, one is forced to the conclusion that it, at least, wet-
nursed the present brain trust. In 1921, the name was changed
to the League for Industrial Democracy, a rather deceptive
title. Its purpose was then stated in this language:
"To promote among college men and women an intelligent
understanding of the labor movement and of the movement
toward a new social order based on production for use and
not for profit ." S
Under that name the socialists have gained considerable
standing. They have been able to secure coast-to-coast hook-
ups over one of the great broadcasting systems . Dr. Laidler,
who is a suave socialist speaker, has appeared on these pro-
grams a number of times.
While some of the socialists now prominently affiliated with
the League for Industrial Democracy decry parts of the New
Deal, due largely to personal pique because their program has
been taken over by what is called the Democratic party,
socialists generally are for all the reform measures so far
presented. The reason is apparent . Dr. Laidler says :
"A majority of socialists . . . believe that, on the whole,
social reforms bring the goal of socialism nearer. For these
measures have a tendency to undermine the power of the
capitalist; to whet society's appetite for further and more
effective control over their industrial life ; to give to the
public servants valuable experience in the control of industrial
functions, and to strengthen the working class physically and
intellectually, so that they may become ever more powerful
in their fight for emancipation ."
At the opening of the Twentieth century there probably
s "Social Progress," page 284 .
6 "Socialism in Thought and Action," page zoo.

55. 48 FOOLS GOLD
was not even one college professor in the United States openly
and frankly teaching the Marxian theory to his students .
Following the formation of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society
the tendency to present socialism as a legitimate subject of
inquiry became manifest, and within the past decade or more,
many of the leading educational institutions have been more
or less dominated by professors who denounce the capitalist
system and demand the installation of pure socialism in the
United States.
In 1925 the New York Daily Commercial ran a series of
articles by Ralph E. Duncan entitled "Are Our Colleges
Teaching Subversive Philosophy?" They showed extensive
research and certainly were informative. Had some attention
been paid to what Mr. Duncan said at that time, we might
now be spared the menace of a brain trust . The first three
paragraphs introducing the series, read :
"Revolutionary radicalism, once a thing of the street corner,
is firmly established to-day on the campus of many an
American college. The trustees and administrative officers
of some of the oldest and largest universities in the country
are confronted with a situation unlike anything in the history
of education in America.
"The slogans of the `class struggle' and the catch-phrases
of Socialism are upon the lips of a growing host of young
men and women in the universities. Vicious, immoral and
degrading beliefs are fostered among the `advanced thinkers'
of both the student body and the faculty by organized groups
outside the colleges who employ all the arts of propaganda to
disseminate false and subversive doctrine on the campus and
in the lecture hall.
"Open defiance of the trustees and heads of several institu-
tions by organized groups of the faculty and student body
during the last three or four semesters has brought matters
to an issue in a score of colleges ."
The strategy of the organized socialist agencies in the edu-
cational institutions was the same as had been employed

56. previously by Marxians in an effort to capture labor unions
and farmers' organizations-to be controlled for the advance-
ment of socialism . Groups were formed under socialistic
leadership outside the institutions and these groups worked
in perfect harmony with socialist-minded educators within
those departments regarded by socialists as the most useful
for their purpose.
When this step proved successful, and in nearly every in-
stance it did so prove because no one was paying the slightest
attention to what was going on or, if told, merely laughed
it off, the next move was to secure the appointment of edu-
cators from their group to strategic professorships. But the
plan did not stop with this . There was a practical objective
wholly apart from the educational phase of the socialist
program. That was the control of state governments and in
the end the federal government and industry, by the creation
of commissions, boards and bureaus, independent investigat-
ing and regulatory agencies, so that the orderly processes of
government may be gradually superseded by bureaucratic rule
and finally pure socialism. We have reached the bureaucratic
control state to-day. To-morrow, if there is no break in the
program, will come pure socialism . Professor Harry Laidler,
an authoritative socialist writer, quotes Prof. W. H. Hamilton
as saying:
"We have created a system of regulations which involves
supervising accounts, evaluating property, fixing rates, and
standardizing property; which threatens supervision of ex-
penditures and investment; and which tends to limit the
railroad to a definite guaranteed return on its investment .
Control is very rapidly passing into the hands of the state.
The step to the formal assumption of management is but
a short one.'17 This "control" of all industries is one direct
objective of the New Deal .
7Ibid., page 189 . Mr. Laidler says to the same end "see Parmalee, 'Poverty
and Progress,' Pt . III, and Commons and Andrews, 'Principles of Labor
Legislation ."' Prof . Laidler was writing in 192o.

57. 50
FOOLS GOLD
Senator L . J. Dickinson, of Iowa, on the floor of the Senate,
August 5th, 1935, called attention to the fact that the Senate
Munitions Committee employed as their chief investigator
one H. S. Raushenbush, prominent as a socialist and so known
to be by the members of the committee, according to the
Senator. "Mr. Raushenbush," said Senator Dickinson, "is the
man who has been given carte blanche authority as the chief
investigator for the munitions committee to go into private
files where you, Mr . President, cannot go, where I cannot go,
and take therefrom any information he may want." s
In other words, open enemies of our form of government
and our system of economics, men and women who, in public
print and speech, frankly admit their one aim is to destroy
the institution of private property, are given authority not
even in the hands of duly elected representatives of the people,
to delve into the private papers of different departments of
government. The information thus secured is used to further
their plans. And investigating committees have, for a number
of years, employed men of the mental trend of Mr . Raushen-
bush to search the private files of business concerns and secure
confidential trade information which is used to wreck the
very business of those whose data they thus legally attain .
The blame does not rest wholly on the present administra-
tion by any means . Previous administrations, through differ-
ent bureaus of the government, or certain elements in the
Congress, have been unwittingly financing enemies of our
form of government . A careful check-up on the mental atti-
tude of the majority of those who have been special investi-
gators for different bureaus or commissions, or for different
committees named by one or the other branch of the Congress
during the past decade or more, will show that the great
majority of them were closely allied with the socialist move-
ment, possibly not in name, but certainly in aim.
It would require a book much larger than this to brief,
in part, the extent and nature of socialist activities in our
8 Congressional Record, page 12912 .

58. educational institutions. That the American Teachers Union,
dominating in many of the larger cities, is socialistic is evi-
denced by the fact that at its recent annual convention the
row between the open socialists and the alleged communists
caused most of the former to withdraw. No doubt many of
the sincere teachers throughout the rural sections of the nation
who are members of this organization, do not understand
the situation.
During the past few years it has been almost a daily occur-
rence to read in the press the account of some "protest"
meeting, or some form of rioting on the campus of one of
our leading educational institutions. In each such instance
the ring-leaders were socialists of either the right or left wing
faction. Many of these affairs have been positively disgraceful .
Heads of such institutions who had taken steps to weed out
socialistic elements in the faculty have been maligned and, in
some instances, personally attacked. In a number of States
substantial citizens, aroused because of the growth of social-
istic teachings in the colleges and universities, have entered
vigorous protest but action, for some reason, has been
prevented .
Recently the State of Illinois named a special committee
to investigate communist teachings in its colleges and institu-
tions. Before this investigation was actually under way some
powerful influence caused the committee to close all hearings.
Enough was developed, however, to cause the serious people
of Illinois to do a bit of pondering . Referring to this investi-
gation the New York American editorially said :
"No one can read the report of the committee of the
Illinois Senate, appointed to investigate subversive Com-
munistic teachings in certain colleges and universities in the
State of Illinois, without reaching the conclusion that the
University of Chicago deserved all the investigation it got
and that it should receive a good deal more. Despite the dis-
claimers of its President, Robert M. Hutchins, it is manifest
to any one who reviews the testimony and the report that

59. 52
FOOLS GOLD
the University has connived at Communist speeches and
activities on the part of faculty members and has ignored their
identification with various Communist organizations ." 9
The success which attended the scheme to educate the
rising generation to socialism by injecting that carefully sugar-
coated theory into the schools and colleges, caused socialists
to go a step farther. They sought control of organizations of
every kind and description from women's clubs to church
societies, in some sections not even overlooking the substantial
noon-day luncheon clubs.
This plan was intensified after the advent of the com-
munists. There is much reason to hold this intensification
came as the result of direct orders from Moscow . At least
among the confidential papers unearthed by the government
when it raided the communist gathering at Bridgman, Michi-
gan, later referred to, a document was brought to light of
special interest in this connection. While it dealt wholly with
the colored people, the plan was later extended to cover all
elements of society . We reproduce it, in part, dropping the
word "Negro" where it appeared in the original text in order
to show how the system is generally applied. This confidential
communication read as follows :
"r . Nuclei shall be established in all existing . . . organ-
izations such as fraternal, religious and labor organizations,
cooperatives, tenant farmers' leagues, etc .
"2. . . . organizers and speakers shall be sent among the
. . . (people) in order to inform them and win their
confidence.
"3. Newspapers and publications shall be established, or
when this is not feasible, news services shall be established
by friendly cooperation with . . . newspapers of liberal
tendencies.
"4. Friendship of liberal-minded . . . ministers shall be
sought, as these men are at the present time the leaders of
9 JulY 25, 1935. The National Republic, Washington, during the summer
of 1935 ran a series of articles on this subject .

60. THE BIRTH OF THE BRAIN TRUST
53
the . . . masses and many of them are earnest, but lack
scientific knowledge .
"5. Conferences on the economic conditions among the
. . . (people) shall be held from time to time with these
ministers, educators, and other liberal elements, and through
their influence the party shall aim to secure a more favorable
hearing before the . . . masses.
"6. By means of its membership the party shall penetrate
the existing forums, literary societies, lyceums, schools, col-
leges, teachers' institutes, etc ., of the . . . people, and establish
forums of its own for the enlightenment of the . . . popu-
lation." to
The intelligent citizen who has given any attention what-
ever to what has been going on in his community, will recog-
nize the fact that the program as above outlined has been
made rather effective. Nuclei have been established in many
organizations ; organizers for New Deal societies have been
throughout the land ; there is a perfect torrent of propaganda
in the press ; 11 liberal-minded ministers have been appealed
to by the President for their political support ; conferences on
economic conditions dot the landscape; and no man knows
the full extent to which forums, literary societies, lyceums,
schools, colleges and teachers' institutes have been penetrated .
In addition to working through existing societies of every
kind and nature, the socialists and communists have formed
a large number of organizations with names which are
deceptive and, in many instances, with expressed aims which
have an emotional appeal. "Social Progress, A Handbook
of the Liberal Movement," published by the Arbitrator in
1925 listed over a hundred such organizations. "The Red
Network" 12 lists several hundred .
10 Cited in "Underground with the Reds," Fred R . Marvin, page 20.
11 Let us suggest that those who are interested in following the method
employed by propaganda to influence the American people, secure a copy
of "Hand Out" by George Michael, Putnam & Sons. It is an enlightening
expose.
12 Elizabeth Dilling, Kenilworth, Illinois .

61. 54
FOOLS GOLD
When the loyal people had their whole attention centered
on the winning of a war upon foreign shores, the right
wingers under the guidance of the Socialist party, the left
wingers under the direction of the I.W.W., and the Fabians,
operating as the Intercollegiate Socialist Society, joined in a
common assault upon the agricultural sections of the West,
inaugurating the scheme to "steal" party nominations which
culminated in national success in 1932 . We refer to what is
termed the Nonpartisan League, the importance of which
warrants considerable attention .

62. Chapter VII
SOCIALISM AND THE NONPARTISAN LEAGUE
THE Nonpartisan League, which made its appearance as
an organized movement in North Dakota in 1916, was the
second of the great movements to implant socialism in the
minds of the agricultural population of the West . After the
passing of the Populist movement, the first, the socialists dis-
covered that while they had been unable to gain any great
hold upon the farmers through their system of boring from
within, they had found an exceptionally fertile mental soil
for additional propaganda and active agitation . In their minds
to have permitted this field where discontent ran riot to
remain fallow would have been a crime. The railroads re-
mained a standard bogey-man. The socialists added, among
many others, two most terrifying ones-Wall Street and
Vested Interests. The troubles from which the farmers suf-
fered were greatly magnified ; the good they experienced
minimized.
While the Populist movement was not originally inaugu-
rated by the socialists, not so the Nonpartisan League . This
organization was deliberately and intentionally inspired by
well-known socialist leaders, largely from states outside of
North Dakota, although the small group within the state
which had accepted that philosophy readily became willing
supporters. The large number of persons who had used the
ballot to gain their ends during the days of Populism gave
the clever socialist leaders their clew and they bided their time
to put it into operation. Before the Nonpartisan League made
its appearance, the plans were well laid to try out, in that
state, a complete program of legislative action .
North Dakota is primarily a wheat raising state . The pros-
perity of all the people of that commonwealth depends upon
55

63. 56
FOOLS GOLD
the size of the wheat crop and the price received by the
farmers for this grain. Anything that adversely affects either
crop or price, adversely affects all the people of the state.
The population, largely of Scandinavian descent, consisted of
loyal American citizens . They were naturally individualists.
There was nothing in the philosophy of socialism that would
have appealed to them had they known just what that phi-
losophy was . Had they been told it was to deprive them of
their right to own and operate their property as they saw fit,
they would have instantly rejected it . This fact, however,
was carefully concealed . They had their attention directed
elsewhere. The socialists took care of that.
While the general feeling of antagonism to the railroads
had materially decreased and both Wall Street and Vested
Interests seemed far away, to say nothing of being a bit
abstract, new enemies had to be produced . They were quickly
found.
For several years previous to the formation of the Non-
partisan League there had been a persistent, organized cam-
paign in North Dakota to discredit the grain dealers of
Minneapolis, Duluth and Chicago, together with their asso-
ciates, the elevator men. The three were put into the same
basket and labeled the Interests.
It mattered not what might adversely affect crops or
the price, the Interests were always at fault. They were held
responsible for low prices in foreign markets which controlled
prices in the American markets ; they were responsible if the
weather had been such that the yield or standard of crop
was not up to normal .,
That these so-called Interests had been lax there is no
question. Unfair practices on the part of some of them had
no doubt created much ill-feeling ; but the differences, such
as they were, could have been adjusted, and no doubt would
have been adjusted, had not this persistent socialist agitation
caused resentment on the part of all concerned .
The general nature of the extensive propaganda aimed at

64. SOCIALISM AND THE NONPARTISAN LEAGUE 57
the grain dealers, elevator owners and the railroads, is well
illustrated by the contents of a propaganda book, "The Story
of the Nonpartisan League," by Charles Edward Russell . Mr.
Russell was, at one time, the socialist candidate for mayor
of New York City. He was regarded as an able and well
versed socialist. He stood high in the councils of his party
although he deserted the organization when it took a disloyal
position on the War. This book, consisting of 325 pages, is
devoted almost exclusively to an attack upon the grain dealers,
elevator owners and the railroads . The subject, the Non-
partisan League, is scarcely mentioned in the first half of
the book.
It was well known to those who were watching the progress
of socialist thought before and during the World War, that
there was a renewed effort on the part of socialist proponents
to gain the support of the farmers in a number of western
states. Early in 1916, the socialist weekly paper, The Appeal
to Reason, published at Girard, Kansas, called attention to
the fact that the socialists, depending for membership in the
industrial sections, "realized that most of these hopes are
resting on sand." The paper then declared :
"We are going to attract to our movement the farming
and rural population of America by printing things they are
interested in ." 1
It should here be noted that less than two years later this
same publication was printing advertisements for "organizers
for the Nonpartisan League," for "Minnesota, South Dakota,
Colorado, Idaho, Washington, Montana, Kansas, Oklahoma,
Wisconsin, Texas, Nebraska and Iowa ." 2
While the Nonpartisan League is said to have been the
brain-wave of Arthur C. Townley, evidence shows that
Townley was pushed to the front for a reason. Leon
Durocher and A. E. Bowen were well known socialists. In a
letter answering an inquiry (name of recipient intentionally
1 February 5, 1916.
'November 24, 1917.

65. 58
FOOLS GOLD
deleted), dated March 29, 1920, and signed by Durocher,
appears this language :
"In reply to yours of the 22nd, will say that in Sept ., 194
in Golden Valley County A . E. Bowen outlined the League
program to me and the method of campaigning which has
since been adopted . . . . A. C. Townley was not in on this
until sometime in Dec ."
The writer then goes on to say that they permitted Townley
to assume "credit for the whole thing," because "it pleased
his vanity and consequently gave him more incentive to put
in his best licks ."'
Townley had tried wheat farming on a large scale in
Colorado. He failed. He tried flax raising in North Dakota
on a large scale . Again he failed. Then it was he became a
socialist organizer . He, no doubt, was selected to become the
"front" for the new socialist game because he early "began
to be a critic of the existing order, but with ambitions ." 4
Like most reformers, Townley did not attribute his failure
in either of the above instances to any fault of his own but
charged it to the activities of the Interests, and he started out
to "get" them.' In this he followed the system that has been
employed by human failures the world over . He saw in the
philosophy of socialism that which he was seeking. He
became a socialist organizer in North Dakota, but did not
make any great headway in securing members even though
a rather persuasive talker . Those to whom he presented his
straight socialist theory were not easily sold on the idea since
they were naturally, and by predilection, individualists. But
when he dropped the philosophy and began to talk about
how the Interests were "robbing the farmers," he gained their
attention.
The idea was presented to him that if some of the socialist
s "The Leaders of the Nonpartisan League," Asher Howard, Minneapolis,
1920, page 35 .
4 "The Nonpartisan League," by Herbert E . Gaston, Harcourt, Brace &
Howe, 1920, page 47.
5 See "The Nonpartisan League," Gaston, Chapter VI .

66. theories, but not using that designation, could be transformed
into quick political action on the part of the farmers, these
farmers could be induced to follow his leadership . The result
was that the Socialist party, as an organization, was aban-
doned. Its members, together with the well-meaning and
conscientious farmers, who thought only in terms of their
immediate troubles and a remedy therefor, united in an
organization known as the Farmers' Nonpartisan League.
Later the word "farmers" was dropped .
Townley started out to enlist members. The persistent and
continued propaganda against the grain dealers, elevator
owners and railroads had taken root, and to offset this prop-
aganda, these so-called Interests did nothing. As business men
have done for more than fifty years, they referred to those
advancing socialist thought as a bunch of "nit-wits." Little
did they grasp the fact that underneath the cleverly furnished
emotional and idealistic preachments, there rested a basic
destructive philosophy which, if ever put into effect in this
country, would completely overthrow our form of govern-
ment, wreck our economic system, destroy the institution of
property and deprive every citizen of his constitutional
rights.
Townley was successful . Organizers were employed and
paid a fair compensation for their work. Under the tutelage
of able socialist leaders, imported into North Dakota for that
purpose, they knew their story well . The organization grew
by leaps and bounds, soon becoming a political power in a
number of Western states just as had the People's party three
decades before .
The socialist boring from within system took the form of
"stealing" party nominations in the primary elections . In an
affidavit used in the unsuccessful case of Ray McKaig, a Non-
partisan League organizer, against Governor Frank Good-
ing of Idaho, for libel, Judge L . J. Palda of Minot, North
Dakota, referring to Arthur LeSueur, a prominent socialist,
said

67. 6o
FOOLS GOLD
". . . he did many years ago state to me in a conversation,
I then being chairman of the Republican Central Committee
of this county, that he had a plan whereby they would finally
get control; that he had come to the conclusion that he would
not get the people to use force ; that what they were going to
do was organize and steal the prevailing parties in the vari-
ous states, and steal the organizations in the various states,
and in that way gain their end ." 6
The Republican party of North Dakota was taken over
completely by the socialists under the name of the Nonpar-
tisan League . The Democratic party was also "stolen" in a
number of other states. The political machinery of the state
of North Dakota, thus falling into the hands of those satu-
rated with socialist thought of the legislative action group,
proceeded to put into effect the many reforms which Morris
Hillquit said originated in Socialist headquarters .
The program, as presented before the election that gave
them full power, provided
State terminal elevators, flour mills, stock-yards, pack-
ing-houses and cold storage plants ;
State hail insurance ;
Exemption of farm improvements from taxation ;
State inspection of dockage and grading (grain) ;
Rural credit banks operated at cost7
Not only was this program enacted into law but, in addi-
tion, the state went into the building and loan business,
established a state bank and adopted a rather long list of
socialist proposals.
North Dakota had swung to state socialism . Many of the
ablest exponents of the socialist tactics of legislative action
hold to the belief that complete socialization can be effected
in the easiest and quickest manner through state socialism,
either on a local scale, as attempted in North Dakota, or upon
a "The Leaders of the Nonpartisan League," page 1o.
7 "The Story of the Nonpartisan League," Charles E. Russell, page 213.

68. SOCIALISM AND THE NONPARTISAN LEAGUE 6i
a national scale as proposed in the program of the New Deal .
It was soon demonstrated, however, that economic ills are not
to be corrected through legislation of the character described .
One after another, each of the schemes tried in North
-Dakota, failed. It became clear to many who had been ardent
advocates of the experiments that any business in the hands
of politicians, is neither successful nor economical . They
always have failed, leaving a debt to be paid by the taxpayers .
In 1922, through the primaries of the Republican or Demo-
cratic parties, the Nonpartisan League, with a somewhat ex-
panded program of socialist reform legislation, gained party
control in North and South Dakota, Minnesota, Montana,
Colorado and Oklahoma. It also secured what might be
termed a balance of power in Idaho, Washington, Kansas,
Nebraska and some other states. In no state did it seek po-
litical preference under its own name . The "steal" party
system was found to work very nicely .
By this time, however, not only did many of the farmers
who had been induced to join have their eyes opened as to
what was back of the movement, but also the bulk of the
tradesmen in the rural towns and cities were awakened from
their dream of redemption via legislation . Except in a few
instances the party "stolen" by the Nonpartisan League failed
at the polls . The organization, as such, began to lose strength
and membership. In a few years it had, however, implanted
certain socialist thought into the minds of a large number of
people. That thought remained to germinate in support of
what is now called the New Deal program, which is merely
the socialist program of North Dakota upon a national scale .
Finally, the Nonpartisan League as a political power disap-
peared. This was due not alone to the failure of all the re-
formative laws which cluttered the statute books of North
Dakota, but to the fact that outside socialists had practically
taken control of the movement . It was said at first to be
strictly a farmers' affair. Its parentage, however, was re-
vealed by the attempt to implant socialism in the schools of

69. 62
FOOLS GOLD
the state, and the connection of some of its leaders with the
I.W.W. the then left, or force and violence, wing of the
socialist movement.
Joseph Gilbert and David C. Coates, both Pacific Coast
socialists and both delegates to the convention which formed
the I.W.W.; Arthur LeSueur, vice-president of the People's
College at Fort Scott, Kansas, who was an attorney for the
I.W.W. and signed a letter to a North Dakota comrade,
"Yours for the Revolution," the man referred to by judge
Palda; 8 and D. C. Dorman, connected with I.W.W. riots
at Minot, North Dakota, to say nothing of a number of
lesser lights, were active in Nonpartisan League affairs .
The attempt on the part of these, and other leaders within
the ranks of the Nonpartisan League, to force the farmers
to enter into an agreement to employ only members of the
I.W.W., the refusal to do so meaning the destruction of their
crops by fire or other forms of sabotage, opened the eyes
of a good many farmers. Solidarity, the official publication of
the I.W.W., in its issue of June 9, 1917, contained an account
of a meeting of the Agricultural Workers section of the
I.W.W. In that report appears this language :
"The most important of all the communications, however,
was one from Mr . Townley, president of the Non-Partisan
League of North Dakota, an organization composed of prac-
tically 95 per cent of the farmers of that state, stating the
aims and objects of the organization, and that it controlled
most of the political offices of the state ." The article goes on
to say that Mr. Townley informed the I .W.W. convention
that the Nonpartisan League, at a convention soon to be held,
would name a committee of five to meet with a similar
committee from the I .W.W. to decide the question of wages,
hours and other working conditions that should prevail in
North Dakota that year. The article continues,
"The convention went on record as being in favor of the
proposition. . . . If the delegates come to an understanding,
8 "The Leaders of the Nonpartisan League," page 66 .

70. ann mere is no reason to Delieve out that they will, this Will
mean that none but members of the I .W.W. will harvest the
crops of the entire state of North Dakota this year ." s That
was boring from within with vengeance.
This plan of the legislative action group of socialists to
form a close connection with the force and violence wing,
caused many well meaning farmers to doubt the good inten-
tions of those who were so busily engaged, not in farming
the land, but in farming the farmers.
The philosophy of the Nonpartisan League was the philos-
ophy of socialism . Even those who formed and guided the
movement when it was at its height, did not deny this . The
reformative laws presented and adopted by the legislature of
North Dakota when the League was in political power were
"originally formulated by the Socialist parties on radical and
thorough-going lines ."
Townley, who was pushed to the front in forming the
organization, was a socialist . As has been noted, advertise-
ments for organizers were carried in the leading socialist
paper circulating in the West. Very early in the movement
two able socialist propagandists were imported to North
Dakota and went upon the payroll. One of them was Charles
Edward Russell, whose book we have already cited ; the
other, Herbert E . Gaston. In the bankruptcy proceedings of
Townley appears the following :
"I remember now, Charles Edward Russell was employed
to start the Nonpartisan League . . . . He was an employee
of the organization ; as I remember, his mission in Seattle
was to secure a newspaper man on his way ." 10
The newspaper man he secured was Mr. Gaston. Gaston
probably was more of a professional press agent than a so-
cialist although he later worked for the New York Daily
Leader, the official organ of the Socialist party. He is now
9 "Solidarity," June 9, 1917 .
10 Townley Bankruptcy Proceedings, page 179. Cited, "The Nonpartisan
League, Its Birth, Activities and Leaders," by William Langer, page 1,
Introductory .

71. 64
FOOLS GOLD
on the federal pay-roll as an assistant in the office of Secretary
of the Treasury Morgenthau . Mr. Gaston frankly admits the
charge was persistently made that the organization was so-
cialist. He writes :
"It has been freely and frequently charged that the League
is `Socialistic,' that it is an organization manned and led by
Socialists, that Townley himself is a socialist, and that the
whole movement is a plan to foist disguised Socialism onto
the states and the nation ."" Referring to these charges a
number of times in this book, Mr . Gaston dismisses them
with this sentence :
"The League's defense in general against all charges was
to attack." 12 This has been the strategy of the New Dealists .
During the first eighteen months of the Roosevelt adminis-
tration every one who raised his voice in protest was at once
attacked and charged with being a tory, a reactionary, a
chiseler, the hurler of "dead cats," to say nothing of other
names not even so polite.
Before very many people knew anything at all about the
Nonpartisan League, socialists of all degrees began to flock
to North Dakota . They had no trouble in securing paying
jobs as organizers and later, when the state was taken over
politically, annexing good state jobs . "Facts and Figures," a
document issued by the Joint Campaign Committee of North
Dakota in opposition to the Nonpartisan League in 1920,
presents the names of 87 well-known socialists actively con-
nected with the Nonpartisan League. Of this number, twenty-
one were on the State's payroll. The same little document lists
28 new offices that had been created by the Nonpartisan
League-controlled legislature, the payroll of which amounted
to nearly a hundred thousand dollars a year .
Gates E. M. Young, League candidate for the United States
Senate from Minnesota in 1918, wrote a friend under date
of February 16, 1920, as follows:
11 "The Nonpartisan League," Gaston, page 4 .
12 Ibid., page 89 .

72. SOCIALISM AND THE NONPARTISAN LEAGUE 65
"It is a fact that the socialist party in N . Dak. has disap-
peared. That this will be the case in all other states does not
necessarily follow . In N. Dak. the socialists were largely the
promoters of the N.P.L. . . .
"As a student of the socialist philosophy you understand
that the socialist party as such must disappear when (if)
socialism becomes a reality . And finally, the industrial state
will leave no place for the political parties . The outcome is the
abolition of the political state. This is sometimes called, 'in-
dustrial democracy.' The N.P.L. is headed in this direction .
Its theories though are based rather upon evolution than
revolution .
"It is, I must admit, very difficult to define the N .P.L.,
for it is an opportunist organization . For that reason its tactics
may be different in different states . Again it is very difficult
to be dogmatic in these days and say definitely what the
course of evolution will be. In some states, especially in those
states where the socialist party is weak, the socialist party
may cease to exist . In other states it will be the deciding
factor. You may anticipate a federation of the different liberal
and radical forces in the U.S." Is
And that is just what has happened . A "federation of the
different liberal and radical forces in the United States" is
now in control of the federal government in the name of the
Democratic party, supporting exactly the same socialist
philosophy and employing, to a large extent, the tactics of
the Socialist party, alias, Nonpartisan League, in North Da-
kota, a decade and a half ago .
William C. Rempfer, a well known socialist of Parkston,
South Dakota, after stating that the League "aims only to
socialize that part of the industrial life with which the
farmer comes in contact which is easily socialized, viz . : the
handling of the farmer's produce after he brings it to mar-
ket," adds :
is "The Leaders of the Nonpartisan League," photostat of letter, pages
96-7-8.

73. 66
FOOLS GOLD
"But the great hope in the League from the Socialist stand-
point is that the lesson so learned by the farmer will not be
lost, and will eventually induce him to support or at least
reconcile him to the general socialization of all industry
including his own."
Another sentence extracted from this letter, of special in-
terest in connection with New Dealism is this :
"The League makes it a personal financial inducement for
the farmer to join, promising him more for his produce
through cooperative handling of his produce . This is the
appeal of the League and the secret of its success." 14
One is forced to ask at this point, is not the inducement of
the AAA through the payment of money for crops not pro-
duced, "a personal financial inducement" for the support of
the farmers? Is not the continuing of this expensive and de-
structive policy the great hope of the New Dealists? Has
not its alleged success so far been due wholly to this "financial
inducement" paid by the taxpayers of the nation?
In another letter, under date of April 12, 1920, Mr. Remp-
fer wrote a correspondent as follows :
"When you realize that the League program is a segment
of the pure Socialistic doctrine, you will see that it is not
strange that socialists organized the League, or that it is at
present dominated by socialists. . . . The league organ-
izers, or at least most of them, are strict Marxians, and believe
in the dictatorship of the proletariat ." 15
"Townley . . . made the statement to a prominent Social-
ist, `I can take that name Nonpartisan and sugar coat the
principles of socialism and every farmer will swallow it and
call for more ."' 16
While the Nonpartisan League, inspired, controlled and
directed by socialists, did not attain national standing, it did
prove to an interested element within the socialist move-
14 Ibid ., page 89.
15 Ibid ., page go, photostat letter .
1s "Our Socialist Autocracy," Pamphlet, The independent Voters Associa-
tion, Fargo, North Dakota.

74. SOCIALISM AND THE NONPARTISAN LEAGUE 67
ment, that the original bore from within method applied to
political parties and called capturing or "stealing" promised
the way for the final attainment of the ends sought . The fight
within the movement-and all elements of it-for the next
ten years was between the third party group and the "steal"
party group. The latter won in 1932.
Before reviewing these intricate political maneuvers, it is
necessary to consider a new alien element injected into Ameri-
can life-the communists.

75. Chapter VIII
THE COMMUNISTS ENTER THE
UNITED STATES
IN keeping with its revolutionary aims and tactics, the Com-
munist party in the United States came into existence with a
bang. The left wing adherents in the Socialist party, the
Socialist Labor party, the I.W.W., and many unions affili-
ated with the American Federation of Labor, took to the new
organization as a duck to water. Here they had something
concrete to which they could tie-a successful revolution in
Russia. All they had to do was to accept, in toto, the philos-
ophy and tactics of these Russian revolutionists, apply them
in the United States and here, too, they would set up a soviet
form of government . Their traditional enemy, capitalism,
would take the count. They visualized themselves as sitting
comfortably in the White House, and in business offices draw-
ing nice salaries, bossing others around.
This element consisted largely of members of foreign "lan-
guage federations" in the Socialist party.' These persons were
not in that party because they accepted the legislative action
point of view-indeed, many of them did not know what
legislative action meant-but were there because, as revolu-
tionists, that was the only congenial company they could find .
Many of them did not speak the English language ; others
were not even American citizens nor desired to be . They
came here with revolution in their hearts. They wanted to de-
stroy all that Christianity and civilization had erected during
centuries of stress and toil . The destructive philosophy of
Marx, as expressed in the "Communist Manifesto," sank
deeply into their deficient mentalities .
While the movement gained a considerable following in
1 "Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States," page 330.
68

76. COMMUNISTS ENTER 69
the United States, this following continued to be largely
foreign-born . The communist with his force and violence
method makes no appeal to an idealist, or a humanitarian ; the
socialist, talking about reform through legislation, does.
Not understanding American psychology, those who now
guide the communist political and other organizations have
attracted very few native-born Americans-certainly none of
normal mentality. You can coax the average American into
trying everything ; you cannot drive him into doing anything .
There is where the right wingers have shown marked judg-
ment. By idealistic and emotional appeals they have induced
a large element of society to accept their reformative legis-
lation as desirable. Had they sought by the use of violence
and terrorism to gain a following they would have failed .
The Communist party of the United States was the suc-
cessor to the Russian Socialist Federation, "which was a
branch of the Socialist Party of America ." 2 This revolu-
tionary organization, formed before the upheaval in Russia,
was sufficiently strong in the United States to support an
official publication, the Novy Mir, printed in New York City .
The editor was Nicholas Bucharin,s who later took part in
the Russian bolshevik revolution and became the writer of
official communist literature . Associated with him was Leon
Trotsky, known also as Leon Braunstein . Indeed, the plans
for the coming revolution in Russia were largely laid in New
York City. They "were fully discussed and perfected by revo-
lutionary committees of the Russian Socialist Federation in
the United States ." 4
Is it any wonder, then, since we were kind enough to
permit this character of plotting against a friendly nation,
that the present-day communists feel they have a perfect right
to destroy our government as they did the Czar's and become
a bit peeved when we enter the slightest protest? The whole
2 Lusk Report, Vol . x, page 627 .
s Also spelled Bukharin .
4 Lusk Report, Vol. r, page 627.

77. 70
FOOLS GOLD
socialist movement in the United States, and it matters little
what they may now say about it, was, in a measure, respon-
sible for the Russian revolution . Indeed, it probably would be
difficult to find a socialist or a liberal supporter who will not
insist that the revolution was justified, and that what the
communists are now doing in Russia would well fit in with
their scheme of things for the United States.
Indeed this liberal element, the element now in and sup-
porting the brain trust, has even shown more vindictiveness
in combating individuals and organizations fighting the com-
munist movement than have many of the members of the
Socialist party.
Referring to the formation of the Communist party, the
American Labor Year Book says :
"Groups were formed throughout the country representing
the so-called `left' elements, whose announced aim was to
capture the party for what they conceived as revolutionary
Socialism. The preponderant majority of the members who
enrolled themselves in these groups were those who belonged
to the foreign language federations of the party ."
The Socialist party probably would have been captured and
its members compelled to adopt the left wing force and vio-
lence methods, but for the fact that the executive committee,
hurriedly gotten together, expelled a number of local and
state branches, thus depriving them of a vote in the coming
convention, a system of control which, when exercised by the
Democrats in the South to keep the party "white," is bitterly
denounced by socialists in general .6
5 "American Labor Year Book," Vol . III, page 406 .
6 The National Convention of the Socialist Party held in Detroit, Michigan,
in June, 1934, as a part of its principles advocated "a proletarian dictatorship,
in the event of the complete collapse of the capitalist system and resulting
chaos." See New York Times, July 14, 1935 . This caused the element in the
party ready to join hands with "liberals" of all degrees, to force through
additional restrictive and regulatory legislation at Washington, to protest .
The left wing, within the party organization, demanded the revocation of
the charter of the objecting locals . The differences were smoothed over at a
meeting of the National Executive Committee of the Socialist party in
July, 5935 .

78. COMMUNISTS ENTER 711
The Socialist party opened what was termed an "emergency
convention," in Chicago, August 30, igrg. The expelled force
and violence group met the next day in another room in the
same building. In order to demonstrate the superiority of
their methods members of the left wing engaged in fistic com-
bat with their brethren of the right wing . The much-abused
police were called to prevent more serious trouble .
At first the communists divided into two factions, more
over the question of leadership than over that of aims or
tactics, but Moscow soon forced them to subordinate personal
ambitions for party good.
The open, seditious actions of the communists, claiming to
operate as a political party; their utter disregard for Ameri-
can laws and institutions ; their close affiliation with the bol-
shevik regime in Russia, which regime frankly declared that
its purpose was to destroy all governments recognizing the
private property right-and we recognize that right-caused
a campaign to rid us of what, clearly, was a menace. Local,
state and federal authorities took action . Many alien com-
munists were deported . Several were arrested and convicted
under state laws. The Supreme Court upheld the findings
of the lower court where these cases were appealed .
In August, 5922, a secret, illegal communist convention at
Bridgman, Michigan, was raided by federal authorities . The
participants were charged with violating the Michigan anti-
syndicalist law. In the case of William Z. Foster there was a
hung jury-six to six . C. E. Ruthenberg, the next placed on
trial, was convicted and sentenced to a term in the Michigan
penitentiary. The State supreme court upheld the lower court .
The case was on its way to the Supreme Court of the United
States when Ruthenberg died. His remains were shipped to
Russia for interment.
This campaign to rid the nation of subversive elements
united socialists, communists, and their so-called liberal affili-
ates against Americanism . They began an intense campaign
of propaganda and agitation to distract attention from the

79. 72 FOOLS GOLD
philosophy of communism, and to center it upon the authori-
ties engaged in an attempt to eradicate the disease . These
authorities and every private individual who sought to give
the facts were denounced as "seeing red," "unreliable" and
"not to be trusted." The charge was made that in arresting
communists and deporting those who were still aliens, these
persons were deprived of their right of "free speech" and
"free assemblage," under the Constitution . In other words,
the Constitution which these very forces frankly and openly
stated it was their purpose to destroy, was invoked to enable
them to destroy it. The astonishing thing about this propa-
ganda is that it was accepted as correct by the great majority
of the people. The same socialist and so-called liberal support
is still being given to the communists under the fictitious alle-
gation that they are defending the right of free speech.
While the Communist party as such remained "under-
ground" for some years, late in 1921, in order to gain support
and keep the authorities off its shoulders, it set up on the
surface what was called the Workers' party . This later became
known as the Workers' (Communist) party, "section of the
Third International ." Notwithstanding the fact that the Su-
preme Court, in three different cases, has declared the Com-
munist party an illegal organization, since the philosophy
urged is of a subversive and revolutionary nature, yet the
Workers' (Communist) party has appeared upon the ballot
in a number of states and will, no doubt, so appear in the
next general election.
The public, at large, should be sufficiently well informed
concerning the extent and character of communist activities
in the United States during the past decade, although these
activities have been concealed to a large extent under the
name of "strikes," "protest meetings," "labor meetings," etc .
Like their predecessors, the I.W.W., it would be difficult,
indeed, for one even approximately to estimate the property
loss communists have caused, or the number of innocent lives
they have taken. One is safe, however, in saying that the

80. COMMUNISTS ENTER 73
value of the property destroyed by them, to say nothing of
wages lost by workmen forced to strike, is as great as, if not
greater than, the tax bill of several states .
The nature and extent of communist activities designed to
destroy our form of government and wreck our system of
economics, have been so fully covered by many writers, that
they will not be described here.?
Our interest remains in the underlying philosophy of de-
struction and the nature of the methods employed to put that
philosophy into operation in the United States . There are a
great many who fear that the communist system of force and
violence may win, and it may, but not until both the govern-
mental and economic structures are weaker than at present.
The weakening process, however, has been rapid since 1932.
The carrying out of the restrictive and regulatory legislation
already enacted will complete the weakening process unless
the agencies set up by the government be restrained by the
Supreme Court. The common theory of those of the socialist
movement who "are in the know" is that these experiments
will prove gigantic failures producing a "complete collapse
of the capitalist system and resulting chaos." That will open
the way for the left wing to apply force and violence tactics,
bring about a bloody revolution, capture control of the nation,
and make it a soviet subservient to the parent soviet at Mos-
cow. This is what happened in Russia, first Kerensky, then
Lenin; in Hungary, first Karolyi, then Bela Kun, later de-
posed. In Italy and in Germany the right wing had control
but before conditions were made sufficiently bad for the left
7 "The National Republic," Washington, D . C., is the outstanding maga-
zine in the United States, giving monthly reliable information on communist
activities. It should be in the hands of every loyal citizen in this country .
The Americanization Committee of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, under
the direction of Lt . Victor E. Devereaux, Washington, D. C., also supplies
much information along this line as do many of the leading patriotic societies .
The Elks recently took up the battle against communism . Leading Catholic
organizations, for years, have undertaken to educate their people to the
menace of socialism whether appearing under that name or under the name
of communism.

81. 74
FOOLS GOLD
wing to step in, strong national leaders appeared upon the
scene.
While for the past fifteen years our attention has been
centered upon the communists crying aloud at our front door
and threatening our lives, we have paid little or no attention
to the socialists who, through their system of alleged re-
formative legislation have been boldly walking in the back
door which we so kindly left open for them . To-day they
occupy the whole place ; to-morrow they may oust the lawful
occupant.
The philosophy of destruction is more clearly expressed in
the mass of communist literature, circulated .in every civilized
country of the world under the direction of the Third (Com-
munist) International, than in the published material of their
right wing brethren, the socialists . Communists follow the
injunctions of Marx who wrote :
"The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims .
They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by
the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions ." a And
that was the policy adopted by the communist movement
in the United States from its very inception .
It would require a lengthy document even to analyze the
thousands of communist books and pamphlets circulated in
the United States during the past decade and a half. Much
of this is easily attainable. The communists maintain book
stores in many of the larger cities for the sale of their own
literature, and print a number of newspapers and magazines .
The most prominent of the newspapers is the Daily Worker
of New York City. There are a few documents of interest,
however, that are not available to the public because they
have not been printed-indeed, when issued, were not in-
tended for the eyes of the public. One such document-and
of special interest in the light of what is now going on in
Washington under the guidance of the legislative action
group-was secured by the government when it raided the
8 "Communist Manifesto," page 55.

82. COMMUNISTS ENTER
75
secret, illegal gathering of communists at Bridgman, Michi-
gan, in August, 1922. This, with other proscribed communist
data, was hidden in barrels buried in the sands at the meeting
place but uncovered by government agents. The document
in question, marked "very confidential," brought to the
United States by courier, was accompanied by strict injunc-
tions that it was not to be printed even in underground
organs. It was signed by N . Bukharin who, as has been noted,
at one time edited a communist paper in New York City,
K. Radek and O . W. Kusinen for "the Executive Committee
of the Communist International." 9
In view of what has taken place in the United States under
the pretext of an emergency, or, as some have been forced
to believe, to stay a revolution, this document is of special
interest. The emergency was, to a large extent, created by
socialist propaganda and agitation over a period of more than
six decades, while the very legislation enacted will, if not
erased from the statute books, so destroy the morale of the
people and weaken the nation economically, that the very
revolution it was to stay may become an actuality.
Stating that the document is sent in order to "assist the
American comrades in working out and formulating their
line of action," it calls attention to the necessity of making
use "of the conflicting interests of the various factions of
the bourgeoisie ." It directs the American organization to bore
from within every possible "workers' and farmers' organiza-
tion" as, "for instance, the existing mass movement of small
farmers, . . . and even movements of middle-class farmers
under some circumstances ." If such groups could not be won
to communism they, at least, must be won "to benevolent neu-
trality in the class war."
That a large element in our population has been won to
"benevolent neutrality" is evidenced by the fact that when any
9 The writer was permitted by the State at the time of the Foster trial to
make a copy of this interesting document and the citations here given are
from that typewritten copy.

83. 76
FOOLS GOLD
person undertakes to point out the nature of radical activities
in this country, he is at once denounced as engaging in "red-
baiting," a clever term invented by the communists for the
use of these benevolent neutrals.
"The organization of the unemployed is an equally impor-
tant and difficult task," the document continues. "In this
movement, just as much as in all other minor battles, the
Communists must select their slogans according to the circum-
stances, and intensify them as much as possible, from the
immediate needs of the day to the general workers' control of
capitalist-industry . Right now they must make a special de-
mand for state support of the unemployed . . . ."
Considering the enormous debt already created because of
federal "support of the unemployed," it would seem that this
injunction was well developed by the American communists.
Then there comes this all-important direction :
"The Communist party must remember that it is not its
purpose to reform the capitalist state. The purpose of the
Communist is, on the contrary, to cure the working masses
of their reformistic illusions, through bitter experiences . De-
mands upon the state for immediate concessions . . . to the
workers are formulated, not to be `reasonable' from the point
of view of capitalism, but to be reasonable from the point of
view of the struggling workers, regardless of the state's power
to grant them without weakening itself . Thus, for instance,
a demand for payment out of the Government treasury, of
full union standard wages for millions of unemployed
workers is highly reasonable from the point of view of the
unemployed workers but damaging from the point of view of
the capitalistic state . . . ."
Take that statement of action, presented to the newly
formed Communist organization in the United States in 19211,
and then consider, one after another, the alleged reformative
legislation advanced by the right wing element fathering
what is called a New Deal, and you establish the connection.
But the Executive Committee of the Communist Interna-

84. COMMUNISTS ENTER 77
tional did not stop at that. It suggested "a few examples of
the type of demands that may be made ." This was followed
by many we find either being now urged in Washington
or already enacted into law. "These and other similar de-
mands must be considered only as starting points for
broader, sharper, more universal slogans," the instructions
read. "In their agitation the Communists must point out that
the problems will not be solved through these measures, but
that we support these demands of the masses so that the very
course of events itself may unmask the capitalist state . . .
and prove to the masses the necessity of the final struggle
for power against the capitalist state itself ."
The communists are frank enough to admit that reforma-
tive legislation, such as we are now experiencing, will not
"solve" our troubles. That, says the communist, is not the
purpose of such legislation . The socialist wing cover their
purpose with assurances that the ills of the nation are to be
cured through the enactment of the legislation formulated
and presented by them. In the attack upon the capitalist state
the instructions direct the communists to "develop a direct
attack, brand every mistake, every crime, every refusal of
the demands of the toiling masses and constantly demonstrate
the solidarity and identity of the capitalist class with the
capitalist state."
While force and violence tactics were, by no means, to be
abandoned, indeed were to be intensified, the Central Com-
mittee of the Communist International directed, "The Com-
munists must participate as revolutionists in all general elec-
tion campaigns, municipal, state and congressional, as well as
presidential . . . in order to use even the election campaigns
to revolutionize the workers and lead them forward, to
sharpen their class consciousness and to bring them together
and unite them under Communist leadership ." And then this,
which may explain a lot to those who are careful observers :
"In agitation and propaganda Communists can not be satis-
fied with mere dogmatic presentation of Communist prin-

85. 78
FOOLS GOLD
ciples. . . . They must not permit themselves to appear to
the masses as fanatic bomb enthusiasts. . . . They must un-
derstand how to lead the working masses from the struggle
for the satisfaction of their first concrete needs on to such a
battle that the struggling masses themselves will begin to
believe in success and victory."
Several pages of these instructions were devoted to ex-
plaining how the directing organization must, at all times,
remain underground because the nature of its activities were
such that, if discovered, would result in the arrest and con-
viction of those engaged in them. This underground and
secret organization has been maintained from the first down
to this day. The instructions finish with these words :
"It must always be remembered that the real revolutionary
party-the American section of the Third International-is
the Communist party of America and that the Legal party
is but an instrument which it uses to better carry on its work
among the masses."
We have given rather liberal citations from this document,
first, because the document itself is not available even to
students of the subject; and, second, because of the importance
of the instructions then given in light of legislation that has
been presented the American people since 1932 . This does not
necessarily intimate that many of those urging this type of
legislation are aware of its inception, but it does show how
easily the American people, wholly unacquainted with the
nature, extent, ramifications and philosophy of the socialist
movement, are deceived .
The instructions of the Executive Committee of the Com-
munist International to the American comrades to engage
in "all election campaigns" caused a broader and more im-
portant turn than was then anticipated. From 1921-or there-
abouts-the battle for supremacy along political lines lay be-
tween those who believed a third party was the way, and
those who maintained that the system of "stealing" party
nominations through the primaries, as demonstrated by the

86. COMMUNISTS ENTER 79 .
Nonpartisan League, was the better method . The contest is
an interesting one.
A brief review of it may enable the American people to
visualize the nature of the net woven around them and cause
them to break through before it is too late .

87. Chapter IX
THIRD PARTY MOVEMENTS IN THE '20S
IMMEDIATELY following the armistice there was a marked
increase in socialist propaganda and agitation. The injection
of the communists into the field revived interest in the philos-
ophy of destruction . There was a more or less general belief
on the part of those who adopted that philosophy, almost as
a religion, that the time was ripe for them to step in and
take complete control of the nation . They believed that many
of the returning soldiers could be induced to join with them
in this effort . But it was the success of the socialists in Russia,
more than anything else, that caused renewed socialist activ-
ity in the United States .
"When the workers of the world were turning to the left
in the epoch-making year of rgig it was inevitable that those
in the United States should also move-a little," is the way
Nathan Fine, a socialist, expresses it .'
Within the socialist movement there had grown up a
third faction, if faction it could be called, for it was, in truth,
not out of harmony with the tactics of either the right or
left wing. Its members were willing to try anything to get
results, and were not demanding either legislative action or
force and violence. This faction consisted largely of Fabians,
the majority of whom did not attach themselves directly to
either the Socialist or the Communist party, or so much as
call themselves Fabians. They were commonly known as the
"intelligentsia," since they were largely college professors,
school teachers, artists, writers, etc. While this group had
more faith in the right wing method than in the left, at the
same time they were very doubtful of attaining political con-
trol of the nation through the Socialist party or any other
1 "Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States," page 377 .
8o

88. THIRD PARTY MOVEMENTS IN THE '20S 8i
third party. They were ready to play along with this idea,
however, biding their time and their time came in 1932 .
This element held to the belief that success lay in entering
the primaries of one of the old parties and capturing control
and selecting nominees of that party. In other words, profiting
by the experience of the Nonpartisan League-and many of
the "intelligentsia" took part in the organization work of the
League-they were anxious to try out the system on a national
scale.
The Intercollegiate Socialist Society, to which reference has
been made in its proper chronological place, was the meeting
place for the "intelligentsia ." The society made a practice of
holding conferences each year where those who talked in a
learned way sought to impress the others with their knowl-
edge of the "proletarian movement ." During the war, this
organization, as such, said but little although some of its
members were not overly loyal . A conference was held at
Highland, New York, on June 24-30, 1919 .
Shortly after this meeting Woodworth Clum wrote a little
document, "Making Socialists Out of College Students,"
which was printed by the Better America Federation of Los
Angeles. Mr. Clum pointed out that among the prominent
persons at the conference was Albert Rhys Williams who had
been in Russia, "the confidant of Lenin and Trotsky ."
"Williams," continued Mr. Clum, "is a newspaper writer and
was in Russia when the autocracy of the proletariat was
established, under Lenin . Williams, with John Reed and
Boris Reinstein, constituted the Bolshevist Propaganda Bu-
reau-maintained headquarters in Petrograd, and, of course,
were in the pay of the Soviet government." ,3
A second conference was later held at the headquarters of
the American Civil Liberties Bureau (now Union) in New
York. Among those present were not only many of the
"intelligentsia" and of the Socialist party, but also persons
2 Page 6.
8 Ibid., page 6 .

89. 82
FOOLS GOLD
prominent in the Nonpartisan League and the I .W.W. An
organization was perfected . It was called "The Committee
of 48" because it was proposed to have an executive com-
mittee consisting of one person from each of the 48 States . A
little later a call was issued for a convention to be held at St .
Louis in December of that year.
Around 30o names were signed to the call . Among them
were 24 professors then actively engaged in teaching in differ-
ent institutions of higher education. Mr. Clum writes : "I
have a letter from Professor John Smertenka of Grinnell Col-
lege, Iowa, in which he declares that more than two thou-
sand professors in the United States were active in the at-
tempted organization of the Committee of 48."'
The "intelligentsia" gathered at St. Louis in response to the
call but found they were not enthusiastically welcomed by the
citizens. "Realizing the radical purposes of the Conference of
the Committee of Forty-Eight leaders," writes Jerry D. Ba-
con, "a few members of the American Legion in St . Louis
took it upon themselves to call the attention of the public to it
by entering a protest to the management of the hotel where
the convention was scheduled and succeeded in getting it
barred against the 'liberals'-as they termed themselves-for
24 hours and securing the attendance of government officials
to take a report of the proceedings ."'
After this little trouble was adjusted the delegates got
down to business but were a bit cautious in their language .
The general trend of the talks was in opposition to our form
of government, our system of economics, with considerable
laudatory mention of Soviet Russia .
J. A. H. Hopkins was placed in charge of the publicity
work for The Committee of 48 . Mr. Hopkins, an efficient
propagandist, had been actively connected with the Roose-
velt Progressive party in 1912 . He sought to make the Com-
mittee of 48 the successor to the "Teddy" movement . In a
4 lbid., page 9.
a "Sovietians," February 15, 1920, page 8i .

90. THIRD PARTY MOVEMENTS IN THE '20S 83
newspaper release, when Mr. Hopkins, his Committee of 48,
and many other socialistic organizations were fighting for the
LaFollette-Wheeler ticket, it was stated that, following in-
structions given Mr. Hopkins by the Progressive party in
1917, he "transferred the name and assets of the Progressive
Party to the Committee of 48 when it was formed in 1819 ;
and faithful to its trust the Committee of 48 has this year
placed these assets at the disposal of the LaFollette-Wheeler
movement." 6
While the "intelligentsia," operating under the name of
The Committee of 48, expected to step in and take political
control of all discordant elements, others held different views .
The leaders trained in the socialist school had far more
political sagacity and energy . They talked less and did more .
An element in the West, under the able leadership of John
Fitzpatrick of Chicago who, while a dominant figure in the
American Federation of Labor was likewise a dominant
figure in the social movement, prepared to form an independ-
ent political movement. Fitzpatrick was aided by Max S .
Hayes, Duncan MacDonald, Edward N . Nockels and others,
most of whom, once members of the Socialist party, had
dropped out to pursue their course to the common end along
what they believed more efficient lines. In igig these, and
other men, formed the Labor party, designed, in a way, to
take the place of the Socialist party because there was still
much ill-feeling against socialists due to their war record .
A convention called by the Labor party, in which The Com-
mittee of 48 joined, was held in Chicago in July, 1920. This
convention was clearly dominated by the communist element
seated as delegates from "labor" unions and other organiza-
tions, some of them hastily formed in order to be represented
at the convention. The communists had improved their shin-
ing hours by doing a bit of boring from within . The "intelli-
gentsia" delegates wanted to nominate Senator Robert M . La-
Follette for President. The Senator, who was an astute poli-
6 Dated September 22, 1924.

91. 84
FOOLS GOLD
tician and ever had his ear to the ground, was not, at that
time, ready to play along with any pronounced left wing
element, although he readily became the standard-bearer of
the right wing group of socialists four years later . Placing
himself out of the running was more than satisfactory to
the force and violence faction. The result was that the con-
vention named Parley Parker Christensen of Utah, an attor-
ney for the I.W.W., for first place and Max S . Hayes, for
the second. The name was changed "to that of Farmer-
Labor Party in the hope of appealing to the agricultural pro-
ducers," writes Nathan Fine.7 The ticket polled a little over
265,000 votes.
The Farmer-Labor party in 192o was merely a trial bal-
loon, however. The socialist forces had not had time since the
armistice to get their bearings . The militancy of the com-
munists disturbed the "intelligentsia" and yet the same "in-
telligentsia" gave moral support to the communist organiza-
tions and were foremost in their admiration for the Soviet
government of Russia. While there appeared upon the surface
a rather intense and bitter fight between the right and left
wing of the socialist movement, underneath there was an
agreement that finally brought forth the LaFollette-Wheeler
ticket in 1924 .
The various elements within the socialist movement, which
included a large number of the "intelligentsia" and others
who had become saturated with socialist thought, at once
divided into two factions over the question of how best to
gain political control of the United States. One faction,
headed by the old-time socialists, held to the third party
theory. They hoped, or at least they professed to hope, that
there would be a revolt against both the Democratic and Re-
publican parties, and an outraged public would sweep them
into office.
But the other element-more or less newcomers to the
movement and pleased with the affiliation of the "intelli-
7 "Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States," page 394 .

92. THIRD PARTY MOVEMENTS IN THE '20S 85
gentsia," from which element came the brain trusters-were
not so certain about the "revolt" and the "outraged public ."
They held that the surest way to secure political control was by
"stealing" party nominations in the primaries. They pointed
to the success that had attended the efforts of the Nonpartisan
League along this line and they further pointed out that no
third party movement had yet gained any great support from
the public . Even the "Progressives" headed by Theodore
Roosevelt, probably the best vote-getter of the day, had failed .
For the time being, the third party element in the move-
ment was the strongest and so a number of "intelligentsia"
whole-heartedly jumped in and gave support . So far as they
were concerned they were not wedded to any plan ; what they
wanted was control of the government, no matter by what
means, fair or foul .
The energy displayed by the force and violence group in
boring from within political movements greatly disturbed
the legislative action element. Were they to permit their
thunder to be stolen? With the coming of the communists,
the left wing element in the Socialist party had departed for
a more congenial home. That left the Socialist party in the
hands of the rigidly legislative action group. But, obviously,
they did not have sufficient strength to make any great dent
along political lines. They noted the marvelous growth of the
"intelligentsia" and wished to annex them. And why not?
Were not these "intelligentsia" following the same philos-
ophy of destruction? Did they not get their teaching, their
training from socialistic professors and teachers in the col-
leges and universities?
"Among them were able publicity workers and students
of social problems . . .," writes Mr. Fine.8 "There were also
some liberal ministers ." If the "intelligentsia" were inclined
to reject their parents because they did not like their name,
the old-time socialists reasoned the parents should change
8 Ibid., pages 389 -390.
'Ibid., page 384.

93. 86
FOOLS GOLD
their name in order to have the loving and loyal support of
their offspring.
The socialist convention at Detroit, June, 1921, adopted the
following invitation in the form of a resolution to the "in-
telligentsia" and certain labor and farmer groups to join hands
in a nice family party :
"That the incoming National Executive Committee be in-
structed to make a careful survey of all radical and labor
organizations in the country, with a view of ascertaining
their strength, disposition, and readiness to cooperate with
the Socialist movement upon a platform not inconsistent with
that of the party . . . :' 10 The survey was made . It showed a
mental soil similar to that which resulted in the Populist
and Nonpartisan League movements, this mental soil extend-
ing into the urban groups .
A committee meeting was held in November, 1921, at
which it was agreed that any general conference fathered by
the socialist party would fail of its purpose. In consequence
the call was issued by a number of railroad organizations,
drafted into the socialist scheme to nationalize the railroads
of the United States through what was called the "Plumb
Plan," headed by William H . Johnston, President of the Ma-
chinists Union, the largest organization in the railroad strike
of 1922 in which William Z. Foster, a leading communist,
played an important part . The record shows Johnston was a
socialist and an ardent advocate of the soviet form of gov-
ernment.
It was agreed that the new movement, to be effective, must
gain the support of the farmers. Two days before the one set
by Johnston for a meeting of his conferees at Chicago, a call
went out to the various socialist controlled farmers' organiza-
tions to meet, also in Chicago. Townley of the Nonpartisan
League was present at the gathering. A firm believer in the
"steal" party method he urged it upon the delegates. The
meeting adopted the name, The United Farmers' National
10 American Labor Year Book, Vol . IV, page 405 .

94. Bloc, agreed to support the League's methods of dominating
one or the other of the old parties, and the following Monday
moved over en bloc into the conference called by Johnston .
In this gathering, February loth, 1922, were to be found
delegates from practically every socialistic organization in the
United States and while the newspapers reported that the
I.W.W., and the communists were excluded, it would appear,
from later articles in the New York Call, then the official
organ of the Socialist party, that they were present, and in
numbers. Inflammatory speeches were made . Capitalism was
blamed for all economic ills . The man who pays wages was
denounced as tyrannical . Soviet Russia was lauded .
The plan originating with the Socialist party, to unite all
discordant and disgruntled groups into one political move-
ment, was approved. But no party name was adopted, it being
the intention of those present to engage in the "steal" party
system during the Congressional elections of 1922. The title
adopted for the gathering was the Conference for Progressive
Political Action, which was to be directed, until the next
convention to be held after the election, by a committee of
fifteen. It is interesting here to note that of this committee
Joseph Franklin, Sidney Hillman and Frederick C . Howe, as
has been pointed out, are now holding federal positions in
Washington under what is called a Democratic administra-
tion.
The delegates who met in Cleveland, December, 1922, as
per agreement, did not exude a vast amount of confidence .
The "steal" party group and the third party group were at
loggerheads. The "intelligentsia" sat on the fence, for the
time being. While favoring the former, they were not yet
ready to break with the latter . It was agreed, however, to
make the organization permanent and build for the presi-
dential election in 1924.
Whether it was to be the permanent policy of the organi-
zation to "steal" party control and nominations or to go it
alone was not definitely decided .

95. 88
FOOLS GOLD
It was the contention of a few very wise political heads
within the socialist movement, especially among the "intelli-
gentsia" or center wing, that the discontent, which was more
or less general-and socialists thrive on discontent-could be
intensified and used to the detriment of both the old parties .
They went vigorously to work to find something that might,
through an intensive propaganda campaign, be employed to
discredit Democrats and Republicans alike, and so result in
the election of a third party candidate to the Presidency . The
"scandal" they developed was in the field of oil .
While the Republican administration-and again, we insist,
due to an intensive campaign of publicity in the hands of the
"able publicity workers" to which Mr . Fine refers-was well
tarred, the cleverness and ability of leading Democratic Sena-
tors saw to it that their party was in nowise involved . When
the people's minds were filled with the belief that, in some
manner, they were being robbed of valuable oil lands, the
time to strike politically had arrived, so the united elements
in the socialist movement believed.
When the delegates to the convention met in Cleveland,
July 4, 1924, they found the stage set for the nomination of
Senator Robert M. LaFollette for President, and the adoption
of a platform that was to embody the policies of a New
Deal." The outlook for the socialization of the resources of
the United States appeared bright. The Republican party, due
to the so-called "oil scandals," had been adroitly placed on
the defensive. The Democratic party was held to be too weak
to make much of a campaign . It would be a simple matter
to brand it as "the tool of Wall Street," and that, they be-
lieved, would be sufficient to prevent its candidates securing
any considerable number of votes from the agricultural
sections.
The convention was made up of delegates from state
11 This phrase, a "new deal" was used in a congratulatory telegram sent
from New York by a group of the "intelligentsia" including Frederick C .
Howe, now a part of the administration forces at Washington .

96. THIRD PARTY MOVEMENTS IN THE '20S 89
branches of the Socialist party, the socialist-controlled
Farmer-Labor party, the Committee of 48 which still re-
mained the resting place for many of the "intelligentsia," and
a large number of labor unions affiliated with the American
Federation of Labor, all of which had been successfully won
to socialism through the bore from within system .
Among the speakers were Senator Lynn Frazier of North
Dakota, presumably a Republican, but elected by the Non-
partisan League ; Senator Henrik Shipstead, a Farmer-La-
borite; Congressman Nelson of Wisconsin, elected as a Re-
publican; and last but not least, Fiorello LaGuardia, once a
Congressman elected as a Republican, but at one time a fol-
lower of socialism, and now the fusion mayor of the City of
New York, with more influence, apparently, at the White
House than the Democratic Congressmen from that city .
There was no bickering about a candidate for President .
He had, in fact, been selected in advance; indeed the whole
scheme of the Conference for Progressive Political Action
was to place Senator Robert M . LaFollette at the head of the
socialist movement without the tar of the name . The Socialist
party met in the same city immediately after the adjourn-
ment of the Conference for Progressive Political Action.
Many of the delegates who sat in the latter under one designa-
tion, sat in the former as pure socialists. Eugene V. Debs,
then in prison, wired the socialist convention :
"I think it wise for our party to make no nominations
under the circumstances, but at the same time to hold the
Socialist Party intact, adhere rigidly to its principles, and keep
the red flag flying." 12
The platform, among other things, declared for :
Public ownership of the nation's water power -and creation
of a public super-power system ;
Promotion of public works in times of business depression ;
Retention of surtax on swollen incomes, restoration of the
tax on excess profits, taxation of stock dividends, profits un-
12 American Labor Year Book, Vol . VI, page 134 .

97. 90
FOOLS GOLD
distributed to evade taxes, rapidly progressive taxes on large
estates and inheritances ;
Reconstruction of the federal reserve and federal farm loan
systems to provide for direct public control of the nation's
money and credit to make it available on fair terms to all ;
Adequate laws to guarantee to farmers and industrial
workers the right to organize and bargain collectively through
representatives of their own choosing ;
Public ownership of railroads;
Abolition of the tyranny and usurpation of the courts, in-
cluding the practice of nullifying legislation in conflict with
the political, social or economic theories of the judges 1 3
Senator LaFollette made it plain in accepting the nomina-
tion that while he felt the candidates of this organization,
called the Progressive party, for President and Vice President
should have united support of those in harmony with the
socialist philosophy-only he did not use the phrase "socialist
philosophy"-he did not wish to see candidates for Congress
nominated on a third party ticket because, one is forced to
assume, he believed the "steal" party system at that time
would be far more effective. ". . . he was unwilling to lead
any campaign which would hurt those progressives, nomi-
nally elected as Republicans and Democrats," says the Ameri-
can Labor Year Book.14 -The selection of the candidate for
Vice President was left to Senator LaFollette . A few days
later he named Senator Burton K. Wheeler, then sitting in
the Senate as a duly elected representative of the Democratic
party of Montana. On the LaFollette-Wheeler campaign com-
mittee were 24 known socialists, 14 known "intelligentsia"
and 14 unidentified. The socialists put up no candidates, giv-
ing the Progressives their undivided and loyal support . But
the attempt thus to capture the government of the United
States in order to make it a socialized nation failed, and
is ibid., page 125.
14 Ibid., page 123 .

98. THIRD PARTY MOVEMENTS IN THE '20S 91
rather dismally, for LaFollette carried but one State, his own,
Wisconsin.
It would probably be incorrect to say that the members
of the "steal" party group in the socialist movement were
pleased at the failure. They were not . The results did, how-
ever, demonstrate to their minds that their program of action
was certain to be more effective . They would have been de-
lighted to have had LaFollette elected because they felt that
would give them a chance to sit in "key" positions at Wash-
ington and try their many theories on the helpless American
public. The Conference for Progressive Political Action had
left the door wide open for the "steal" party scheme . In its
plan of organization the first sentence reads thus :
"Purposes: To help nominate and elect to public office
only those `who are pledged to the interests of the producing
classes and to the principles of genuine democracy in agricul-
ture, industry and government."' 1s
The "steal" party element in the socialist movement, largely
of the "intelligentsia" variety, at once set to work to plan
for action in 1928. The time, however, was not then propi-
tious. The Republican party was too strongly entrenched in
the minds of the voters. But-well it was different in 1932 .
Then, like their Fabian friends in England, "they struck"-
and won.
1 5 Ibid., page 1so.

99. Chapter X
"STEALING" PARTY NOMINATIONS
THE natural and inevitable concomitant of the boring from
within system, as applied to labor and farmers' organizations,
permeating, as applied to college groups, and penetrating, as
applied to societies and clubs of every kind and description,
was what happened in 1932 when the great and honorable
Democratic party was "stolen" from its old-time and respon-
sible leaders by a group of the "intelligentsia," wedded to the
ancient philosophy of destruction .
That this would be the result could have been foreseen
by any one giving thought and study to both the philosophy
involved and the system employed to gain control . Indeed,
attention was called to the situation by several persons more
than three decades ago, and by an ever increasing number
of persons within the past two decades, but the public, instead
of giving heed to their words of caution actually derided them
for having the temerity to flash the warning .
As early as 1911 Rome G. Brown, an eminent member of
the Minnesota Bar, in a public address, pointed out the de-
structive features of some, of the so-called reform measures of
that day. One eastern friend, commenting on the prophecy of
Mr. Brown, said that his "time might be better occupied than
in combating windmills, mere theories that were impossible
of any wide acceptance or any lasting adoption anywhere." 1
Considerably more than three decades ago Peter Collins was
sent through the United States by the Knights of Columbus
to expose the fallacious theory which culminated in New
Dealism. While he may have made some impression upon
those of his religious faith, it is certain that others paid no
attention to his warnings . He, like Mr. Brown and hundreds
1 Senate Document No . 260, 66th Congress, 2nd Session, page 4.
92

100. "STEALING" PARTY NOMINATIONS
93
of others, were made the "laughing stock" by the blind public
which was itself victimized .
Again, it was but natural and logical that the leadership in
the movement to impose "a new social order" upon the
people of the United States should pass from control of the
original foreign-born proponents to a native-born element;
and from those engaged in manual labor to those engaged
in mental activities-those classed to-day, the "intelligentsia ."
The Fabian way was the only way that could be em-
ployed with success in this nation. The founder of this society
"found his affinity in the famous Fabius Cunctator," writes
Professor Hearnshaw, "and, having done so, he oracularly
informed his fellows : `For the right moment you must wait,
as Fabius did, most patiently, when warring against Hanni-
bal . . . but, when the time comes, you must strike hard, as
Fabius did.' 112 While Rome contains no record of Fabius
having struck hard, those who adopted Fabian tactics, pro-
ceeded to wait and watch for the psychological time to act . It
came in 1932 .
Between March, 1929, when Mr . Hoover was inaugurated
as President of the United States, and November, 1932, when
Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected as a Democrat on a plat-
form that declared for sound money, a balanced budget, a
reduction in the expenses of the federal government, and the
abolition of the many useless boards and bureaus, a great deal
happened favorable to the "steal" party program of the so-
cialistic element working largely under the guidance and
direction of the "intelligentsia." These latter did not openly
affiliate with the Socialist party although many of them were
members of subsidiary organizations, such as the League for
Industrial Democracy .
The nation was going through a severe economic depres-
sion; millions of persons were unemployed ; the prices of farm
products were low; business of every kind and nature was in
a bad way with many forced into bankruptcy . No sooner had
2 "A Survey of Socialism," page 293 .

101. 94 FOOLS GOLD
Mr. Hoover been seated than the opposition started what was
called a "smear Hoover" campaign in the hands of an old-
time Washington newspaper correspondent, one of the ablest
publicity men in this country, who knew the ropes perfectly .
This campaign was exceptionally successful . While those who
conceived the idea congratulated themselves when the votes
were counted in November, 1932, some of the old-time Demo-
crats awoke to the fact that their party did not win the elec-
tion. Since then a whole lot more have had their eyes opened .
To get a clear understanding of the situation, one must
return to the LaFollette-Wheeler campaign of 1924 when the
same element sought to capture control of government
through a third party . This plan was inaugurated, as has been
pointed out in the previous chapter, by the socialists operating
through what was termed the Conference for Progressive
Political Action, the first meeting of which was held at
Cleveland, Ohio, in 1922.
Among those who, at that time, apparently believed in
the capturing scheme was William Johnston, previously re-
ferred to, president of the International Machinists Associa-
tion, and chairman of the convention that nominated Robert
M. LaFollette on the Progressive (Socialist) ticket in 1924.
He was quoted by the Cleveland Plain Dealer, when the
original conference was being held, as stating that "the main
purpose of the meeting is to set up active participation of
progressive voters in the primaries ." "With the success of the
movement of Progressive political action in the recent elec-
tion," he is quoted as saying, "we feel that more can be
accomplished by working through present political parties
than in the formation of an independent organization ."
The conference developed two factions, one taking the
position outlined by Mr. Johnston and the other, strict adher-
ence to the third party plan . For the time being the latter
prevailed. The New York Call, then the outstanding socialist
newspaper, editorially commenting on the conference, said
that "the division came over the question of whether to organ-

102. "STEALING" PARTY NOMINATIONS
95
ize a new party or to organize outside of parties and attempt
to capture the various primaries ."
"To those who uphold the latter point of view," the edi-
torial continued, "the party means nothing-the primary
everything. . . To them a party is neither good nor bad,
just as a public office is neither good nor bad ; if a worker
or a supporter of the workers captures the nomination, the
party is `good.' If they do not, the party is 'bad.'"8
It will be recalled that following the success of the Nonpar-
tisan League in "stealing" party nominations through the
primaries, there appeared in both Senate and House, a small
group, some elected as Democrats, some as Republicans, who
formed a bloc of their own and began to agitate for socialistic
proposals, such as government ownership and control of cer-
tain industries, notably utilities. The Conference for Progres-
sive Political Action had gone into the 1922 elections with this
in mind, and in a press release, later issued, stated that, "in
the congressional campaign of 1922 the Conference for Pro-
gressive Political Action secured a balance of power in Con-
gress." With the failure of the third party movement in
1924, the advocates of the "steal" party system believed their
method would thereafter be acceptable to the others .
The way seemed paved for this faction. The try-out of the
Nonpartisan League had proven conclusively to their minds
that what was done in North Dakota, and a number of other
states locally, could be done nationally . They were not con-
cerned with platform declarations ; their interest was centered
in the election of a man to the presidency who would uphold
and effect their philosophy . Furthermore, they grasped the
fact that in a Democratic convention they could not very well
give notice of their real intentions : first, because the old-time
Democrats would not stand for it ; and, second, the people
would not flock to a candidate, regardless of party brand, who
frankly and openly stated that it was his purpose, through
3 December 14, 1922 .
4 From Progressive Publicity Bureau, Washington, undated.

103. 96
FOOLS GOLD
restrictive and regulatory legislation, to take the initial step
to abolish the institution of private property . The only presi-
dential candidate who gave public utterance to this char-
acter of thought was the one who headed the Socialist ticket.
His support was negligible.
Those who pick up the trail of the socialistic forces sup-
porting the late Senator LaFollette in 1924, and follow that
trail down to the nomination of Franklin D . Roosevelt by
the Democratic convention in 1932, will find the connection
between these forces and the delegates pledged in the prima-
ries to insist upon the nomination of Mr. Roosevelt. Space per-
mits hitting only a few high spots. By going through the
files of the daily press from the opening of 1931 to the date
of the convention, those seeking complete data will find a
most interesting story .
Let us pick up the story early in March 1931 when a
group of "insurgents" in the Congress-men elected as either
Democrats or Republicans but who followed the program
of neither-issued a call for a Progressive conference at Wash-
ington s It will be recalled that the name under which the late
Senator LaFollette ran for President, supported by the social-
ists, was Progressive . Senator Burton K. Wheeler, the running
mate of Mr. LaFollette in 1924 was one of the signers to the
call.
Five governors, all known for their so-called liberal views,
were invited to attend this gathering. Governor Franklin D.
Roosevelt headed the list. The others were Gifford Pinchot,
Pennsylvania, Julius Meier, Oregon, Phillip LaFollette, Wis-
consin, and Floyd Olson, Minnesota .
Mark Sullivan, writing in the New York Herald Tribune,'
said
"It is evident that Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt has
taken pains to show exceptional kindliness toward this con-
ference and its leaders. In answer to the invitation extended
5 This is the Conference to which reference was made in Chapter IEI.
6 March 12, 1931.

104. "STEALING" PARTY NOMINATIONS
97
to him, he made three separate replies . In an early telegram
he said he would attend if he possibly could . In a long-dis-
tance telephone conversation with Senator Norris he expressed
regret that he could not come because of having the New
York legislature on his hands . In a final telegram he sug-
gested comparison between the program of the conference and
his own policies in New York State, especially his policy about
waterpower."
The conference was composed of 164 registered delegates-
men and women. Of these, eighty-one were openly and
actively connected with the LaFollette movement in 1924 .
Two of them, Daniel C. Roper and Harold L. Ickes, are in
the present Democratic cabinet. A number of others now hold
positions at Washington. Both Senators Borah and Norris
attended this conference and both spoke at length, the latter
in favor of legislation later enacted by the New Deal party .
While, no doubt, many accepting the invitation and at-
tending this conference were not members of the socialistic
group, the list of names as it appeared in the New York
Times shows that the majority favored the enactment of
legislation which would put into effect certain so-called re-
forms of socialist inception.
A news story in the Times 7 says:
"Some of those sympathetic to the Roosevelt candidacy . . .
think that the turn events have taken will be an aid to him
in the approaching contest. They recalled also that the New
York Governor had sent a kindly telegram to the Progressive
convention and that there had been considerable applause
when it was read."
Senator LaFollette, a delegate to this conference, following
instructions given him, named a committee of seven on "un-
employment and industrial stabilization ." Among those on
this committee who have been officially rewarded by the
Roosevelt regime are Frank Murphy, named Governor of the
Philippines, and Leo Wolman, made a member of the Na-
7 March 14, 1931 .

105. 98
FOOLS GOLD
tional Labor Board . The others, Isador Lubin, Jacob Billi-
kopf, Ralph Hurlin, Rabbi Edward L . Israel and Lillian
Wald, since March 4, 1933, have been closely connected with
the advancement of New Deal policies .
Now let us turn to another element-the more or less
strictly Fabians-those who, because of the nature of their
activities, have been labeled brain trusters . The unquestioned
head of this group was-and probably still is-Professor
Felix Frankfurter of Harvard. The Unofficial Observer,
writing in the Washington Post s had this to say:
"Prof. Felix Frankfurter's intimacy with President Roose-
velt dates back to the Wilson Administration . . . . Franklin
frequently invited Felix to come to Albany for a general
gabble and incidental diagnosis of that ever interesting patient
known as the state of the Nation . And Felix urged in letters
to his friends and in conversation Roosevelt's nomination for
the Presidency, being one of the few liberal intellectuals who
saw that Roosevelt was their man ."
The writer adds, "After the nomination Frankfurter or-
ganized the Progressives-for-Roosevelt movement in New
England, which succeeded in keeping a few college professors
from voting for Norman Thomas, and he drummed up a lot
of support for the appointment of Frances Perkins as Secre-
tary of Labor, which Roosevelt welcomed, as he had decided
to appoint her in any case."
After stating that "President Roosevelt would have wel-
comed him (Frankfurter) in almost any position up to,
and probably including, the Treasury portfolio or the Gover-
norship of the Federal Reserve Board"-all of which Frank-
furter refused-the writer contributes this bit of interesting
information : "The most he would do was to accede to Roose-
velt's request that he supply the Administration with a hand-
picked group of liberal lawyers."
Of Raymond Moley, for a time the ace of the brain trusters,
the same writer says : "He has had a hand in writing several
8 March 11, 1934.

106. "STEALING" PARTY NOMINATIONS
gg
of the President's speeches, for, better than any one else in
the world, he knows Roosevelt's style and speaking cadence
and how to make the most of them ." The same writer takes
up, one after another, the leading members of the so-called
brain trust and shows the influence they have wielded on Mr .
Roosevelt. Frank Kent and Mark Sullivan in their syndicate
articles have dealt rather fully with this group.
With the more or less skilled politicians connected with
the so-called Progressive conference mentioned out in the field
"whooping things up for Mr . Roosevelt," and with the trained
and skilled band of able strategists sitting at the Governor's
elbow, the plan of the socialistic forces, through the use of
the primaries to capture the Democratic convention for their
favorite, proved successful.
It is true that many old-time and conscientious Democrats
supported the candidacy of Mr . Roosevelt in that convention .
They believed in him, having accepted his utterances at face
value. They knew him to be credited with being an able cam-
paigner, and they saw in him the one man who could retire
Herbert Hoover to private life . They did not know then-
and many of them do not know now-that the impelling
force back of Mr. Roosevelt's candidacy was the old LaFol-
lette machine with its socialistic cohorts, and the little group
of Fabians who have since become known as brain trusters .
While these old-time Democrats were looking for success at
the polls, these others had their eyes on the enactment of a
series of restrictive and regulatory acts which would be the
initial step to complete abolition of the right of private prop-
erty.
The campaign was made on the issue of restoring pros-
perity. The socialistic element remained in the background,
permitting the old-time Democrats to take the active lead
and to gain the support of the conservative element . Nothing
was said by Mr. Roosevelt, or by any Democratic campaigner,
that gave even a clew to the details, or nature, of the socialistic

107. 100
FOOLS GOLD
program which this subversive group planned on putting into
effect, and which now clutters the federal statute books .
The direct pledge was made by the Democratic candidate
that the cost of conducting federal government would be re-
duced twenty-five per cent . That had a nationwide appeal.
The direct pledge was also made that a system of sound
money would be maintained, by which the people believed he
meant the retention of the gold standard . That also had a
nationwide appeal. The direct pledge was made that bu-
reaucracy would be destroyed in Washington, and that like-
wise had a nationwide appeal. Mr. Roosevelt was easily
elected. It was hailed as a Democratic victory. But was it?
No sooner had Mr. Roosevelt been inaugurated than there
appeared at the White House, as a sort of mental bodyguard,
a group of the "intelligentsia," now termed brain trusters .
Old-time Democrats who had labored year in and year out
for the party, instead of finding themselves near the pie-
counter, were forced to stand outside the window and look
in at a lot of men and women, all strangers in Democratic
society, comfortably seated before a sumptuous political feast .
Gen. Hugh S. Johnson, who for a time was the "cracker-
down" for the brain trusters and now the "cracker-down" on
them, in the Saturday Evening Post' says:
"Shortly after election there began to occur one of the
cleverest infiltrations in the history of our Government. There
was no noise about it. The professor (Frankfurter) himself
has refused every official connection. His comings and goings
are almost surreptitious. Yet he is the most influential single
individual in the United States. (Italics in original .)
"His `boys' have been insinuated into obscure but key posi-
tions in every vital department-wardens of the marches, in-
conspicuous but powerful. Wherever to know, check, influ-
ence or control what goes on in Government it would be a
good thing for a Big Happy Dog to have a Little Happy
Hot Dog planted, there is one there, alert and quietly active.
9 October z6, 1935 .

108. "STEALING" PARTY NOMINATIONS ioi
"In the early days they held obscure juntas in imitation
salons, and here much that has developed since to worry and
harass and repel business was discussed .
"Two or three infest Henry Wallace . The area in and
about the Federal Trade Commission literally writhes with
them. The Justice, Interior, Labor and Treasury Departments
harbor their quotas . Other hosts for them are PWA, AAA,
FERA, TVA and SEC."
The astonishing thing to the old-time Democrats was that
many of those who were placed in "key" positions in a Demo-
cratic administration were those who, but eight years before,
had supported candidates for President and Vice President,
opposed to the regular Democratic nominees and who had,
on the public platform, and in the press, denounced Demo-
cratic policies .10
What has taken place in Washington since March 4, 1933,
is common knowledge. Of the important promises contained
in the Chicago platform, only the one relating to prohibition
has been kept. On the contrary, a flood of legislation wholly
in opposition to those promises has been forced through the
Congress and approved by the President . Some of these acts
have been already declared unconstitutional, and others are
on the way to the Supreme Court for adjudication . Old-time
and conscientious Democrats who think first in terms of na-
tional good stand aghast. Many of them in both Senate and
House have expressed themselves . Congressman Andrew J.
May of Kentucky states it this way :
"I am objecting to a lot of Communists and wild sons of
wild jackasses, if you please, capturing the Democratic Party
and carrying it into captivity and then demanding the sur-
render of the great principles taught by Thomas Jefferson
and Andrew Jackson as a ransom to get it back."" And
Senator Royal S . Copeland of New York had this to say :
10 For a list of a number of those connected with the Progressive-Socialist
movement in 1924, see Chapter III.
11 Congressional Record, July 8, 1935, page it185 .

109. 102
FOOLS GOLD
". . . if I had it to do over again, I should not vote for
the NRA. There are a lot of such things I am not going to
vote for now. I do not care if I am the only Democrat, though
I know I am not the only one, I am not going to vote for
these various measures which in my judgment are doing much
to retard progress in America and which are seeking to set
aside all those economic laws which are essential to our well-
being as a Nation. We cannot make people good by legisla-
tion. Neither can we make them prosperous by legislation .
This is my apology as regards my vote two years ago on
NRA." 12
Hon. Alfred E. Smith, one-time candidate for President
on the Democratic ticket, in an address before the American
Liberty League, at Washington, took a similar position :
"How do you suppose all this happened? This is the way
it happened. The young brain trusters caught the Socialists
in swimming and they ran away with their clothes . Now,
it is all right with me, it is all right with me, if they want
to disguise themselves as Karl Marx or Lenin or any of the
rest of that bunch, but I won't stand for their allowing them
to march under the banner of Jackson or Cleveland ." 13
Others, notably, Senators Glass, Byrd, Bailey, Tydings,
Adams and King, all Democrats, on the floor of the Senate
have expressed themselves in clear and unmistakable lan-
guage. Lewis W. Douglas, who was named Director of the
Budget by President Roosevelt, resigned because he could not
support the program of the "intelligentsia ." He asks: "Do we
as Americans consciously choose to repudiate the things in
life for which we have always stood? Do we elect to be
beguiled by soft, seductive doctrines into following a course
which ends only in the destruction of equality and of
liberty?" 14
12 Congressional Record, July 17, 1935, page 11743 .
Is New York Times, January 26, 1936 .
14 Courtesy of D . Van Nostrand Co ., Inc., from Douglas "The Liberal
Tradition," page 57. This book should be read by every loyal American .
It is not written in a spirit of anger but instead is a calm, careful evaluation
of the conditions that confront the nation .

110. "STEALING" PARTY NOMINATIONS
103
And in that word "destruction" one finds the key to the
situation. The New Deal program of legislation has been
destructive, not constructive . It is clearly founded on the
ancient philosophy of destruction and the theory arising there-
from that all economic ills are caused by the institution of
private property. It carries out the original program of alien
refugees in the United States to capture and destroy .
The Democratic party has been captured. Not even the
much-chagrined leaders deny that . A glance at the nature of
New Deal legislation confirms the statement. That legislation
is so voluminous, so confusing, so contradictory, that it can
only be reviewed briefly-very briefly . Let us turn to it, how-
ever, for a fair analysis.15
is Much of the data appearing in this and the previous chapter appeared
in a pamphlet issued by the League for Constitutional Government, 18 East
48th Street, New York City, early in 1935 .

111. Chapter XI
NEW DEAL LEGISLATION IS DESTRUCTIVE
THERE are many who will vigorously deny that the New
Deal legislative program is destructive; that it is socialistic
or that it is communistic . Those who take this position divide
into two groups . The one is composed of the ultra-idealists
and humanitarians, those peculiar individuals who, in the
excess of their honest desire to benefit the underdog, set
evidence, logic, and common sense to one side and blunder
on. The other group is composed of those who, to show
their loyalty to party, appear to think that anything bearing
the Democratic label must, of necessity, be good . They
do not stop to gather the facts and to reason therefrom.
Apparently they follow the admonitions of the Southern
Congressman who, a number of years ago in a public address
on the floor of the House, stated that "there are times when
a man must rise above principle ."'-
The question is not what some people think or say regard-
ing this legislation; it is, what are the facts?
For more than sixty years a certain element in our society,
originally alien both in birth and thought, has been assidu-
ously working toward a definite objective-that objective
being the abolition of the institution of private property . The
destructive nature of the doctrine they advance is well de-
scribed by Prof. Hearnshaw. In quoting him we have inserted,
in three places, the term "New Deal" in parenthesis, to bring
his statement to date . The professor writes :
". . . socialism (New Dealism) runs directly counter to all
the dominant human instincts which cause men to produce .
In the name of equality it destroys the freedom which is
necessary for effective activity ; in the name of co-operation it
1 Cited in "Congress as Santa Claus," Charles Warren, page 2 .
104

112. NEW DEAL LEGISLATION IS DES I RUCTIVE iog
puts an end to that healthy competition which is the bracing
air of industrial activity, and the main means by which the
community secures efficient service ; in the name of com-
munity it deprives men of the capacity to acquire property,
and so removes the chief incentive to labour ; in the name
of nationalisation it appropriates successful private businesses,
and thus damps down energy and initiative ; in the name of
public assistance it discourages both thrift and self-help ; in
the name of readjusted taxation it institutes a vindictive spolia-
tion of those who, by diligence and self-restraint, have man-
aged to save; in the name of capital levy it projects an orgy
of legalised loot . In short, all the principles and all the devices
of socialism (New Dealism) seem to be as carefully contrived
as though they had been designed in Bedlam, to depress
labour, discourage enterprise, damp initiative, discountenance
forethought, prevent the accumulation of capital, encourage
recklessness and extravagance, foster parasitism, ruin industry.
In the supposed interests of the proletariat, socialism . (New
Dealism) tends to dr::g the whole community down to one
disastrous level of laziness, incompetence, and destitution ."'
One making no more than a casual study of New Deal
legislation is forced to the conviction that, carried to its
final conclusion, it will destroy individual initiative, thrift,
industry, agriculture, freedom of personal action, and con-
stitutional government. While, no doubt, the great majority
of the members of the Congress, who so readily acquiesced in
the adoption of this legislation, honestly and sincerely believed
it would aid in correcting certain economic maladjustments,
the results, so far, have caused many of them to wonder if
the purpose is not, as Prof. Rae states of socialism, "to de-
stroy."
The strength of the nation depends upon its economic
stability and the morale of the people ; in truth, more upon
the latter than upon the former . Obviously, then, weaken
either, or both, and the nation is weakened ; destroy both,
2 "Democracy and Labour," page 171.

113. io6
FOOLS GOLD
or even the latter, and the nation is destroyed. The bloody
revolution about which the communists prate is wholly un-
necessary. No one knows better, or appreciates this fact more,
than the clever leaders of socialist thought. The weakening
process has been going on for years. It is approaching its
climax in the legislative program of the New Deal . Regardless
of what may be the stated purpose of this legislation ; what
the members of the Congress who enacted it believed its
purpose ; or what a large element of people hold to be its
purpose, the fact remains that, if carried to its final conclusion,
it will so thoroughly weaken the economic stability and the
morale of the people that the nation will easily succumb to
any antagonistic force .
Individual initiative and thrift will be destroyed : Individual
initiative has been responsible for every progressive step from
barbarism to enlightenment . The first hunter who conceived
the idea of hiding some of the meat of the wild animal he
killed to appease his hunger, in case he could not find more,
employed personal initiative. "Remember, it is always the
individual who is the pioneer and who blazes the way for
the multitude," says Guy Morrison Walker. "Kill individual
initiative and all progress will cease and civilization die," he
adds.3
Can the farmer exercise individual initiative in the man-
agement and direction of his farm if some board, or bureau,
at Washington forces him to follow set rules and orders
promulgated by those who, possibly, do not know a plow
from a harrow? Can the manufacturer employ individual
initiative when some board at Washington, made up of men
who know nothing whatever of his problems, directs his
affairs? Can the merchant employ individual initiative when
another bureau tells him the wages he must pay his em-
ployees, the number of hours they will be allowed to work,
the sale price he must place on every article, and what articles
3 "The Things That Are Caesar's," A. L. Fowle, New York City, 1922,
Pages 44 -5.

114. NEW DEAL LEGISLATION IS DESTRUCTIVE 1o7
he may or may not display on his shelves? Can any employer
of men and women exhibit his personal initiative when
another bureau at Washington directs whom he shall, and
whom he shall not, hire and denies him the right to discharge
employees for inefficiency, or some act detrimental to his
business? The Wagner Labor law in substance and effect
does that very thing.4
"It is the principle of the continuing extension of regulatory
powers over every business activity to which I desire to regis-
ter my protest," said Senator Harry Flood Byrd, Democrat
from Virginia, over the radio . ". . . the average American
should be permitted to conduct his legitimate business opera-
tions without the fear of criminal prosecution by his Govern-
ment, or harsh and threatening treatment from autocratic
bureau heads. In the face of this assurance in the Democratic
platform we see to-day a bureaucracy being rapidly built up
here at Washington to control the daily activities of our
people such as no one has before even remotely suggested or
anticipated. Step by step the bureau chiefs are establishing
new power to regiment the American people in all their daily
activities." S
Thrift is the natural concomitant of individual initiative
and of the individual property right. The intelligent exercise
of thrift has resulted in the accumulation of what is termed
capital. This capital, made available for the development of
great enterprises such as railroads and public utilities, came
largely from the savings banks and the life insurance com-
panies. They had this money to loan for constructive use
because of the thrift of millions of persons . In 1932 there were
more than 44,000,000 savings deposits in the United States
in banks of various sorts, with aggregate deposits of
$24,000,000,000. At the same time there were 1,545,000 postal
savings depositors with total deposits of $1,185,000,000. In
the same year there were about io,ooo,ooo members of build-
4 Provisions of the Bill .
5 From radio address printed in the Congressional Record of May 30, 1934 .

115. 108
FOOLS GOLD
ing and loan associations, with assets approaching $8,ooo;
000,000. At the beginning of that year there were 33,53 1,000
ordinary life insurance policies in force with face value of
$9o,6ii,ooo,ooo. There were, at the same time, 88,2a8,ooo
"industrial" policies calling for payment of $ 18,274,000,000-"
Every dollar of the above is evidence of thrift practiced by
the American people. Much of this money has been put to
work through proper investments, and in so doing millions
of people have benefited. The amount of railroad, utility
and similar high class investments now held by the savings
banks and insurance companies, is approximately $14,000;
ooo,ooo. But for the practice of individual initiative and thrift
by the past two generations, is there any one who can say
that our material progress would have been the same or that
wages and general living conditions would have improved
as they did during that same period?
Yet despite the constructive nature of individual initiative
and thrift, we find one brain truster actually advocating
abandonment of the practice of thrift . Dr. David Cushman
Coyle, described by Mark Sullivan as one who when "not on
the New Deal pay roll is an `expert on wind vibration in
high buildings,'" is quoted as stating before a group of Penn-
sylvania women that "everything we were taught in school
is exactly wrong; thrift is no longer a virtue, saving for a
rainy day makes it rain all the harder ." 7 If thrift is no longer
a virtue, then by the same token, shiftlessness is no longer
a vice!
Private Industry and all lines of business will be destroyed :
The attack here is upon two fronts. First, through restrictive
and regulatory legislation directly and adversely affecting
every line of business from the smallest to the largest ; and,
second, through the levying of excessive and burdensome
taxes.
6
Figures taken from the "National Sphere," June, 1934.
7 New York Herald Tribune, May 13, 1934 . Dr. Coyle is connected with
the REA.

116. NEW DEAL LEGISLATION IS DESTRUCTIVE iog
The NIRA was the initial step to national regimentation,
and hence destructive to private-industry and business . The
Supreme Court held that law to be unconstitutional . This
temporary set-back, however, did not greatly disturb the brain
trusters. Instead of attaining their end by one blanket law,
as the NIRA would have done, they immediately sought the
same objective in another way-special legislation for each
industry. The Gufley-Lewis Coal bill resulted . If that is held
constitutional, why not similar laws for the steel industry,
the packing industry, the milling industry and so on down
the line?
But it is in the field of taxation that many of the pro-
ponents of the New Deal expect to deliver the knock-out
blow to industry and business as a whole. Every additional
dollar levied in the form of taxes to that extent weakens
industry. Increase these taxes to the point where industry is
unable to pay and industry automatically passes into the
hands of the state. The use of the taxing power for the final
attainment of socialism is fundamental with those who accept
the Marxian theory . Marx, in his original manifesto, pro-
posed : "A heavy progressive or graduated tax ; abolition of
all right of inheritance." Will any one say that this Marxian
proposal is not evident in the New Deal taxation program?
Every International from the date of Marx to the present
has stressed the importance of increasing the taxes upon the
people, on the theory that in this manner socialism can be
more easily and more quickly attained. Professor Skelton
referring to this plan adds this pertinent comment : "In other
words, they would imitate the humanitarian youngster who
thoughtfully cuts off the cat's tail an inch at a time, to
save it pain." e
The Socialist party presented the following plank in its
x912 platform : "The adoption of a graduated income tax,
the increase of the rate of the present corporation tax and
8 "Socialism : A Critical Analysis," page 184 .

117. iio
FOOLS GOLD
the extension of inheritance taxes. . . . the proceeds of these
taxes to be employed in the socialization of industry ."
It should be noted that the proposal to increase taxes was
not that funds might be supplied for the proper maintenance
of government, but for the acquisition of funds to be used
for the "socialization of industry ."
Jessie Wallace Hughan, a Socialist writer, who has previ-
ously been quoted, after outlining legislation that was to be
"deliberately" urged to bring about the socialization of the
nation, writes :
"In finance the Socialists have two aims : to shift the burden
of taxation from the poor to the rich, and to provide the
national and local governments with resources for the acqui-
sition of industry." Outlining the nature of excessive taxes
that are to be urged, the writer continues : ". . . it is evident
that this radical system of taxation can be used as the basis
for wide schemes of government relief or as the means of
acquiring extensive areas of industry ." 10
Any suggestion that the tax burden should be lifted from
the shoulders of the poor has a direct appeal to a large
number of citizens even though many of these citizens are
rather heavy taxpayers themselves . No one can seriously object
to wealth paying its proper and just share of the cost of
government, but when it is proposed that the funds extracted
by taxation, instead of being merely sufficient to carry on
government, be enormously increased and the added sums
thus acquired employed to "socialize industry," one has a
right to enter protest.
Prof. Harold J. Laski, one of England's brain trusters, and
a prominent Fabian socialist speaking before the League for
Industrial Democracy at Camp Tamiment, Pa ., in 1928, stated
that "pressure for higher taxation on unearned and large
9 Cited, "Socialism Summed Up," page 72.
10 "What Is Socialism?" page 105.

118. NEW DEAL LEGISLATION IS DESTRUCTIVE izi
incomes is vital" and that the application of the funds thus
secured for social purposes "lies at the heart of socialism .""
Turn from the stated plan of the socialists to what has
been done in Washington during the last three years to tax
the people and use the money thus secured for "the social-
ization of industry ." So much has been said and written
about the enormous tax burden imposed in a few short years
that to cite figures here would be but presenting that which
is common knowledge. With a direct promise to the people
that, if elected, he would reduce the cost of government
25 per cent, Mr . Roosevelt has so greatly increased that cost
that it is shocking. Clearly this added expense levied against
property will, if carried to its final conclusion, result in but
one thing-the complete destruction of privately owned in-
dustry. Can any one reason otherwise, and is not that the
reasoning of the brain trusters who have, with consummate
skill, induced a Democratic Congress to aid them in the
carrying out of their purposes?
Independent Agriculture will be destroyed : The assumption
that farming can be benefited by the ruthless destruction of
crops, or by the limitation of production, when millions of
persons in this land are suffering from want of sufficient
food, appears the height of absurdity but not so to the brain
trusters. Mr. J. George Frederick, referring to the AAA, says :
"If these logical plans fail-and many who know farmer
human nature say they must fail-it will become obvious that
nothing short of absolute dictatorship, perhaps under martial
law, to limit production, will create that artificial `scarcity'
(balance of production with consumption) which alone can
prevent farm products from `glut' and from selling for less
than cost of production. And it will serve notice of this fact
upon the farmer himself and place the blame for perverse
action on his own doorstep ." 12
The conclusion one is forced to draw from the above is that,
11 "The Socialism of Our Times," The Vanguard Press, page 132.
12 "A Primer of 'New Deal' Economics," page 56.

119. 112
FOOLS GOLD
if the farmer does not follow the arbitrary ruling of the
bureaucrats at Washington a dictatorship under military law
will be his portion. And when the whole thing fails it will
not be the "experimental attitude" 13 on the part of the brain
trust which will be at fault, but the farmer himself! "But,"
as the same writer later says, "American economic policy is
now in `New Deal' hands which considers nothing too sacred
or traditional to change, when there is overwhelming evidence
by men of brains that to change will be beneficial ." 14
The "men of brains," in this instance, are not the hundreds
of thousands of farmers who have made good but, instead,
the theoretical college professors who have had no practical
experience.
In Haskell County, Kansas-and this is in a section termed
"submarginal" by New Dealists-a Mrs . Amanda Watkins
runs a big wheat farm handling from 3,500 to 5,000 acres
each year. She has made a success of it . It may be that she
does not possess as much "book larnin"' as do the autocrats
in the Department of Agriculture, but certainly no one, know-
ing what she has done, will charge her with lacking brains .
In 1932 the House of Representatives named a committee to
investigate government competition with private enterprise.
Mrs. Watkins was a witness before this committee. She was
not impressed with the government interfering in her business
for she said :
"I draw the line on the doggone damnable Government
interference. . . . I don't want them in my line of business .
. . . I want them to kick the devil out of them (she was
referring to government boards seeking to direct her in her
efforts) and get them out of here. That is what I want ." 15
Mrs. Watkins took the position that if she did not have
brains enough to manage her business she should get out
of it, a position commonly taken by the real farmers of this
land.
1 3 Ibid., page 55.
14 Ibid., page 146.
15 House Report No. 1985, 72nd Congress, and Session, page 48.

120. NEW DEAL LEGISLATION IS DESTRUCTIVE 113
Henry A. Wallace, Secretary of Agriculture, writes :
". . . it may be necessary to have compulsory control of
marketing, licensing of plowed land, and base and surplus
quotas for every farmer for every product for each month
of the year. We may have to have government control of all
surpluses, and a far greater degree of public ownership than
we have now. It may be necessary to make a public utility
out of agriculture and apply to it a combination of an Esch-
Cummins Act and an Adamson Act . Every plowed field
would have its permit sticking up on its post."' 6
Individual freedom will be destroyed: The government of
the United States came into existence because the people
insisted upon freedom of action of which, they believed, the
Mother Country was depriving them . When the Constitution
was approved the citizens of the various states felt that, in
certain phrasing it was not sufficiently clear, and so there was
added, at the time of its adoption, ten articles known as the
"Bill of Rights ." Three of these read as follows :
"Article I. Congress shall make no law respecting an estab-
lishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof ;
or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press ; or the
right of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition the
government for a redress of grievances.
"Article IX. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain
rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others
retained by the people .
"Article X. The powers not delegated to the United States
by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are
reserved to the States respectively, or to the people ."
In adopting the Constitution, the people retained all rights
not expressly delegated to the Federal government . They
retained the right of free speech, free assemblage, freedom
of religious belief, freedom of personal action, freedom to
move about unmolested, freedom to express themselves upon
20 "America Must Choose," Henry A. Wallace, published jointly by the
Foreign Policy Assn. of New York and World Peace Foundation, Boston,
page rr .

121. "4 FOOLS GOLD
any subject so long as they did not urge subversion of State,
freedom to direct affairs in their own home, freedom to
conduct their business as they deemed best, save and except,
of course, in exercising these rights they do not infringe on
the rights of others . And they retained for themselves and
their progeny, the right to acquire and own property to do
with it as they deemed best, again, save and except, they
could not use this to the detriment of the general public.
"When the safeguards assuring the sovereignty of the
people over government are discarded, both individual and
political liberties disappear," writes Charles Hall Davis ."
And these safeguards are being discarded .
Almost without exception, the many laws now sponsored
by the brain trust or already enacted, in some form or other,
override the explicit provisions of the Constitution in that
they proceed to take away from the individual one or more
of his unalienable rights, rights which never were under the
control of the government, and which the citizen, at all
times, has refused to surrender to government .
Certainly no one will deny that individual freedom is
suppressed, when a government tells a farmer how many
acres he can plant in a certain crop, and forces him to refrain
from planting a particular crop on a portion of his land ."'
Certainly no one will deny that individual freedom has
been suppressed, when a government agency can force a man
to close his business and throw his faithful employees out of
jobs because that man refuses to discharge these faithful ones,
and give their places to those who have engaged in rioting
and otherwise have sought to injure him, as in the case of
the Harriman Mills in Tennessee.19
17 "The Menace of Socialism," Grosvenor Dawe Associates, Washington,
D. C., footnote, page 27.
18 See provisions of the AAA and the Potato Control Bill .
19 Early in 1934 certain employees of the Harriman Hosiery Mills Company
of Knoxville, Tenn., called a strike. Many others refused to join . The usual
rioting resulted. A bureau set up under the NIRA was called in . It directed
the employers to take back the strikers . They refused. General Johnson,
then head of the administration of this act, withdrew the Blue Eagle, and
a governmental boycott was established to prevent the products of this mill

122. NEW DEAL LEGISLATION IS DESTRUCTIVE 115
Certainly no one will deny that individual freedom is sup-
pressed, when some autocratic bureau can fine and imprison
a man because he sells his services for a few cents less than
this bureau directs he must charge, as in the case of the
little tailor in New Jersey sent to jail because he pressed a
pair of pants for thirty-five cents when he was directed to
charge forty. The fact that the Supreme Court has annulled
the NIRA, under which this was done, does not alter intent .
And certainly no one will deny that individual freedom
has been suppressed when a bureaucrat at Washington threat-
ens the publisher of a small country newspaper because of
editorial utterances of which he does not approve, as in the
Alabama case; 20 or when the Radio Commission undertakes
to direct the policy of broadcasting stations?'
Our present Constitutional Government will be destroyed
and a "co-operative commonwealth" established in its place .
The present government of Russia is a "co-operative com-
monwealth." That this is a part of the general program of
destruction as advanced by both the socialist and communist
wings of the movement, has been specifically stated so many
times that it seems trite even here to mention it .
"For over half a century it has been the aim of socialism
being sold. The New York Times, under date of June z6, 1934, carried in
full a letter signed by the attorney for the mills to General Johnson . In
that letter appears this language : "You personally told us to discharge present
loyal employes and employ strikers in their places . Your personal representa-
tive . . . would not restore the Blue Eagle unless we signed a written instru-
ment requiring us to discharge present loyal employes and replace them with
strikers ." Because of the position taken by administrative officers of the
federal government the mill was compelled to close its doors. The financial
loss was heavy.
20 "The Case for the Freedom of the Press," by Robert R . McCormick,
1933, page i9.
21 On August 14, 1933, the Federal Radio Commission, according to the
New York Herald Tribune of June 18, 1934, issued the following newspaper
release : "It is the patriotic, if not the bounden and legal duty of all licensees
of radio broadcasting stations to deny their facilities to advertisers who are
disposed to defy, ignore, or modify the codes established by the NRA,
Commissioner Harold A. Lafount declared today in a statement .," Then this
threat follows : "Under the Radio Act the commission . has the right to
take into consideration the kind of programs broadcast when licensees apply
for renewals ."

123. 116
FOOLS GOLD
to arouse the discontent of the working classes to the pitch
where no less pretentious panacea, no mere betterments of
the existing order, would be accepted," writes Prof . Skelton 22
When this discontent is sufficiently strong and has been prop-
erly mobilized, so-called reformative legislative measures are
proposed further to weaken both the economic stability of
the nation and the morale of its citizens .
"The practical aim of the Socialist Party," writes the late
Morris Hillquit, "moreover, is the capture of the powers of
government. . . :' 2a And, he adds, "the principal aims of
socialism are not those of local or temporary reform, but of
permanent and radical socialist reconstruction," which recon-
struction the socialist holds cannot be accomplished under our
present constitutional form of government .
Certain members of the brain trust take the same position
while others insist that the change to the new can be made
"within the shell of the old." They are not as yet ready to
jeopardize their program by demanding amendments to the
Constitution, but should further decisions of the Supreme
Court restrain them in their efforts, there is every reason
to believe that their next step will be to secure Constitutional
changes.
The morale of the people will be destroyed : Legislation
already enacted has worked to this end. As much of it
restrains the freedom of the individual and jeopardizes his
rights under the Constitution, it has caused him to become
lax, lazy and indifferent to his duties as a citizen . The many
so-called relief agencies have already done much to weaken
the morale of a large element of our citizenry . The good
intent of the members of the Congress in establishing these
agencies, and appropriating vast sums that human suffering
might be alleviated, is not here questioned. The purpose
expresses the humanitarian instincts of true Americans. While
some doubt the constitutionality of this legislation no one
22 "Socialism : A Critical Analysis," page 15.
23 "Socialism in Theory and Practice," The Macmillan Co., New York,
19 17, Page 274.

124. NEW DEAL LEGISLATION IS DESTRUCTIVE 117
has raised more than a feeble protest on this point . The harm
has resulted from the methods of administration . Officious
bureaucrats and designing individuals, apparently thinking of
their own advancement, not of the welfare of the people
in need, have used the money to build gigantic political
machines.
During the past six months especially, newspapers from
coast to coast have carried stories of waste, graft and woeful
inefficiency in administration of public funds . Democratic and
Republican editors alike have commented upon the situation .
As typical of literally hundreds of such editorials the Sumner
(Washington) Standard early in September (1935) said :
"To date there has been nothing accomplished, not a
project started and not a man employed, save alone, in the
`white collared 1o% political appointive class,' but they have
swarmed the hive and are deep in the honey . . . . The `brain
trust' of the left wing forces is looting the land ." 24
Americans have so long experienced bureaucracy in the
federal government, that extending the system might not
bring even so much as a word of condemnation . They have
seen many political machines, national and local, built
through the use of taxpayers' money, and hence that does
not arouse their antagonism as it should . The thing, however,
that has caused an uproar-and rightfully-is the established
fact that relief agencies in many cities appear to be dominated
largely by communists, and that the communists are using
the public money they thus secure to carry on their battle to
destroy our form of government and our system of economics .
General Hugh S. Johnson, sent to New York by the Roosevelt
administration to "put men to work," found it necessary to
establish a special department to ferret out the large number
of communists who "chiseled in" on public funds . He ex-
pressed himself rather forcibly on the subject when he left
his job. His successor, Victor Ridder, however, according to
the press, immediately disbanded this special committee.
24 Cited, "Business Chronicle" (Seattle, Wash .), Sept . 18, 1935.

125. 118
FOOLS GOLD
Six months previous to the General's charge, a New York
City official denounced this system of aiding the communists.
Nathan Hale, who holds a post in the city Department of
Public Welfare, in a public address reported in the Times 25
said
"I could go further and state that the administration of
relief has been the greatest aid that the Communist party
and the agitating movements in this country ever had . I have
seen hundreds and hundreds of them come in with their
tails between their legs begging for a chance to work and
support their families, and two weeks after they were carry-
ing banners in front of the Welfare Department demanding
all the things that are usually associated with communism ."
Had the money appropriated for relief purposes been
turned over to the Red Cross in the first place, as was urged
by many, not only would a scandal have been averted, but
honest citizens receiving aid would not feel themselves charity
wards upon a humiliating dole.
But wholly apart from the questioned constitutionality of
the legislation appropriating literally billions of dollars from
the federal treasury for individual, sectional, or group bene-
factions ; wholly apart from the enormous harm this has done
by placing an unwarranted tax burden on the thrifty and
industrious citizen; and wholly apart from the woeful mis-
management and gigantic political machine that has been
erected, our gravest concern is the great injustice done the
nation by weakening the morale of a large element of our
citizenry.
Any system of dole, no matter under what name presented,
inevitably breaks down individual moral courage and stability .
It lessens the self-respect of those who accept the dole . It tends
to demoralize society as a whole because it injects into each
community a group of beneficiaries who take the position
that, since the government is supporting them, there is no
need for them to support themselves. Many of our thrifty and
25
May 25, 1935.

126. NEW DEAL LEGISLATION IS DESTRUCTIVE iig
industrious citizens-those whose labors carry the tax burden
-seeing one element of society loafing and living on govern-
ment funds, are rapidly losing the will to continue their
struggle. This situation, continued to its logical conclusion,
will inevitably result in chaos .
England had its experience with the dole system of relief .
Sir Ernest Benn, the well-known English economist and
publisher, writing in Nation's Business 26 said :
"Three political parties are dependent upon the continuance
of unemployment, and an enormous and powerful bureau-
cracy grows and fattens upon it. . . . It is the system itself
which is fundamentally wrong, and abuse is inseparable
from it."
Pointing out the ill effects the dole system has on the
morale of the people of England, Sir Ernest writes :
"We shall clear it up. The clearance will come out of the
sterling common sense of the working people of this country,
who are becoming thoroughly disillusioned . The politicians,
as usual, will follow. It is well to remember that modern
politicians always follow, they never lead . As they slowly
begin to realize that the people do not want bribing with
their own money all this trouble will disappear ."
What is true in England is likewise true in the United
States. Common sense is characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon
people. The correction of the evils resulting from the system
we have employed to help those in want, rests upon the
general public knowing the truth. Once that becomes clear
to them they will do the rest. The troubles engendered by
New Deal legislation in the field of relief will disappear .
Every nation, no matter how great its physical resources,
how stable its government, how sound its currency, how
large its population, in the final analysis depends upon the
morale of its citizenry for continued existence. Anything that
weakens the morale of the people weakens the whole struc-
ture. Destroy the morale completely and the entire structure
26 October, 1931.

127. 120
FOOLS GOLD
falls. That is a self-evident fact requiring neither evidence nor
logic to support it.
It is common knowledge that, in many parts of this country
during the past season, the farmers could not find sufficient
help to enable them properly to harvest their crops . Thou-
sands of idle men loafed around the towns and villages but
disdained to work because the dole they received from the
government was as much, or nearly as much, as the farmer
could afford to pay them in wages .
From every section of the country comes the same story .
The following, from the Seattle Business Chronicle,27 is
typical :
"Jobs are going begging in Southwest Washington cran-
berry fields; and growers are frantically trying to overcome
the acute labor shortage. The Washington cranberry crop
. . . faces the loss of one-third of the yield through inability
to obtain pickers. . . .
"Solicitation of relief agencies has met with failure because
indigents say they would find it too difficult to get back on
the relief rolls, once the picking job is finished . Bumper fields
in some districts will rot on the vines, growers declare. . . .
"Recently there was a heavy loss to the hop harvest because
of refusal of men to work. Now it is cranberries . To-morrow
it will be something else. So it will continue as long as tax-
payers' money is used to put a premium upon idleness ."
Late in September, 1935, the President sent a letter to
ministers throughout the United States asking for their
"advice and suggestion" because of their "wise and sympa-
thetic understanding" of the needs of the people . Many of
the leading clergy of the nation, in letters to the President,
stressed the harm done by the system of administering dole
and so-called relief work . Rev. David M. Steele, rector of
St. Luke's Church, Philadelphia, had this to say :
"If you had half the understanding I have of the aforesaid
people, you would hang your head in shame at what you
27 November 6, 1935.

128. NEW DEAL LEGISLATION IS DESTRUCTIVE 121
have done to them. You and your administration have utterly
ruined them; so that with relief and doles and pensions, all
the piffling perquisites that you are handing out, I literally
cannot get a man to do a day's work . The community is
full of so-called unemployed-until you try to employ them.
Then they simply will not work . Why should they? . . .
"The infinitely worse result of your procedure is the pau-
perizing of so many people, the debauching of labor and the
plunging of so large a measure of the population into a low-
down state of indolence from which they will not recover.
They will never again, during our lifetime, be able to, nor,
which is worse, want to go to work." 28
"Why make serfs of citizens? Why take away the will to
work, the power of individual initiative? . . ." asks Rev.
William Carter, retired pastor of the Thorp Avenue Presby-
terian Church, Brooklyn29
"The greatest injury of all has been the moral injury done
to the individual citizens," writes J. Gresham Machen, pro-
fessor of New Testament in Westminster Theological Semi-
nary, Philadelphia."
Rev. Charles L. Brooks of the First Methodist Church,
Mangum, Oklahoma, and a lifelong Democrat, sums up the
evils of the dole and so-called relief methods of aiding the
unemployed in these words :
"The `dole,' Federal Relief and Works Program, all alike,
have proved to be rich fields for politicians of the predatory
type
.19 31
If it be true that New Dealism, carried to its logical conclu-
sion, will destroy individual initiative and thrift, will destroy
private industry, will destroy independent agriculture, will
destroy individual freedom, will destroy our present Constitu-
tional government, and will destroy the morale of the people,
then New Deal legislation is destructive .
28 New York Sun, October 9, 1935 .
29 New York Sun, November 11, 1935.
30 New York Herald Tribune, October 1, 1935.
S1 New York American, October 27, 1935.

129. Chapter XII
A FINAL WORD
IN the foregoing pages the writer believes he has presented
sufficient documentary evidence to prove, beyond reasonable
doubt
1st. That, since the '6os of the last century there has been
an organized movement in the United States supporting the
theory that human ills can be eradicated only by the abolition
of the right of the individual to acquire and own property,
the root of which theory is found in the ancient philosophy
of destruction, outlined in Chapter IV ;
2nd. That, those holding to this theory have, with marked
skill, persistency, and much deception, continued their cam-
paign for political control of the nation up to the Democratic
convention in 1932, at which time they captured that organ-
ization, and named as the candidate for President on the
Democratic ticket, one who has proved friendly and sympa-
thetic to their socialistic proposals ; and that, many of those
advocating the theory mentioned above are now in important
administrative offices of the federal government; and,
3rd. That, being in control, anxious to put their theory into
operation, they have prepared, sponsored, and forced through
the Congress, a large number of restrictive, regulatory, and
confiscatory laws, most of which the members of the Congress
approved, presumably on the ground that these laws would
benefit the nation. These laws, however, really represent the
initial efforts to bring about the ultimate socialization of
this country.
The question naturally arises : Do we, as a people, wish
to continue these socialistic and communistic experiments,
the destructive nature of which has already been manifest in
many quarters or do we, as a people, wish to restore those
122

130. principles of government and economics which have enabled
us to grow from a small country of thirteen states into one
of the leading nations of the world?
Before the majority of the citizens of the United States
commit themselves to a permanent policy of socialism, they
should understand two things; first, that seeming immediate
benefits, in the final analysis, are certain to prove merely
"fools gold" ; and, second, that the adoption of such a national
policy will eventually mean the abolition of the rights and
privileges which we, as a people, have long enjoyed and
cherished. The rights and privileges which would thus be
abolished are:
i . The freedom of the press ;
2. The freedom of speech;
3. The freedom of public assemblage ;
4. The right of personal action ;
5. Trial by jury;
6. The right of the individual to worship God according
to the dictates of his own conscience ;
7. The monogamous family ; and,
8. The right of the individual to acquire and own property .
The citizen should also understand that our present con-
stitutional form of government, which protects the above
rights and privileges, would likewise be abolished .
If the majority of the citizens of the United States do not
care to retain the above mentioned rights and privileges, we
have nothing further to say; the question is submitted to
them for their consideration and action. It is our firm con-
viction, however, that they do not want any such drastic and
destructive change.
Such being the case it remains for them, therefore, to elect
to public office individuals, whether Republicans or Demo-
crats, whom they know have opposed, and will continue
unalterably to oppose, all legislation adverse to the individual
rights and privileges above mentioned ; and who are emphat-
ically committed to a constructive policy . In some instances

131. 124
FOOLS GOLD
this may mean immediate sacrifices, but one should keep the
ultimate good in mind . Political ties, in other cases, may
have to be severed, but the preservation of the individual
rights we have so long enjoyed-and which apparently, many
believe cannot be denied us-should be the first thought of
the American electorate.
Having tasted power, these socialistic forces will not be
easily dispossessed . They are to be found in both political
parties. If they discover the Democratic party is no longer
popular with the electorate, it is logical to assume-knowing
their strategy-that they will undertake to capture the oppo-
sition party.
A wise man once said : "If every person in the land will
start to-day reforming himself, giving no heed whatsoever to
others, the good results completed at the end of a week will
be astonishing." If we could be certain that every individual
would strictly adhere to the code of Christian ethics, viz . :
"Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should
do to you, do ye even so to them : for this is the law and the
prophets," our ills, economic, political and moral would soon
vanish. That is too much to expect. Christian civilization has,
to be sure, made great advancement in two thousand years,
but there are still many hurdles to be taken on the road.
The church, in its most important duty, can do much to instill
in the individual this spirit, if it will but dis-associate itself
from subjects political.
Our forefathers fought and died for certain enduring prin-
ciples. In our original Constitution they sought to protect
the great nation they had founded against any departure from
those principles . No document of government, no contract
between a State and its people or between a people and its
State, has ever so carefully guarded the citizen against the
destructive philosophy of socialism . But as individuals we
have not heeded the warning, "Eternal vigilance is the price
of liberty." We have departed from the spirit, as well as the
letter of our Constitution . We have weakened it by amend-

132. A FINAL WORD
125
ment. We have weakened it by the broken promises of those
sworn to uphold it.
The Marxian socialist philosophy, to attain its end, proposes
the following means :
1. The abolition of government-(that is, those that pro-
tect the right to private property) ;
2. The abolition of patriotism;
3. The abolition of private property ;
4. The abolition of inheritance ;
5. The abolition of religion ; and,
6. The abolition of the family relation-(that is, morality) .
These methods are antagonistic to progress and individual
advancement. They are ruinous to civilization . They will
lead inevitably to slavery under a small alien minority in
autocratic control .
We propose that our laws and our citizens adhere to each
and every principle the Marxian philosophy would have us
abolish, viz.:
i. Adherence to our constitutional form of government ;
2. Adherence to patriotism ;
3. Adherence to private property right ;
4. Adherence to the right of inheritance ;
5. Adherence to religion ;
6. Adherence to the family relation-(that is, adherence to
morality) .
And as specific means to bring this about we urge every
American citizen to-
i. Demand that our elected and appointed governmental
representatives uphold the Constitution .
2. Demand that our representatives in government rescind
the laws now on the statute books that break the spirit, if
not the letter, of our Constitution.
3. Demand that our primary system of election be changed
so that nominations in the future cannot be "stolen ."
4. Demand that the amendment to the original Constitu-
tion providing for the direct election of Senators be rescinded .

133. 126
FOOLS GOLD
5. Demand a revision of our tax laws to bring them within
the original provisions of our Constitution .
6. Demand representation of citizenry rather than of
population.
7. Demand deportation of undesirable aliens and the enact-
ment of laws to prevent future unfriendly alien immigration.
8. Demand a banking and currency system wholly national
within the original provisions of our Constitution and there-
fore impossible of manipulation by any foreign interest .
These are fundamentals . We have deserted these funda-
mentals and so have weakened our state .
Let us no longer treat effects. The cause of our economic
and political ills is the destructive philosophy of socialism .
Let us forever destroy the cause, and let us discharge from
office all those who, following this philosophy, would force
upon our nation an alien despotism .
To pursue any other course can end but one way : The
treasure we seek will turn out to be "fools gold."

134. Appendix "A"
FACTS CONCERNING SOCIALISM THAT
SHOULD BE UNDERSTOOD
THE socialists have inflicted their destructive, fallacious
theory upon the American people largely because very few
persons understand the true nature of the theory or the ulti-
mate objective of those who, knowingly, propagate it . In this
Appendix we present a few facts for the guidance of the
student.
Among other things the socialists, and those of all wings,
present as basic is the doctrine of the class struggle . They
assert that in society there are two major classes, one called
the working, often the exploited, and the other the capitalist,
often the exploiter. Between these two, it is insisted, there
must rage a bitter, relentless battle for supremacy . It being
contended that since the capitalist class, at this time, has that
supremacy, it becomes the duty of the working class to
organize and prepare for a bitter contest in which force and
violence, yes, even a bloody revolution if necessary, are held
to be justifiable to overthrow the ruling class and install the
workers as the rulers, confiscating all that the capitalists
have secured through the exercise of thrift, energy, ability,
skill, genius, initiative, labor, etc .
This theory of the class struggle is the natural and inevit-
able concomitant of the conclusion reached some centuries
before by those wedded to the philosophy of destruction, to
wit, that all human misery is caused by the institution of
private property.
The growth of socialism and communism throughout the
world, resulting in New Dealism in the United States, is
due, not only to the fact that it pretended to be a legitimate
labor movement employing deception to induce followers,
127

135. 1128
FOOLS GOLD
but also to the fact that it early took on an effective form of
organization known as the International . (See Appendix on
Internationals.)
It is all-important that one has a clear understanding of the
strategical differences between the two groups having a
common purpose. This difference is not over theory, or the
underlying philosophy of destruction, but wholly over tactics
or methods to attain the common end, whether the most
fanatical communist or the suave liberal who hides his con-
nection by claiming adherence to either the Republican or
the Democratic party. Those who call themselves socialists,
members of the right wing, have adopted as their tactics that
which they term legislative action . By this they mean the
advocacy of alleged reformative legislation, usually of a restric-
tive or regulatory nature, or the advocacy of some constitu-
tional amendment, which legislation, if enacted, or amend-
ment, if adopted, will, in some form or manner, weaken
either the existing economic structure or the established form
of government, or both. In the early days of the movement
in the United States, this system was called political action .
The communists, composing the left wing of the move-
ment, take the position that this method is too slow . They
want to attain their ends overnight. They present as their
tactics what they term mass or direct action ; that is to say,
the use of force, violence and acts of terrorism creating a
situation which they believe will result in an open, bloody
revolution enabling them to capture the government .
While this question of tactics creates the division, the fact
remains that the communists have entered the political field
in the United States pretending to be anxious to secure legis-
lation that will benefit the workers and farmers, and the
socialists also join in protest meetings whenever there is an
attack on the communists, whether this attack comes from
individuals, associations, or government sources .
In a common assault upon our government and its institu-
tions, the socialists constitute the advance brigade of the army,

136. APPENDIX "A"
129
the purpose of which is to weaken our position . The com-
munists comprise the reserve forces of the same army that
become active when the enemy is weak enough for direct
attack. The enemy is the social order of to-day based upon
and supporting the institution of private property .
These facts should also be kept in mind : In the first place,
socialism is not related to honest social welfare work, "it is
the negation of reform"; in the second place, socialism is not
a legitimate labor organization, nor is it a movement to aid
or benefit the farmers; and in the third place-and this is
highly important-one must differentiate between what is
termed socialist thought and organized groups advancing that
thought called political parties.
The impression has been cleverly created that socialism
and social welfare are synonymous terms. This is far from
correct. True, the majority of those engaged in spending
public funds in social welfare work, in the larger cities espe-
cially, are socialists ; but the spreading of their doctrine is of
far more interest to them than rendering lasting benefit to
those to whom they administer . Many who have made a
careful study of this phase of welfare work are of the opinion
that had there never been a socialist in any welfare organ-
ization in the United States, the number of persons seeking
public aid would be far less and to-day there would be no
need for many of these organizations .
This much seems certain: The growth of socialist thought
has been more general and lasting among those who come in
close contact with settlement-house and social-welfare workers
than that of any other group of our citizens . Even those who,
when engaging in work of this character are not socialistically
inclined, generally emerge saturated with its false doctrines.
Professor John Rae, writing in 1884, when modern socialism
was gaining considerable attention on the Continent and in
Great Britain, laid considerable emphasis on the fact that
what we now term social reform is not akin to socialism . He
wrote :

137. 130
FOOLS GOLD
". . . socialism is not a feeling for the poor, nor yet for
the responsibilities of society in connection with their poverty ;
it is neither what is called humanitarianism, nor what is
called altruism ; it is not an affair of feeling at all . . ." 1
Social welfare work, presumably, is designed to aid and
improve certain elements in our society unable to aid them-
selves; to advance them morally, mentally and even finan-
cially ; to help them educate their children, to show them how
to maintain, improve and make attractive a home, etc . Now
all that is praiseworthy. It has a great appeal. But when those
who are paid to carry on work of this character undertake
to implant in the minds of those to whom they are adminis-
tering the belief that our form of government is all wrong,
that our system of economics is designed only to aid the
wealthy, that our public officials are all corrupt, that society is
divided into two classes-the workers and the capitalists-
that all of the former are enslaved by the latter and that
before the worker can emerge from his desperate situation
he must change both the form of government and the system
of economics-even if a bloody revolution is necessary, it is
highly questionable whether legitimate welfare work is being
done.
The socialist movement, at least in the United States, is
NOT a legitimate labor movement . Organized labor in this
country expresses its aims through the American Federation
of Labor, and whether one approves or disapproves of that
organization, the fact remains that its objective is the advance-
ment of the wage-earner under our system. While the labor
union has been well penetrated by those who would turn it
into an organization of destruction, its purposes are legitimate.
The very nature of the socialist creed refutes the claim that
it is truly a labor movement if, by labor movement, is meant
something designed to aid, benefit and advance those who
receive wages or salaries . The American workman is proud
of his independence and ready to fight to retain it. He holds
1 "Contemporary Socialism," John Rae, page 375.

138. APPENDIX "A"
131
that he has the right-and the Constitution upholds him in
his contention-to work when and where he chooses and to
accept such wages as he deems in keeping with the services
rendered. Socialism would destroy this right, this indepen-
dence. The average American workman is ambitious and
wants to progress . He visualizes the time when he will leave
the class of wage-earner to become a wage-payer . Socialism
would deprive him of that opportunity . The average Amer-
ican wage-earner is a believer in our form of government
and our system of economics. He is ready to fight to preserve
both; he has done so several times . Under the established
economic system he has the same right to acquire and own
property as has the wealthiest person in the land . He knows
from history and experience that the wheel of fortune is ever
turning and that he who is the employer to-day may be the
employee to-morrow, or, vice-versa .
Again, for those spreading socialist doctrines to contend
they are engaged in a work beneficial to the farmers of this
nation, is absurd upon its face. The farmer is naturally an
individualist. He owns land or, if renting, in time expects to
own land. Even though his farm may be heavily encumbered,
he calls that land his own. He takes pride in its possession.
He cultivates that land and if he is a capable farmer manages
to make a fair living, independent at all times of the demands
imposed by society upon those in many other walks of life.
If a shiftless farmer, he fails just as the shiftless fail in all
lines of business . It is these shiftless, these failures, who make
up the bulk of those demanding the enactment of socialistic
measures for their benefit. Mind you, for their benefit-not
for the benefit of those who have made good in this world.
It is highly important, if one is to grasp the genesis of what
is termed the New Deal in legislation, to differentiate between
socialist thought and the organized movements advancing
that thought such as the Socialist and Communist parties.
If the extent of the socialist thought in this country were
confined wholly to members of these political organizations

139. 132
FOOLS GOLD
there would be little about which to worry . The reason so
few people recognize the existing danger is because they
assume that only members of such organizations are interested
in advancing the philosophy which underlies their theory .
The Socialist party, the Socialist Labor party, the Communist
party and others that have sprung up from time to time,
came into being wholly to utilize the political arena as a
medium for propaganda . There are very few well informed
socialists in this country who hold that they will gain control
of this government through a third party organization.
The Socialist party has never polled any disturbing number
of votes in a presidential election although it has, now and
then, captured a local office usually due to the personal popu-
larity of their candidate, contrasted with the personal unpopu-
larity of his opponent . Even the late Senator Robert M.
LaFollette, running on a socialist ticket although labeled, for
publicity purposes, Progressive, did not make any great dent
in the vote of either of the old parties . But while the
apparent number of socialists as shown by election returns is
small, the number of persons who have absorbed socialist
thought is large indeed. They vote either the Republican
or Democratic ticket and yet, within these parties, persistently
carry on agitation for certain socialistic reform measures . We
have some of them in both the Senate and the House of
Representatives, and we certainly have an abnormal number
of them at the present time occupying "key" positions in the
federal government .
Literally millions of loyal, patriotic and conscientious Amer-
ican citizens, led astray by propaganda are of the belief that
their ills would be cured if the Congress-or in some instances
a state legislature-would adopt alleged reformative pro-
posals. It is simply human nature for a person to support
that which he honestly believes will aid him . He is not
thinking of the other fellow. If, for instance, a farmer can
secure money for not raising wheat, he thinks the idea a
mighty good one. He does not stop to reason that some one

140. APPENDIX "B" 133
must be taxed to supply the money he is to receive for doing
nothing. It would be unfair to question his sincerity, loyalty,
or mental honesty. He thinks in terms of self-interest .
And it is because of this human trait that the sponsors of
socialistic schemes appeal first to one group with one plan
of action, and then to another group with another plan of
action. They are not thinking in terms of the interests of the
members of these groups. They are only thinking in the terms
of what will be the ultimate result if sufficient discontent is
aroused-the abolition of our form of government and the
abandonment or destruction of the individual property right .
Appendix "B"
THE INTERNATIONALS
THE world socialist movement is a secret, underground
organization. Just who guides it is a matter of conjecture.
This secret, underground, directing body or council, operates
on the surface-that is publicly-through two well-known
organizations, thus dividing the activities of its army of
followers into two distinct wings or factions .
These two organizations are called Internationals . One is
known as the Labor and Socialist International, sometimes
the "New," and sometimes the "Hamburg." The other is
known as the Third (or Communist) International . The first
named constitutes what is known as the right wing of the
socialist movement, the followers of which are called socialists .
The second constitutes what is known as the left wing of the
socialist movement, the followers of which are called com-
munists.
Each of these Internationals, in turn, operates through
prominent subsidiaries known as labor Internationals . The
one affiliated with the Socialist wing is called the Amsterdam

141. 134 FOOLS GOLD
International Federation of Trade Unions . The one affiliated
with the Communist wing, the Red International of Labor
Unions.
We, in the United States, interpret the term labor unions
in quite a different way than do those of these two wings of
the socialist movement. We think of a labor union as an
organization, or association, of men and women working for
wages who affiliate for the purpose of mutual aid and protec-
tion in dealing with their employers. Certainly we do not
think of a labor union as an organization of men and women
seeking the destruction of our form of government and its
institutions. And yet, as the term is used by the Internationals_
mentioned, that, in effect, is what it does mean .
In the preceding pages we have pointed out how socialist
propagandists came to the United States and began at once
to bore from within legitimate labor movements . In the study
of socialist literature, whether emanating from the right or
left wing, one should keep constantly in mind the fact that
although the purpose of the movement is alleged to be to
advance the cause of labor, the cause of socialism is what is
meant. The words labor and socialism are constantly used
interchangeably in all socialist literature .
The four major Internationals mentioned, in turn, operate
through a number of subsidiary Internationals. Thus we find,
on investigation, a web of interlocking groups carefully and
completely interwoven into an intricate mesh .
These Internationals are the governing bodies insofar as
aims, purposes, objectives, policies, and tactics, are concerned .
The decrees, decisions, manifestoes and resolutions of these
Internationals guide their followers in every country in which
they operate-and they operate in the United States. Inde-
pendence of thought or action on the part of a follower is
not permitted . Those who have the temerity to think or act
for themselves are subject to expulsion .
These Internationals hold regular congresses or conventions .
Delegates from practically every civilized nation take part in

142. APPENDIX "B" 135
these gatherings . The United States is well represented in all
four, especially the Third (Communist) International and its
affiliate, the Red International of Labor Unions . Every dele-
gate taking part in these congresses or conventions, in view
of his actions, must be held disloyal to his government,
whatever that government may be-save in the case of Russia
-because at such congresses or conventions, plans and meth-
ods are formulated to destroy all existing governments that
recognize the private property right and related institutions,
and erect in their stead governments which deny this right
and, hence, would destroy all related institutions .
Delegates to these congresses, or conventions, pledge loyalty
to their Internationals above allegiance to their respective
governments. Where there is a clash between the two, they
stand by the International. This was demonstrated in the
United States when we were forced into war with the Central
Powers. The socialists-save the few who as a matter of fact
were only idealists-instead of firmly and loyally supporting
the government of the United States, pledged allegiance to
International Socialism and gave aid and comfort to the
enemy.
Possibly technically it cannot be held that the delegates to
the Labor and Socialist International and those to the affiliated
Amsterdam International Federation of Labor Unions, are
disloyal citizens of their respective countries . Legally, they
are not, because, as in the case of the United States, they
propose the overthrow of the government and the destruction
of its institutions-at least insofar as public utterances are
concerned-through legal methods . But those who are dele-
gates to the Third (or Communist) International, and
delegates to its affiliated Red International of Labor Unions,
certainly are both morally and legally disloyal citizens of
their respective governments--except Russia-since they pro-
pose the overthrow of the government and existing institu-
tions and the abolition of the private property right, through

143. 136 FOOLS GOLD
a system of force, violence, terrorism, civil wars and revolu-
tions, all of which are illegal.
These two major and two affiliated Internationals enter
into, and work in, the United States through two organ-
izations. One is known as the Socialist party . The other,
until recently, was known as the Workers (Communist)
party. The word "workers," used wholly to deceive the people
and give the movement the semblance of legality, has been
dropped and the new organization is now out boldly and
frankly as "The Communist Party of the United States of
America, Section of the Communist International."
The Eye Opener, an official publication of the Socialist
party some years ago, in its February, 1g1g, issue defines the
Socialist International in this language :
"It is an organization of Socialist Parties and labor organ-
izations meeting periodically in international conferences . In
order to be eligible for membership, an organization must
meet the following tests adopted by the International Con-
gress of Paris, igoo :
"'Those admitted to the International Socialist Congresses
are :
"I
1. All associations which adhere to the essential principles
of Socialism; namely, socialization of the means of production
and exchange, international union, and action of the workers,
conquest of public power by the proletariat, organized as a
class party.
.42. All the labor organizations which accept the prin-
ciples of the class struggle and recognize the necessity of
political action, legislative and parliamentary, but do not par-
ticipate directly in the political movement .'
"This definition includes every Socialist Party and propa-
ganda organization in the world and it further takes in those
enlightened unions that recognize the need of political action .
It excludes conservative unions that do not yet admit the
soundness of the principle of the class struggle ."

144. APPENDIX "C"
Appendix "C"
THE POPULIST MOVEMENT
137
THE connection between the socialists and the Populist
movement, which swept a number of Western states in the
early '9os of the last century, is of special interest. It was
largely the experience then gained that enabled the socialists
to enter these agricultural sections and carry on their propa-
ganda and agitation which resulted, some years later, in the
establishment of the Socialist party under the name of the
Nonpartisan League. We have gone somewhat into detail
upon this subject because of the value of the information to
those who wish to do a bit of studying for themselves in order
to link past events with present New Dealism. This data
should be of special benefit to those who wish clews to relate
socialist activities with the program of the AAA.
A discontented group of people attracts the socialists as
cheese does hungry mice. Dissatisfaction, discontent, ill-feel-
ing, class hatred are the mental soils cultivated by the social-
ists. The fruit is more dissatisfaction, discontent, ill-feeling
and class hatred . When this crop is large enough they expect
to reap the real harvest-the socialization of the wealth of
the nation, "the land, factories, machinery, railroads, mines,
etc." 1
Much is said in the press about the discontented farmers
of the West, meaning those in the territory between the
Mississippi river and the Rocky mountains . It is true there
is discontent there but not as much as in the urban sections
of the nation. To every discontented farmer in the nation,
probably a hundred discontented persons will be found in
the cities? To get a clear understanding of the cause of dis-
1 "Socialism in Theory and Practice," page ii.
2 Any one making a careful study of the subject will quickly discover
that the degree of "discontent" found at any time, or in any part of the
nation, parallels the extent of socialist propaganda at the time, or in that
part of the country.

145. 138
FOOLS GOLD
content in the agricultural districts, one must go back to
shortly after the War Between the States, and learn how a
mental soil, later fertilized by socialist propaganda, was
created.
The development of the magnificent empire west of the
Mississippi river early attracted the attention of railroad pro-
moters. Even before the War surveys had been run for
projected Coast lines . The Union Pacific received its charter
in 1862, the Northern Pacific in 1864 and the Atlantic and
Pacific, now known as the Santa Fe, in 1866 . The promoters
of these projects, pointing out their necessity from the stand-
point of national development and national defense, gained
the attention of the Congress . Large grants of land were made
to them to aid in financing. It was the granting of this land
that enabled the early day agitator to start a long train of
discontent which has continued until the present days
The building of these roads naturally attracted the nation's
attention. The great undeveloped wealth of the territory cov-
ered was advertised far and wide. The government was
exceedingly liberal in granting land to individuals . Settlers
from all parts of the nation flocked to the West and began
to engage in farming, some of them well equipped by training
and inclination to make good; many of them with no farming
experience and lacking the proper temperament to become
successful tillers of the soil. With the depression in the late
'7os and early '8os when the agricultural prices were low, a
large number who had gone to the farms, especially those of
the younger generation, turned to the cities.
In addition, a little later the growth in industries attracted
many more from the farms . While the dollars they acquired
in a year, as wages in some factory or shop, possibly were
greater than the income received from the cultivation of soil,
8 "Western farmers blamed many of their troubles upon the railroads,
." says Prof. John D. Hicks, "The Populist Revolt," the University of
Minnesota Press, 1931, page 6o .

146. APPENDIX "C" 139
the cost of living was higher, and much of the independence
inseparable from farm life was lost.
Just as those who would have made successful farmers
left to take jobs in the cities, the ones in the cities who,
because lacking in ambition, ability and energy, lost their
places in the shops and factories, began to think of "going
to the country ." These latter turned their eyes toward the
West where land was supposed to be cheap with the result
that many of the farms were handled by those who, in the
first place, knew nothing about farming and, in the second
place, were not ready to put forth the energy necessary to
make good.
By the time this latter element turned toward the West,
the most desirable land had been taken . The real opportuni-
ties were gone. These city dwellers, being persons of little
financial means, sought the cheap land-"dry farms"-in the
western part of the Dakotas, Nebraska, Kansas, Oklahoma,
eastern Colorado, Wyoming, etc . This is the land which the
window-sill farmers, posing as experts in Washington, to-day
call submarginal . As it takes a thorough machinist to rebuild
a worn-out automobile, or a trained merchandiser to take over
a run-down store and place it upon a paying basis, so it takes
a real farmer and one who understands the handling of crops
to make a success in this territory?
Fully ninety out of a hundred who acquired "dry-farming"
land, because it was cheap and in many places open to home-
steading, failed . Failing, they began to look around for the
alibi. Some charged the government with the blame for ever
letting them go West. But since the government was far
distant, they sought something nearer home . And there it
was almost at their door-the railroads ; a way was then found
to connect the two. The government was to blame for giving
the railroads so much land, and the railroads were to blame
't While it is true, as claimed by the "experts" in the Department of
Agriculture, that many have failed on this so-called "submarginal" land,
others have made a success of it, as any person knows who is intimately
acquainted with the conditions in these sections .

147. 140
FOOLS GOLD
for taking it, a fine combination to inspire the activities of
agitators-and there were plenty of them .
The fact that the Congress had been equally as liberal with
the citizens in the matter of land, was wholly overlooked .
Under the various land laws one person could acquire 480
acres at a total cost of approximately $240.5 But the belief
that the railroads were responsible for all their troubles was
fixed in the minds of the people as a whole. Many of the
agitators, busy among the farmers, saw an opportunity to
make their efforts profitable. They began talking about "com-
peting" railroads, such roads to be built by and remain in
the hands and under the control of "the people," to be
financed, if you please, by the people and not by Wall Street
or any government subsidy . In that way only could just rates
be secured .
Railroads were projected in every direction, some of them
starting no place and ending no place. Towns and counties
voted bonds to help finance these wild-cat propositions . In
many instances, farmers were induced to sign notes for stocks
or bonds. The stocks or bonds, nicely engraved, would be
delivered, the note discounted at some distant bank, but the
road never. built. For instance, "in Kansas alone during a
single period of sixteen months, from July, 1885, to November,
1886, the total amount of municipal contributions to the
railroads reached ten million dollars." s
The failure of promoters to construct their projected rail-
roads, the added taxes assessed against property covered by
the bonds, the general hard times, and the inability of many
on the farms even to make a living, naturally resulted in
much discontent. The agitator was on hand to fan the smol-
dering spark into a flame. That flame was called the Populist
movement which started in 1892 and collapsed with the
defeat of William Jennings Bryan in 1896, and the return of
s "The Populist Revolt," page ii .
6 Ibid ., page 69 .

148. APPENDIX "C"
141
prosperity evidenced to a marked degree, before the turn of
the century.
The People's party, the members of which were known as
Populists, was the outgrowth of the Farmers Alliance . This
organization, which consisted of two wings, a southern and a
northern, was formed much along the line of the old Grange .
Its aim was to unite the farmers into a strong group for
their mutual benefit and advantage . Its members belonged
to the two old political parties from which, they held, would
come whatever political assistance was needed .
The socialists' connection with the Populist movement up
to the time the People's party was formed, consisted largely
of intensifying, through agitation and propaganda, the feeling
of discontent. They made it their special business, whenever
and wherever possible, to secure some form of declaration or
resolution favoring government ownership of railroads. In
this way they laid the foundation for later extending the
government ownership idea into the complete socialization
of the wealth of the nation . But no sooner was this third
party formed than they began their boring from within
tactics.
In the 1894 national election the Chicago socialists "went
along with the populists," under the direction of Thomas J .
Morgan whom Nathan Fine terms "a leading borer from
within."' This is the same Thomas J . Morgan who, the
year before, had sought to commit the Federation of Labor
to the socialist program and who vented his spite against
Sam Gompers that year because Gompers had defeated his
scheme.
When the People's party met in convention at St. Louis,
July, 1896, and nominated Bryan as its candidate for President,
the socialists sought control. "When it came to the nomina-
tion for president," writes Nathan Fine, "a group of socialists
worked up some enthusiasm for Eugene Victor Debs . The
`machine' in control turned off the lights and adjourned
7 "Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States," page sSt .

149. 142
FOOLS GOLD
the meeting when the socialists became too active in their
boring from within tactics." 8
Not only had Debs stepped into the limelight in connection
with the Populist movement, but Victor Berger, the leading
socialist of the West was not far behind him . Mr. Fine says
that Berger and "many of his fellow-socialists of Milwaukee
threw in their lot with the People's Party." The writer con-
tinues, "The Milwaukee socialists were not the only ones who
put their faith in boring from within the populist ranks ." 9
The socialists' connection with the movement is clearly
traced by noting the nature of platform demands . Through
the West, more particularly than in the East, the socialists
had formed a large number of organizations presumably in
the interest of the farmers or the wage-earners. Most of these
had rather high sounding names although more or less local
in character. The whole purpose of these organizations was
to provide the proper window dressing for delegates in legiti-
mate farmers' or wage-earners' groups . They managed to get
themselves included in all calls for conferences or, if not
included, appeared on the scene with delegates just the same .
These delegates did not mention the word socialism. They
presented the theory cleverly concealed and then offered one
or more platform planks favoring some reformative legisla-
tion "originally formulated by the Socialist parties on radical
and thoroughgoing lines." to
The Populist movement attracted to it a motley crowd.
Some able and conscientious farmers joined the party
although many did not. The merchants in the country towns,
as a rule, affiliated as a matter of diplomacy . Orators, seeking
a forum from which to display their ability, jumped on the
band-wagon without delay . Two noticeable characters were
thus annexed-Ignatius Donnelly of Minnesota and Lemuel
H., better known as "Calamity," Weller, of Iowa . Both were
8 ibid., page 83.
s Ibid., page 192.
10 "Socialism Summed Up," page 86.

150. APPENDIX "C" 143
able men ; Donnelly just missed being a genius. Neither of
these men, however, openly espoused the doctrine of socialism .
Indeed, except in certain labor unions, true Marxian socialism
was carefully soft-pedaled because it would not have gone
down with individualistic farmers. The Utopian socialism as
expressed in Edward Bellamy's "Looking Backward" had
quite a hold. This book was generally touted by the social-
istically inclined . "From this source," writes Prof. Hicks,
"came many of the Populist arguments for government own-
ership." 11 Indeed, the Bellamyites, known as Nationalists,
sought shelter under the tent of the Populist party . In 1889
the Alliance, an official organ of the farmers, "offered a copy
of Bellamy's "Looking Backward" and a year's subscription
to the paper for a dollar and a quarter ." 12 Donnelly wrote a
book along the same line called "Ca;sar's Column" which
gained standing with the socialists of the nation.
In the campaign of 1892 and again in the campaign of
1894, the Populists gained a number of Governors, Congress-
men and Senators. Several state legislatures were controlled
by them but it should be said to their credit that, save in a
few instances, the men selected proved fairly conservative .
Subversive socialism had made no impression on them . The
party went to pieces on the silver issue. In 1896 it backed
William Jennings Bryan, the Democratic candidate, but could
not stomach his Democratic running-mate, Arthur Sewall of
Maine, who was altogether too conservative, and so upon the
People's ticket appeared the names Bryan and Watson-Tom
Watson of Georgia.
While the predominant thought was silver, the socialists did
not permit the delegates to overlook their favored public
ownership planks. They were expressed in the platform in
this language, "Transportation being a means of exchange
and a public necessity, the government should own and oper-
ate the railroads in the interest of the, people . The telegraph
11 "The Populist Revolt," page 450 .
12 Ibid., page 131.

151. 144
FOOLS GOLD
and telephone . . . should be owned and operated by the
government in the interest of the people." 13 During the cam-
paign, however, these were largely overshadowed, except by
the socialists, for the general cry was, "Give us silver for
money," it being the almost universal belief of the people
of the West and on to the Coast that, with the free and
unlimited coinage of silver, all the ills of the nation would
be corrected overnight, and there would be no need for the
government to own and manage any private business.
But those who were so earnest in their advocacy of Bryan,
and they were earnest in their efforts and honest in their
beliefs, were doomed to disappointment . Bryan was snowed
under. McKinley was elected. Within a year after his inaugu-
ration there was a noticeable improvement in business . The
Populist party tenaciously held to life until 1904 when, like
the Knights of Labor, since it could' not be captured, it just
naturally disappeared from the scene .
While the Populist movement was not inspired by socialists,
the foundation was laid for a second so-called "farmers'
movement," the Nonpartisan League (previously dealt with),
some ten years after the demise of the People's party . This
swept a number of states, inaugurating the system of "steal-
ing" party nominations which resulted in the rape of the
Democratic party in 1932 .
Girard, Kansas, was selected as a western socialist head-
quarters. A weekly socialist paper known as The Appeal to
Reason was established there . It soon claimed a circulation of
500,000. The printing house became a center for socialist docu-
ments of all kinds which began to flood the West . Most of
this literature was couched in language which would appeal
to the farmers. Any mention of the real intent and aim of
the socialist movement was carefully avoided . Idealism and
humanitarianism were stressed . Regardless of the nature of
an evil affecting the farmer, he was told the government was
the only agency that could correct the wrong . He was taught,
13 "Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States," page 78.

152. APPENDIX "C" 145
through socialist literature, to look to the government for
aid when he was in difficulty. "The defences of the pioneer
democrat began to shift from free land to legislation, from
the ideal of individualism to the ideal of social control
through regulation by law," wrote Dr . Turner.14
The shift of the farmers of the West from individualism
to legislation evidenced to-day by the support given to certain
New Deal laws, is unnatural . Those who lived in the West
during the days of Populism, and the more recent days of
Nonpartisan Leagueism, and who have given the subject
some study, recognize the fact that this shift is due largely to
socialist agitation and propaganda. This much is certain : the
farmers in the agricultural sections of the East where the
socialists have been unable to gain a foothold, still remain firm
in their adherence to individualism, and still believe their
salvation depends upon their own efforts, not upon govern-
mental bounties.
The Populist movement received its death-blow with the
defeat of William Jennings Bryan in 1896 . Before the turn
of the century the country had recovered from the shock of
the panic of 1893, and the people, including the western
farmers, returned to work and began to produce. A few
would-be leaders clung to the shell of the organization for
several years but, for want of sustenance, the People's party
just naturally expired about 19o8.15
I4 Cited in "The Populist Revolt," page 405.
25 Much of the information in this Appendix is based upon personal recol-
lections and experience of the writer although many authorities have been
examined to confirm his statements. He was born west of the Mississippi
river shortly after the War Between the States . In his younger days he came
in personal contact with the city dwellers who sought, without experience
or proper temperament, to become farmers . During the days of Populism,
as a newspaperman, he covered many local and state conventions and meet-
ings. In r921 he made a trip covering much of the arid belt to get first
hand information as to the cause of the discontent then being intensified,
the basis for a series of magazine articles.

153. 146 FOOLS GOLD
Appendix "D"
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD
THIS organization, devoted to what it termed "industrial
unionism" was the outgrowth of the Western Federation of
Miners which, under the leadership of Bill Haywood spread
death, destruction and terror through the western mining
camps in the '9os of the last century . The Western Federa-
tion of Miners was the left wing of the socialist movement .
It had the moral support of the right wing, that is to say,
members of the right depreciated all efforts on the part of
the authorities to curb the bloodthirsty activities of the
Federation.
The killing of Governor Steunenberg of Idaho by a half-
wit, Harry Orchard, which crime was laid at the door of the
Western Federation of Miners, destroyed that organization
and left the force and violence group without a home . Then
it was that they formed the Industrial Workers of the World,
better known as the I .W.W.
"In the fall of 1904 six active workers in the revolutionary
labor movement held a conference," writes Vincent St . John,
a prominent revolutionist .' This group sent out an invitation
to thirty-six additional individuals "active in the radical labor
organizations and the socialist political movement," continues
Mr. St. John, to attend a secret conference at Chicago, Janu-
ary 2, 1905. According to the same authority, only two of the
thirty-six declined the invitation-Victor Berger and Max
S. Hayes, both of whom were in charge of socialist political
organs and held to the legislative action system to acquire
control in the United States .
At this secret conference, thirty persons were present. They
remained in session for three days working out a plan of
1 "The I .W.W.-Its History, Structure and Methods," by Vincent St . John,
I.W.W. Publishing Bureau, page 3.

154. APPENDIX "D"
147
organization. This resulted in a manifesto setting forth the
proposal of the new "labor" organization, together with a
call for an open convention. After presenting, in exceptionally
vitriolic language, the fact that the workers were all "wage
slaves" and that the remedy for their ills could not be found
in craft unionism (The American Federation of Labor), the
manifesto declared that to attain their ends-complete control
of all industries-the organization to be formed "must consist
of One Great Industrial Union embracing all industries,"
and that it should be "established as the economic organiza-
tion of the working class, without affiliation with any political
party." 2
Not only were leading members of the left wing extended
personal invitations to attend this convention, but the call
was printed in the International Socialist Review for Febru-
ary, i9o5. It is significant to note that those signing this call
were all allied with the socialist movement and that a num-
ber of them were members of unions affiliated with the
American Federation of Labor.
The political power early "fell into the hands of the radi-
cal migratory faction allied with the Socialist Trades and
Labor Alliance, of which Daniel DeLeon of the Socialist
Labor Party was the spokesman," writes James Oneal, whose
simon-pure right-wing socialism cannot be questioned .3
DeLeon, as we have seen, was a pronounced Marxist . Of
him David Karsner, writing in the New York Herald Trib-
une, says:
"DeLeon, because of his disciplined mind, his vast knowl-
edge of Marx and political science, and his dictatorial man-
ner, was the chief intellectual force in the founding of the
I.W.W., and not Haywood ." Mr. Karsner further says that
"had the United States gone through a social upheaval in
a Ofcial Proceedings of the First Annual Convention of the LW.W.,
Pages 5-6.
3 "Current History," Magazine, January, 1925, page 53!.

155. i48
FOOLS GOLD
r9o5, when the I.W.W. was launched, DeLeon would have
been the Lenin of America." 4
The I.W.W. proved a very effective left wing socialist
movement from around i9io, when it had gained a member-
ship of sufficient size to carry out some of its force and
violence tactics, until after the World War. It worked largely
west of the Mississippi river in the lumber and metal mining
camps and agricultural sections, although it entered the ship-
ping, textile and boot and shoe industries in the East. Strike
after strike was called. Violence was general . "Storm troops"
were massed at the points of attack and honest workmen
viciously assaulted, mutilated and many killed . Lumber mills
were wrecked and fires started in the heavily timbered areas
of the Pacific Northwest .
Farmers who refused to bow to the dictates of the migra-
tory bands of men who consolidated themselves in a division
of the I.W.W., known as the Agricultural Workers Industrial
Union, found their grain fields fired, their wheat stacks
burned and their machinery wrecked . Men would accept em-
ployment and then deliberately put matches in a bundle of
grain which, in many instances, ignited the straw and burned
the threshing machines. In other instances, they put bolts
and other pieces of iron in bundles of grain so that the ma-
chine would be wrecked . They moved in large bands, in-
timidating the smaller communities where the police pro-
tection consisted of a lone constable.
The I.W.W. was the first socialist organization in the
United States to present a clear-cut philosophy of destruction,
all preceding it having managed to camouflage the true nature
of the doctrine they advanced . The philosophy, to a large
extent, was that of syndicalism as practiced in France-that
is, open and wanton destruction, sabotage, force and violence
to destroy governments.
"The whole philosophy of the I .W.W. is expressed in its
Preamble," writes A. A. Hopkins. "The pamphlets and other
4 August 22, i9a6.

156. APPENDIX "D" 149
literature circulated by the Organization as propaganda, jus-
tify and explain and enlarge upon this philosophy, but do not
affect it fundamentally." s
The final Preamble, wherein the philosophy of destruction
is made clear, reads as follows :
"The working class and the employing class have nothing
in common. There can be no peace so long as hunger and
want are found among millions of working people and the
few, who make up the employing class, have all the good
things of life.
"Between these two classes a struggle must go on until the
workers of the world organize as a class, take possession of
the earth and the machinery of production, and abolish the
wage system."
After elaborating many of Marx's fallacious premises, the
Preamble concludes with this statement :
"Instead of the conservative motto, 'A fair day's wages for
a fair day's work,' we must inscribe on our banner the revo-
lutionary watchword, `Abolition of the wage system .'
"It is the historic mission of the working class to do away
with capitalism. The army of production must be organized,
not only for the everyday struggle with the capitalists, but
also to carry on production when capitalism shall have -been
overthrown. By organizing industrially we are forming the
structure of the new society within the shell of the old ." s
Walter B. Odale writes, "The ultimate goal of the I .W.W.
is a `Dictatorship of the Proletariat.' From their literature and
speakers we learn that they propose to educate and organize
all workers into a body of class-conscious men and women
who are to abolish all private ownership of property and take
over, by force, all means of production and distribution ; to
overthrow government as it is now constituted, and substitute
therefor committees of industrial workers-to have the indus-
s "The Industrial Workers of the World-An Analytical Exposf"
s "The I.W.W.-Its History, Structure and Methods," Vincent St . John,
pages 8-9.

157. 150
FOOLS GOLD
trial Union serve as a means of the taking over of industry by
the workers, and to function as a productive and distributive
organ when capitalism shall have been overthrown . They
propose, under their industrial administration, to disfranchise
all non-workers. . . . The I.W.W. teaches that the world
must be reformed by a leveling process. Instead of trying to
advance, or permit the individual to advance, they are going
to pull all civilization down to their own level." 7
One cannot resist the temptation to call attention to the fact
that while the program of the present New Deal adminis-
tration is not predicated on the tactics of force and violence,
its methods being those of the right wing socialists, known as
legislative action, the aim is the same-the leveling of hu-
manity.
The tactics and methods of the I .W.W. were those of the
left wing of the socialist movement. Vincent St. John says :
"As a revolutionary organization the Industrial Workers
of the World aims to use any and all tactics that will get
the results sought with the least expenditure of time and
energy. The tactics used are determined solely by the power
of the organization to make good in their use . The question
of `right' and `wrong' does not concern us .
"No terms made with an employer are final . . . . It aims
where strikes are used, to paralyze all branches of the industry
involved, when the employers can least afford a cessation of
work-during the busy season and when there are rush orders
to be filled . . . .
"In short, the I .W.W. advocates the use of militant `direct
action' tactics to the full extent of our power to make good ." 8
William Z. Foster, prominent in the I .W.W. movement
and now titular head of the Communist party in the United
7 "The I .W.W.-Do You Want It?" page so of manuscript . Mr. Odale, a
police officer of Portland, Oregon, disguised himself, became a member of
the I.W.W. and from a position inside gained a vast amount of valuable
information which he compiled in a 74-page typewritten form . Unfortunately
this is not available to the public.
s "The I.W.W.-Its History, Structure and Methods," pages 17 and t8.

158. AYYY.NVUlA _V-
151
States, about 1910 wrote a book in conjunction with Earl C .
Ford, called "Syndicalism," a word used to cover the philos-
ophy of destruction . On the matter of tactics, he writes :
"In his choice of weapons to fight his capitalist enemies,
the Syndicalist is no more careful to select those that are
`fair,' `just' or `civilized' than is a householder attacked in the
night by a burglar . He knows he is engaged in a life and
death struggle . . . and considers his tactics only from the
standpoint of their effectiveness . With him the end justifies
the means. Whether his tactics be `legal' and `moral,' or not,
does not concern him, so long as they are effective. He knows
that the laws, as well as the current code of morals, are made
by his mortal enemies. . . . He proposes to develop, regard-
less of capitalist conceptions of `legality,' `fairness,' `right,' etc .,
a greater power than his capitalist enemies have ; and then
to wrest from them by force the industries they have stolen
from him by force and duplicity, and to put an end forever
to the wages system. He proposes to bring about the revolu-
tion by the general strike." 0
After explaining in detail that the "general strike" is a
pure revolutionary movement to cripple all industries and
result in an open civil war, Foster admits that one of his left
wing kind is "'unscrupulous' in his choice of weapons to fight
his everyday battles ." 10 Further along the same line Mr .
Foster says:
"He allows no considerations of `legality,' `religion,' 'patri-
otism,' `honor,' `duty,' etc., to stand in the way of his adoption
of effective tactics. . . ."
The legislative action element at first recognized the
I.W.W. as part of the socialist movement, but later discover-
ing that those of this left wing insisted upon assuming
leadership of the unified army, the right wing repudiated any
connection with them. Haywood, who had been taken into
e"Syndicalism,' page 9.
10 Ibid., page 18.
11 1bid., page 18.

159. 152
FOOLS GOLD
the right wing camp by being made a member of the execu-
tive committee of the Socialist party, was deposed ." Debs,
who had been active with the I .W.W. for some time, left it
to become the presidential candidate of the Socialist party .
He had said, however, in speaking of the I .W.W., "I concede
that their theory is right." 13 Nathan Fine writes, "Vincent
St. John, William D. Haywood, and hundreds of known and
unknown members of the I.W.W. led some splendid battles
for the organization and betterment of the workers . . . .
They kept the red flag flying. . . :' 14
And, indeed, they did keep the "red flag flying" until the
communists came upon the scene when, with few exceptions,
the leaders of the I .W.W. flocked to the new left wing so-
cialist organization. Many of the disillusioned membership
sought honest work wherever they could obtain it, trying to
forget their excursion into socialism .
Appendix "E"
SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM SAME THEORY
SOCIALISM and communism are names given to the theory
that all human suffering, want, privation and inequality, are
caused by the institution of private property which theory
finds its root in the ancient philosophy of destruction, hence,
by its very nature, is destructive. That which divides the
followers of this theory into two factions or wings is the ques-
tion of tactics to be employed to attain the common end-
that common end being the abolition of the private property
right.
The following confirmatory citations are from socialist
sources
12 "Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States," page 288.
1s Ibid., page 282.
14 Ibid., page 281.

160. APPENDIX "E" 153
". . . there are two Socialist parties in the United States, aside
from the Workers' (Communist) Party. . . . The Workers' Party,
though Socialist in its philosophy and goal, is Communist in its
tactics. . . ." (What Is Socialism?, Jessie Wallace Hughan, The
Vanguard Press, 1928, page 161 .)
"The foregoing analysis thus shows the existence of two dis-
tinct wings in the general socialist movement . Both wings have
as their ideal some form of industrial democracy; both believe
that the workers should use both political and industrial weapons
to attain their ends . The left wing, or communist-socialist or
communist group, as it calls itself, regards politics merely as a
means of propaganda, scorns the immediate demands in the social-
ist platform, expects that the transition from capitalist to prole-
tarian control will come as a result of industrial rather than of
political action. . . ." (Socialism in Thought and Action, Harry
W. Laidler, The Macmillan Co ., 1927, pages 168-9.) Since this
book was written in 1927 the communists have become more
prominent on the political field and are urging "immediate de-
mands. "-Author.
"There is the sharp and bitter division between Socialists and
Communists, principally on the important question of method
and tactics ." (Why I Am a Socialist, by Norman Thomas, The
League for Industrial Democracy, 1930, page 7 .)
". . . Karl Marx and Frederick Engels were taking the leader-
ship in organizing the modern Socialist movement in Europe by
founding the First International which was organized in London
in 1864. They had also founded the Communist League in 1 847
as a secret society because of the general reaction of that period .
They chose to call themselves Communists in order to distinguish
themselves from a variety of sects and groups known as 'Social-
ists.' They sharply defined their views in the Communist Mani-
festo which became a classic statement of the Socialist view. . . ."
(American Communism, James Oneal, The Rand Book Store,
1927, page 112.)
"Communism is the same as socialism, but better English ."
(Bernard Shaw, quoted in London Spectator, October 24, 1925-)
"Between complete socialism and communism there is no dif-
ference whatever in my mind . Communism is in fact the comple-
ment of socialism ." (William Morris in Fabian Tract No. 113,
page 11.)

161. 154
FOOLS GOLD
"The ideal of us all, our ultimate aim, is communism ." (Col-
lectivism and Industrial Evolution, E. Vandervelde, Eng. trans.,
Page 174.)
"That which is generally called socialism is termed by Marx
the first or lower phase of communist society ." (The State and
Revolution, N. Lenin, Am. Trans., pages 100-105.)
"The mission of the Socialist Labor Party, the Socialist Party,
and the Workers' (Communist) Party was and is still funda-
mentally the same as when they were first founded : to propa-
gate and establish socialism . And this also was the mission of
the individual and organized radicals who introduced and pro-
mulgated Marxian socialism for twenty years before the Socialist
Labor Party was born in 1876." (Labor and Farmer Parties in
the United States, Nathan Fine, Rand School of Social Science,
1.928, page 88.)
One reading the extensive communist literature now being
circulated in the United States will discover that many com-
munist writers use the words socialism and communism as
synonymous, although taking great care to denounce the
organized socialists of the United States because of their
system of legislative action to attain the common end . A few
citations along this line will suffice to show the trend of the
many
"Socialism . . . is communism in course of construction ; it is in-
complete communism ." (The A B C of Communism, Bukharin
and Preobrazhensky, page 346.)
Lenin in his pamphlet, "The Soviets at Work," referring
to the problem of thoroughly extinguishing the bourgeois
class, says :
". . . we can have no Socialism until it is solved."
He further states in the same document, that
". . a socialist revolution . . . is inconceivable without an in-
ternal war." (Several times in this document Lenin uses the word
socialism as synonymous with communism, see Lusk Report,
page 223.)

162. APPENDIX "E" 1155
Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, who was named the unofficial
communist ambassador to the United States, and deported
by our government, when a witness before the Lusk Com-
mittee, in answer to a question regarding the revolutionists
of Russia, said :
"Their wish is to change from the capitalist system to the
Socialist system ." (Lusk Report, Volume I, page 237.)
The communist group in Germany late in 1918 issued a
manifesto in which is found this language :
"Socialism alone is in a position to complete the great work of
permanent peace. . . . If representatives of the proletarians of all
countries could but clasp hands under the banner of Socialism
. peace would be concluded in a few hours. . . . Proletarians
of all countries( We call upon you to complete the work of Social-
ist liberation. . . ." (Lusk Report, Volume I, pages 385, 386 and
387.)
In an address before the All-Union Conference of Stak-
hanovites (this appears to be the communists' New Deal),
Stalin spoke for some time . In that address he uses the word
"socialism" thirteen times in the first ten minutes of his talk
to express the aims and purposes of the present government
of Russia. (Speech reported in Daily Worker, November 23,
1935.)
The original name given to the government formed by the
communists in Russia was "The Russian Socialists Federa-
tion of Soviet Russia ." This was later changed and stands
today as "United Socialist Soviet Republics ."
In seeking authoritative evidence as to just what the So-
cialist party stands for, one naturally turns to the writings of
Morris Hiliquit who was an outstanding figure in interna-
tional socialism. He was the author of a book entitled "From
Marx to Lenin" (The Hanford Press, 1921) . In that book he
brands the government in Russia as a Socialist government
in the following language :

163. 156
FOOLS GOLD
"In Russia the revolution has been accomplished . In other coun-
tries it is yet to come. . . . In Russia the Socialists are in posses-
sion of the powers of government and their immediate political
task is to maintain themselves in power. In the Western countries
the bourgeoisie is in political control, and the immediate political
task of the workers is to wrest the power from the hands of their
opponents." (Page 129.)
"The Russian Revolution is beyond doubt the greatest event in
the history of Socialism. . . ." (Page 139.)
"The Russian Revolution has suddenly ushered in a new era
in the Socialist movement of the world-the era of direct efforts
for the practical realization of the Socialist program. . . ." (Page
140-)
"To the masses of workers and non-workers Soviet Russia is
and always will be a practical demonstration of Socialism at
work, and the prototype of all Socialist governments . The suc-
cesses of the Russian struggle will inspire and stimulate the
Socialist movement of all countries ." (Page 141 .)
The following citations showing that socialism and com-
munism are the same in so far as theory is concerned are
from non-socialist sources
"Economic weapons disregarded, the field was divided by the
advocates of force and the advocates of political action ." (Social-
ism, A Critical Analysis, Prof. 0. D. Skelton, Houghton Mifflin
Co., 1911, page 256.)
"In an earlier phase of the socialist movement there were
distinctions of economic theory between the socialists and the com-
munists. To-day the only differences between them are tempera-
mental. The communist is a socialist in a violent hurry ." (The
Economic Consequences of Socialism, G. W. Gough, page 26.)
"The distinction is not between the economic ends, which are
virtually identical, but between means" for communism "signifies
the seizure of power by force or violent revolution, as distin-
guished from constitutional methods; and since such seizure can
hardly be prepared for openly, it carries with it the idea of
secret conspiracy ." (The Socialist Movement, Arthur Shadwell,
pages 95-6.)

164. APPENDIX "E" 157
"The difference, then, at the present moment between com-
munism and what still calls itself socialism is almost wholly one
of method and of pace . Socialism professes to be evolutionary,
while communism is revolutionary; socialism constitutional and
parliamentary, communism violent and sanguinary ; socialism
anxious to convert its opponents, communism bent on extermi-
nating them; socialism aiming at democracy, communism con-
templating dictatorship ; socialism pacific, communism militant ;
socialism reformist, communism destructive; and so on, and so
on." (A Survey of Socialism, F. J. C. Hearnshaw, Macmillan and
Co., London, 1928, pages 91-92.)
"Marxian socialism, which in its higher powers becomes com-
munism, has in it more of the definitely criminal than of the
merely mad: it is, in the last analysis, not so much (like Fabian-
ism) systematised insanity, as (like syndicalism) rationalised
robbery. From what we have seen of Bolshevism in Russia, Spar-
tacism in Germany, Red Revolution in Mexico and elsewhere,
we know what to expect when Marxism secures control anywhere .
We know that it means an upheaval of the criminal underworld,
manifesting itself in an orgy of indiscriminate plunder, reckless
arson, bestial debauchery, sanguinary massacre, and fiendish
cruelty." (Ibid., page 426.)
". . . one and the same labour leader frequently displays him-
self as a revolutionary communist on the occasion of a general
strike, and a constitutional socialist on the occasion of a general
election." (Ibid., page 92.)
"Communism is merely an interchangeable term with socialism .
The manifesto of Marx and Engels, of over 70 years ago, al-
though it is written in the terms of communism, is the basis of the
socialism of to-day." (Rome G . Brown, Americanism versus So-
cialism, Senate Document No. 260, 66th Congress, 2nd Session,
1920, page 6.)
"While no material difference of opinion existed between the
so-called Left Wing elements and the party management as to
the ultimate object of the Socialist movement and as to the prob-
able necessity of employing other than parliamentary means to set
up the co-operative commonwealth in this country, a very distinct
difference of opinion arose over the question of immediate tac-
tics." (Revolutionary Radicalism, Report of the Joint Legislative
Committee Investigating Seditious Activities, State of New York,
Vol. I, commonly known as the Lusk Report, page 676.)

165. 158
FOOLS GOLD
"A study of their platforms and official pronouncements (so-
cialist and communist) shows that they do not differ fundamen-
tally in their objectives . These objectives are : the establishment
of the co-operative commonwealth in place of the present form of
government in the United States ; the overthrow of what they are
pleased to call the capitalist system, namely, the present system
under which we live, and the substitution in its place of collective
ownership, and the management of means of production and dis-
tribution by the working class.
"These organizations differ but slightly in the means advocated
to bring about the social revolution. All are agreed that success
can be obtained only through the destruction of the present trade
union organizations of the working class, and by creating in their
stead revolutionary industrial unions having the power (through
industrial action involving the general strike and sabotage) to
so cripple the government as to render it powerless to prevent
the establishment of the co-operative commonwealth and the
working-lass rule." (Ibid., page 8.)
Appendix "F"
CITATIONS FROM SOCIALIST SOURCES OF IN-
TEREST IN STUDY OF THE NEW DEAL
THE following citations from socialist sources are of special
interest in connection with any careful analysis of the New
Deal program of legislation:
". . . measures of social reform are, as a rule, originally formu-
lated by the Socialist parties on radical and thoroughgoing lines .
They become the object of a persistent and widespread propa-
ganda, and finally they acquire the force of popular demands. At
this stage the `progressive' and sometimes even the `conservative'
statesmen of the dominant political parties begin to realize the
political significance of the proposed measures . The Vox Populi
means votes on election day (Socialism Summed Up, Mor-
ris Hillquit, 1913, page 86.)

166. APPENDIX "F" 159
" . . we find six lines of legislation that must be pursued si-
multaneously in order to reach the goal ." (What Is Socialism?,
Jessie Wallace Hughan, 1928, page 103.)
"These demands show that the Socialist state is to be brought
about automatically by economic forces, and deliberately by leg-
islation of six general types . These six types, to be inaugurated
simultaneously, are : first, the political, including proportional
representation, direct election of President and Vice-President,
and abolition of the law-determining power of the Supreme Court;
second, measures to insure civil liberties, including the repeal of
the Espionage Act and the prohibition of the injunction in labor
disputes; third, the international demands, directed to the abolition
of imperialism and of war; fourth, the financial, consisting of
inheritance, income and other taxes bearing heavily upon super-
fortunes; fifth, the industrial, embracing various forms of labor
legislation, social insurance and pensions, freedom to strike, the
minimum wage, and finally the guarantee of employment ; and
sixth, the collectivist, under which comes the gradual acquiring
of the basic industries, beginning with the natural resources and
the larger trusts ." (Ibid., page 114.)
"When to progressive taxation are added compensation acts,
the short working day and week, freedom to strike and the mini-
mum wage, capital is more and more likely to withdraw from
these more fully perfected industries, resign them to the public
which is already attempting to regulate them, and turn its activi-
ties into newer and less developed channels ." (Ibid., page iii.)
. we may expect that the Socialist government, as soon as
public opinion should render it practicable, would proceed to the
deliberate, though gradual, extinction of the bond-holding class .
This could easily be done through the progressive raising of the
rate of inheritance and income taxes past the confiscation point,
until in a generation or two all unearned income should be
eliminated ." (Ibid., page 113.)
"The concrete and conscious efforts to pave the way for the
introduction of a Socialist regime may be summarized under the
following three main heads :
"i. The enactment of such social reforms as tend to facilitate
the transition from capitalism to Socialism .
"2. The creation of a sympathetic public attitude towards the
Socialist aim and program.

167. i6o
FOOLS GOLD
"3. The organization of a body of persons, sufficiently numer-
ous, intelligent and trained to accomplish the practical task of
social transformation." (Socialism Summed Up, by Morris Hill-
quit, 1913, page 8o.)
"Public ownership does not necessarily mean government own-
ership, and government ownership does not imply centralized ad-
ministration. In the practical application of the Socialist scheme
of industrial organization, it is quite conceivable that certain
industries would be operated by the national government . Rail-
road systems, telegraph and telephone lines are inherently na-
tional in their functions, and many other industries are already
organized on a country-wide scale and adjusted to centralized
operations." (Ibid., page 30.)
"They"-the Socialists-"favor every real progressive meas-
ure, and work for such measures wherever and whenever an
opportunity offers itself to them . But all the socialist reforms are
consistent parts of their general program ; they all tend in one
direction and serve one ultimate purpose," i.e., socialism . (Social-
ism In Theory and Practice, Hillquit, 1917, page 212.)
"The aim of all socialist reforms, on the other hand, is to
strengthen the working class economically and politically and to
pave the way for the introduction of the socialist state. The effect
of every true socialist reform must be to transfer some measure
of power from the employing classes." (Ibid., page 209.)
"The Socialist demand for government ownership of industries
of a public or quasi-public nature, springs from different motives
and contemplates a different system than the similar demands of
other parties . The Socialists advocate government ownership pri-
marily for the purpose of eliminating private profits from the
operation of public utilities, and conferring the benefits of such
industries on the employees and consumers . Their demand for
national or municipal ownership of industries is always qualified
by a provision for the democratic administration of such industries
and for the application of the profits to the increase of the em-
ployees' wages and the improvement of the service . Furthermore,
it must be borne in mind that when the Socialist platform declares
in favor of government ownership of certain industries, the So-
cialist Party at the same time nominates candidates for public
office pledged to carry out these measures in the spirit of that
platform. In other words, what the Socialists advocate is not

168. APPENDIX "F"
161
government ownership under purely capitalist administration, but
collective ownership under a government controlled or at least
strongly influenced by political representatives of the working
class." (Socialism Summed Up, Morris Hillquit, 1913, pages 73-
74-)
"Fabian Tract No. 127, `To the socialist, taxation is the chief
means by which he may recover from the propertied classes some
portion of the plunder which their economic strength and social
position have enabled them to extract from the workers . . . . To
the socialist, the best of governments is that which spends the
most: " (Cited, A Survey of Socialism, Hearnshaw, 1928, page
306, footnote.)
"The next legislative series lies in the field of taxation . The
tariff must go, as the bulwark of special privilege and fomenter
of international jealousy . Heavy taxation of the speculative ele-
ment in land values must partially take its place . Beginning
immediately and continuing more drastically as public opinion de-
mands it, must come the reform of the income and inheritance
taxes, raising the taxable minimum to relieve the skilled and
professional workers, and bearing more and more heavily upon
the super-incomes until the triumph of socialism sees their com-
plete extinction ." (Jessie Wallace Hughan, speaking before a
meeting of the League for Industrial Democracy, book form,
The Socialism of Our Times, Vanguard Press, 1929, page 127 .)
". . . that the weapon of taxation is at his disposal for this end ."
(Harold J. Laski, speaking before a meeting of the League for
Industrial Democracy, book form, The Socialism of Our Times,
Vanguard Press, pages 131 and 132 .)
"Taxation for Social Purposes : Pressure for higher taxation
on unearned and large incomes is vital ; the amount so raised
to be used as grants-in-aid for social purposes, e.g., education
to the states. The idea of the grant-in-aid is fundamental to the
idea of the national minimum; and this, in its turn, lies at
the heart of socialism . The same thing applies, mutatis mutandis,
to state taxation of income and inheritance ." (Ibid., page 132.)
"In the national field, socialists have forced through social leg-
islation, the eight-hour day, safety and hygiene measures in the
factories, workers' control, social insurance, etc. They have com-
pelled the governments to obtain an increasing amount of their

169. 162
FOOLS GOLD
total revenue from progressive income and inheritance taxes,
in conformity with the slogan, `to take the money from where
it resides.' They have undermined the excessive power of the
banks by such legislative measures as the creation of state and
municipal banks." (Mr. Franz Longville, at a meeting of the
League for Industrial Democracy, book form, The Socialism of
Our Times, Vanguard Press, 1929, pages 148, 149.)
Appendix "G"
CITATIONS IN RE SOCIALISM APPLICABLE
TO NEW DEAL
THE following citations from well-known writers are espe-
cially applicable to New Deal policies . To make the connec-
tion perfectly clear, we have inserted in parentheses the term
New Deal, New Dealism or New Dealists but it should be
understood that where these terms appear they are no part
of the original citation :
"The attraction of socialism (New Dealism) to the masses
lies in its promise of the spoliation of the rich and the general
division of their wealth." (British Socialism, Ellis Barker, 1908,
page 471 .)
"Socialism (New Dealism) wishes to destroy the upper classes
simply to take their place and secure possession of their wealth ."
(Psychology of Socialism, Gustave LeBon, Eng . trans., 1899, page
333-)
Socialism (New Dealism) "is in its essence a raid of the
have nots upon the haves, and its moving spirit is class hate
and love of plunder." (Democracy and Capital, W . B. Faraday,
1921, page 236.)
"The main Socialist (New Deal) appeal is directed to men
who are temperamentally envious of the good fortune of others,,
and who think that their shortest cut to prosperity is to trans-
fer to themselves other people's property ." (Economic Liberty,
Harold Cox, 1920, page 18.)

170. APPENDIX "G"
163
"All forms of socialism (New Dealism) are based upon the
same root idea-viz., that the capitalist and the private employer
are per se exploiters and the natural enemies of the working
class." (The Industrial Dilemma, P. Kerr, 1926, page so.)
"Socialists (New Dealers) regard enterprise in the individual
as a crime; self-reliance as a form of priggishness ; and thrift
as a piece of 'selfishness' ." (The Conservative Mind, H. Begbie,
1924, page 150.)
"The force which gives vitality to socialistic (New Deal) doc-
trine is the primitive instinct of predatory self-interest ." (Syn-
dicalism and Labour, A. Clay, 1911, page 212.)
Socialism (New Dealism) "is an appeal to natural appetites
and passions . . . however lofty the motives of its promoters may
be, it is actually an appeal to cupidity, envy, and hatred ." (The
Communist Movement, Arthur Shadwell, 1925, page 23.)
" . any body of subversive dogma (New Dealism is such a
dogma) which emphasises the claim of the lazy and inefficient
many to live at the expense of the industrious and capable few"
is folly. (A Survey of Socialism, F. J. C. Hearnshaw, 1928, page
107.)
"Socialism (New Dealism), indeed, is a disease which flour-
ishes only in times of adversity and unrest . It perishes naturally
in seasons of sanity and success. Its more determined and re-
morseless advocates, recognizing this fact, even go so far as
artificially to foster misery, in order that they may extend its
ravages and hasten the sanguinary revolution in which it is to
culminate." (Ibid., page 153.)
In connection with the above citation the following state-
ment by Dr . William A . Wirt in referring to the New
Dealers is of special interest :
"I was told that they believed that by thwarting our then
evident recovery they would be able to prolong the country's
destitution until they had demonstrated to the American people
that the government must operate industry and commerce . I
was told that of course commercial banks could not make long-
time capital loans and that they would be able to destroy, by

171. 164
FOOLS GOLD
propaganda, the other institutions that had been making our
capital loans. They said :
`Then we can push Uncle Sam into the position where he
must make these capital loans . And of course when Uncle Sam
becomes our Financier he must also follow his money with con-
trol and management."' (America Must Lose, pages 33-4.)
"However effective socialism (New Dealism) may be in seiz-
ing wealth produced by others, in expropriating landlords and
capitalists, in confiscating, taxing, and levying ; however success-
ful it may be in dividing up existing property among its devotees
and disciples ; however fruitful it may be in the creation of a
population of parasites and paupers dependent upon doles-
when it comes to the work of producing wealth; work that re-
quires energy, intelligence, sacrifice of pleasure, co-operation and
co-ordination of effort, punctuality, diligence, thrift ; then social-
ism (New Dealism) breaks down ." (A Survey of Socialism, F. J.
C. Hearnshaw, 1928, page 327.)
"No political propaganda (propaganda of the New Deal) which
leads men to covet can be approved ; no legislation which leads
men to look upon other people's property as a mine of wealth
for themselves can be wholesome." (Marquess of Salisbury in the
Nineteenth Century, February, 1925, cited in "A Survey of Social-
ism," page 396 .)
"The success of socialist (New Deal) agitation depends not
merely on the existence of serious industrial evils, but on the
readiness of the masses of men to hearken to a gospel of dis-
content." (Socialism, A Critical Analysis, Prof. O. D. Skelton,
1911, page 16.)
The socialist (New Dealist) "has thrown the undivided blame
for all the world's misery and failure on social institutions, on
the tools men use, rather than on the limitations of the purely
human men who use them ." (Ibid., page 41.)
The socialist (New Dealist) "cannot see the woods for the
few decaying branches on the trees . His ear is attuned only to
inharmonies. He sees the reeking fester of the slum, but is blind
to the millions of homes in city and town and country where
hard work brings forth its fruits of modest comfort and life is
held well worth the living ." (Ibid., page 42.)

172. APPENDIX "G"
165
"This very vastness of the plan (New Dealism) stimulates the
imagination and makes possibilities seem real to dreamers ."
(Communism and Socialism, Theodore D. Woolsey, Scribner's
Sons, 188o, page 15.)
"Socialism (New Dealism) could not live and thrive without
agitation. To foster and increase the agitation, the line between
the operative and the employer must be widened and rendered
more precise; the feeling of wrong must be intensified . The
capitalist must be looked on as a thief." (Ibid., page 152.)
11. . . the socialist (New Dealist) is too pessimistic with respect
to the present. He sees all of the starvation, misery, luxury,
and extravagance, but he passes by the millions of comfortable
homes scattered throughout the land . He does not see that the
world is full of opportunity for the rising generation, that even
if the chance for the ownership of a large independent business
for the ordinary man is smaller, the things which he can enjoy,
if he is of average intelligence and energy, are really much
greater in amount and variety than ever before in the world's
history. The socialist (New Dealist) underestimates the impor-
tance of individual responsibility . To-day a man is confronted
by the stern necessity of making his own way, and this must
have some good effect upon character ." (Outlines of Economics,
Prof. Richard T. Ely, Macmillan Co ., 1924, pages 608-9 .)
"By the selection only of what suits their (New Dealists') pur-
pose, by the omission of all facts, however certain and relevant,
which would contravene it, and by lavishness in exaggeration, the
past and present of the labouring classes are so delineated as to
embitter their feelings and pervert their judgments, while their
future is portrayed in the colours of fancy best adapted to deepen
the effect produced by the falsification of history and the misrep-
resentations of actuality. . . ." (Socialism, R. Flint, 1895, page
105.)
"Assertions the most untrue (New Deal methods), yet which
are sure to be readily believed by many, and which cannot fail
to produce discontent as widely as they are believed, are boldly
and incessantly made in all ways and forms likely to gain for
them acceptance . I refer to such assertions as these : that the
labourers do all the work and are entitled to all the wealth of the
world; that the only reason why they require to toil either long or
hard is that they are plundered by privileged idlers to the extent

173. 166
FOOLS GOLD
of a half or three-fourths of what is due for their services ; that
capitalists are their enemies; that mechanical inventions have
been of little, if any, benefit to them ; that they are as a class
constantly growing poorer, while their employers are constantly
growing richer. . . . Vast discontent may be produced by such
procedure and teaching, but it can only be a most dangerous and
destructive discontent . It is a false discontent, because founded on
falsehood." (Ibid., pages log-6 .)
Appendix "H"
SOCIALISM WOULD DESTROY RELIGION
WHILE the rabid socialists of the left wing type frankly
admit that among the aims of the movement is the complete
destruction of all religious faiths, the more discrete and diplo-
matic of the right wing try to conceal this fact with the
statement that
"The Socialist movement is primarily an economic and political
movement" and hence "is not concerned with the institutions of
marriage or religion." (Proceedings National Convention of the
Socialist Party, 1908, page 193.)
Regardless of this declaration the Socialist convention of
1912 officially declared that
"The ethics of socialism and religion are directly opposed to
each other." (Proceedings, page 248.)
The Michigan socialists in 1919 took the position that
"A Socialist who understands the materialistic conception of
history cannot have faith in superstition of any kind. In other
words, a religious or Christian Socialist is a contradiction of terms
and the statement that religion is a private matter (allusion to
the 19o8 plank) is a lie." (Lusk Report, Vol. I, page 1128.)

174. APPENDIX "H"
1167
Robert Owen, who was not a socialist in the sense that
philosophy is known to-day, but instead more of an idealist,
declared that
"The religions of the world are horrid monsters and real
demons of humanity which swallow up all its rationality and
happiness." (Life of Robert Owen, by himself, page 207 .)
Sargant quotes Owen as saying :
"The fundamental notions of every religion . . . have made
man the most inconsistent and most miserable being in existence .
By the errors of these systems he has been made a weak, imbecile
animal. . . ." (Life of Robert Owen, by Sargant, page 1129, Cited
in "World Revolution," page ioo .)
Ferri, in his "Socialism and Positive Religion," says :
"Socialism tends to substitute itself for religion . It knows that
the absence of lessening of belief in God is one of the most power-
ful factors in existence ." (Cited, The Conspiracy Against Religion,
Boswell Printing and Publishing Co ., London, England, page 4.)
Friedrich Engels, himself a "capitalist" who was the finan-
cial backer of Karl Marx, in the introduction to "Socialism,
Utopian, and Scientific," wrote :
"Nowadays in our revolutionary conception of the Universe
there is absolutely no room either for a Creator or a Ruler."
(Cited, Ibid., page 5.)
Liebknecht, a former leader of the German socialists,
wrote :
"It is our duty as Socialists to root out the faith in God with
all our might . Nor is anyone worthy of the name who does not
consecrate himself to the spread of atheism." (Cited, Ibid., page 5.)
W. Marr, an early Marxist, in his book on Secret Societies
in Switzerland, said :

175. 168
FOOLS GOLD
"We make war against all prevailing ideas, of religion, of the
State, of country, of patriotism. The idea of God is the keystone
of a perverted civilization . It must be destroyed . The true root of
liberty, of equality, of culture, is Atheism ." (Cited, Contempo-
rary Socialism, John Rae, page 136.)
Bebel, an outstanding socialist authority, wrote:
"Christianity and Socialism stand towards each other as fire
and water. Christianity is the enemy of liberty and civilization . It
has kept mankind in slavery and oppression ." (Cited, The Con-
spiracy Against Religion, Boswell Printing and Publishing Co .,
London, England, page 5.)
Bakunin, an early Russian bolshevist, said :
"We declare ourselves atheists . We seek the abolition of all re-
ligion and the abolition of marriage." (Cited, Ibid., page 5.)
Dr. John Robison of Edinburgh, Scotland, who visited
Bavaria when the Order of the Illuminati was active, secured
much information on its program. In his "History of A
Conspiracy," he said:
"Their first and immediate aim is to get the possession of riches,
power, and influence, without industry ; and to accomplish this
they want to abolish Christianity. . . ." (Cited, The French Revo-
lution, by Nesta H. Webster, page 496.)
Anacharsis Clootz, a Prussian, and a prominent member
of the Order of the Illuminati, who went to France and
aided in engineering the revolution the latter part of the
Eighteenth century, and who paid for his subversive activities
with his life, prided himself with being "the personal enemy
of Jesus Christ ." He said
"Religion is a social disease which cannot be too quickly cured .
A religious man is a depraved animal ." (Cited, World Revolution,
by Nesta H. Webster, page loo.)
Dealing with this attack upon religion, Mrs . Nesta H.
Webster writes:

176. APPENDIX "H"
169
"Beginning with Weishaupt, continuing with Clootz, with
Biichner and with Bakunin, hatred of religion, above all of Chris-
tianity, has characterised all the instigators of world revolution,
since it is essential to their purpose that the doctrine of hatred
should be substituted for the doctrine of love." (The French Revo-
lution, page 496.)
Practically all well versed writers on socialism, both for and
against, admit that harmonious relations between religion
and socialism are impossible . Professor John Rae, presenting
his exhaustive study in a book titled, "Contemporary So-
cialism," more than fifty years ago, stated that,
"Socialists . . . have discarded all belief in the possibility of
effecting any social regeneration except by means of political au-
thority. . . ."
and to attain this end
"attacks on religion, patriotism, the family, are very usual acces-
sories of their practical agitations everywhere ." (Pages 2 and 5.)
Prof. Arthur Shadwell says that,
"the vast majority of Socialists are definitely anti-Christian," add-
ing, "there is obviously no room for any moral or spiritual ele-
ment whatever in this (the Socialist's) view of life ." (The Socialist
Movement, Vol . II, pages 156-7.)
Professor F. J. C. Hearnshaw, one of the ablest writers on
the subject of socialism, says
"Socialism is a menace to religion . . . it is impossible for
socialism to exist side by side with an organised church. . . .
Whether rightly or wrongly, socialists regard religion as the natu-
ral ally and bulwark of the things that they hate, as, for example,
of monarchy and private property . They look upon it as a re-
actionary force, conservative of the established order generally.
Hence they condemn it to destruction as an inherent part of the
capitalist system. . . ." (A Survey of Socialism, pages 383-4.)

177. 170
FOOLS GOLD
Prof. O. D. Skelton calls attention to the fact that there is a
close relationship between the opposition of the socialists to
the private property right and their organized movement
against religion. In their open averments he finds subterfuge .
He says that
"the party officially protests neutrality, while the official publish-
ing houses issue anti-religious pamphlets by the score ." (Socialism,
A Critical Analysis, page 247.)
Since the evidence is overwhelming that the New Deal
legislative program is based upon the doctrine of socialism
which, in turn, is the old, old philosophy of destruction, the
following citations are presented as of possible interest to those
who wish to pursue this line of inquiry further :
"It is in history and religion and other controversial subjects
that the actual instruction is positively harmful ." (Principles of
Social Reconstruction, Bertrand Russell, chapter on Education,
Page 149.)
"The Social Demoerate, May 25th, 188o, in an article entitled
`Social Democracy and Christianity,' blurted out the truth: 'As
a matter of simple fact, it must be candidly avowed, Christianity
is the bitterest foe of Social Democracy . Just as so utterly dun-
derheaded a religion as Christianity could only strike root at all
two thousand years ago in a humanity that had completely de-
generated, so ever since its efforts have always been directed,
not, as one might suppose, to rid the world of misery and desti-
tution, but rather to use them for its ends, and as a cloak for its
other vices and enormities.
"'When God is driven out of the brains of men, the whole sys-
tem of privilege by the Grace of God comes to the ground . When
heaven hereafter is recognized as a big lie, men will attempt to
establish heaven here. Therefore, whoever assails Christianity, as-
sails at the same time monarchy and capitalism."' (The Conspir-
acy Against Religion, page 3.)
"The Manifesto of the International Congress, held at Geneva
in 1868 (states) : `God and Christ, these citizen-Providences, have
been at all times the armour of Capital, and the most sanguinary

178. APPENDIX "H"
171
enemies of the working classes . It is owing to God and to Christ
that we remain to this day in slavery. It is by deluding us with
lying hopes, that the priests have caused us to accept all the suf-
ferings of this earth.
"It is only after sweeping away all religion and after tearing
up even to the roots every religious idea, Christian and every other
whatsoever, that we can arrive at our political and social ideal.
Let Jesus look after his heaven . We believe only in humanity.
It would be but to fail in all our duties were we to cease, even for
a second, to pursue the monsters who have tortured us . Down,
then, with God and with Christ! Down with the despots of
Heaven and Earth! Death to the Priests! Such is the motto of
our grand crusade."' (Ibid., page 6.)
The communist, or left wing, faction of the socialist move-
ment are perfectly frank in stating that they are out to destroy
all religious faiths. It is their position that so long as the
people accept a spiritual basis for their actions, they are not
liable to make good revolutionists . Karl Kautsky's statement
to that effect has been cited previously. Since, then, religion
and especially Christianity, in so far as the United States at
least is concerned, stands as a barrier to a successful revolu-
tion, it must be destroyed . Every effort has been made to
eradicate it in Russia where communists are in full control
of the government. A few citations from their authorized
literature are illustrative of all upon this subject :
"Many weak-kneed communists reason as follows: `Religion
does not prevent my being a communist. I believe both in God
and in communism . My faith in God does not hinder me from
fighting for the cause of the proletarian revolution .' This train
of thought is radically false. Religion and communism are in-
compatible, both theoretically and practically." (The A B C of
Communism, page 256.)
"The same theory has demonstrated that the very idea of God
and of supernatural powers arises at a definite stage in human
history, and at another definite stage begins to disappear as a
childish notion which finds no confirmation in practical life and
in the struggle between man and nature ." (Ibid., pages 256 and
257.)

179. 172
FOOLS GOLD
"In practice, no less than in theory, communism is incompatible
with religious faith." (Ibid., page 257.)
"A communist who rejects the commandments of religion and
acts in accordance with the directions of the party, ceases to be
one of the faithful. On the other hand, one who, while calling
himself a communist, continues to cling to his religious faith, one
who in the name of religious commandments infringes the pre-
scriptions of the party, ceases thereby to be a communist ." (Ibid.,
page 257.)
"The struggle with religion has two sides, and every com-
munist must distinguish clearly between them . On the one hand
we have the struggle with the church, as a special organisation
existing for religious propaganda, materially interested in the
maintenance of popular ignorance and religious enslavement. On
the other hand we have the struggle with the widely diffused
and deeply ingrained prejudices of the majority of the working
population." (Ibid., pages 257 and 258.)
"For the communist, the church is a society of persons who
are united by definite sources of income at the cost of the faith-
ful, at the cost of their ignorance and lack of true culture."
(Ibid., page z58. See also Ibid., pages 261-5.)
Appendix "I"
RIGHTS OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND AUTHOR-
ITY OF THE GOVERNMENT
THE following citations dealing with certain rights of the
individual and the authority given the government by the
individual citizen under the Constitution, have been kindly
compiled by Charles Hall Davis, the eminent constitutional
lawyer of Petersburg, Virginia :
The Inherent and Unalienable Rights of Man :
"All men are by nature equally free and independent, and
have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into

180. APPENDIX "I" 173
a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or
divest their posterity." (Virginia Bill of Rights, Section r.)
The Purpose of Government, the Source of Its Powers, and the
Rights of Its Creators:
"All men . . . are endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable rights, . . . to secure these rights, Governments
are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from
the consent of the governed. . . . Whenever any form of
Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the
right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute
new Government, laying its foundation on such principles
and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall
seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness ."
(Declaration of Independence .)
The Unalienable Sovereignty of the People:
"In our system, while sovereign powers are delegated (to)
the agencies of government, sovereignty itself remains with
the people, by whom, and for whom, all government exists
and acts." (The Supreme Court of the United States in Yick
Wo. v. Hopkins, rr8 U. S., 369-370.)
"All power is vested in, and consequently derived from the
people; magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at
all times amenable to them." (Virginia Bill of Rights, Sec-
tion 2.)
"The supreme power resides in the people, and they never
part with it." (James Wilson in the Pennsylvania Ratifying
Convention.)
The Establishment of Fundamental Principles of the Basis of
Just Government. Their Controlling Effect :
"There are certain vital principles in our free Republican gov-
ernments, which will determine and overrule an apparent
and flagrant abuse of legislative power." (Supreme Court in
Calder v. Bull, 3 Dall. 387.)
"The government of the United States has been emphati-
cally termed a government of laws, and not of men. . . . The
people have an original right to establish, for their future
government, such principles, as, in their opinion, shall most
conduce to their own happiness. . . . The principles . . . so
established, are deemed fundamental . . . . To what purposes

181. 174 FOOLS GOLD
are powers limited, and to what purpose is that limitation
committed in writing, if these limits may, at any time be
passed by those intended to be restrained? The distinction
between a government with limited and unlimited powers
is abolished, if those limits do not confine the persons on
whom they are imposed ." (Chief Justice Marshall in Marbury
v. Madison, i Cranch, 137 at 163, 176.)
Special Privilege Prohibited:
"No man, or set of men, is entitled to exclusive or separate
emoluments or privileges from the community, but in con-
sideration of public services ." (Virginia Bill of Rights, Sec-
tion 4.)
Nature of a Written Constitution :
"A written Constitution is, in every case, a limitation upon
the powers of government, in the hands of agents ." (State
v. County Court, 6o West Va., 339, 345, 55 S.E., 382,
quoting from Hamilton v . County Court, 15 Mo. 5, 13.)
Necessity for a Written Constitution :
"In questions of power, then, let no more be heard of con-
fidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the
chains of the Constitution ." (Thomas Jefferson .)
Inviolability of The Constitution. To Suspend Any of Its Pro-
visions in Times of Exigency Leads to Anarchy and Despotism :
"The Constitution of the United States is a law for rulers
and people, equally in war and in peace, and covers with the
shield of its protection all classes of men, at all times, and
under all circumstances . No doctrine, involving more per-
nicious consequences, was ever invented by the wit of man
than that any of its provisions can be suspended during any
of the great exigencies of government. Such a doctrine leads
directly to anarchy or despotism. . . . The theory of necessity
on which it is based is false." (Supreme Court in cx parte
Milligan, 4 Wall. 1.)
The Inherent Right of the People to Change The Constitution:
"As the people are the only legitimate fountain of power . . .
it seems strictly consonant with the Republican theory to

182. APPENDIX "I" 175
recur to the same original authority . . . whenever it may be
necessary to enlarge, diminish, or new-model the powers of
government." (James Madison in Federalist 48 .)
"The people may change the Constitution whenever, and
however, they please . This is a right of which no positive
institution can ever deprive them ." (James Wilson in the
Pennsylvania Ratifying Convention .)
"Whenever any government shall be found inadequate or
contrary to these purposes (i.e. "the common benefit, protec-
tion and security of the people, nation or community"), a ma-
jority of the community hath an indubitable, inalienable and
indefeasible right to reform, alter or abolish it ." (Virginia
Bill of Rights, Section 3 .)
Congress Cannot Change The Constitution:
"The Congress . . . cannot by legislation alter the Constitu-
tion." (Supreme Court in Eisner v. Macomber, 252 U.S.
206.)
The American Plan of Limitations on Government :
"In the compound Republic of America, the power surren-
dered by the people is first divided between two distinct
governments, and then the portion allotted to each sub-
divided between distinct and separate departments . Hence
a double security arises to the rights of the people. The
different governments will control each other, at the same
time that each will be controlled by itself." (Alexander Ham-
ilton, in Federalist so.)
Constitutional Limitations on Our National Government :
"The Government of the United States is one of delegated
powers alone . Its authority is defined and limited by the
Constitution. All powers not granted to it by that instru-
ment are reserved to the states or the people." (Supreme
Court in U.S. v. Cruikshank, 92 U.S. 542.)
Government in America is an Agent:
"Government is an agent, and, within the sphere of the
agency, a perfect representative, but outside of that is a
lawless usurpation. The Constitution . . . is the limit of the
authority of . . . Government." (Supreme Court in Poindex-
ter v. Greenhow, 114 U.S. 270.)

183. 176
FOOLS GOLD
The Supreme Court's Definition of the Meaning of "The Pursuit
of Happiness," as Used in the Declaration of Independence :
"The right to pursue any lawful business or vocation, in any
manner not inconsistent with the rights of others, which may
increase their prosperity or develop their faculties, so as to
give them the highest enjoyment ." (Slaughter House Cases,
111 U. S. 746.)
Source of Federal Powers :
"The powers of the general government are made up of
concessions from the several states ; whatever is not expressly
given to the former, the latter expressly reserve." (Supreme
Court in U. S. v. Hudson and Goodwyn, 7 Cranch 32, 33.)
How The Constitution Was Established :
"The Constitution was established by the ratification of the
people of the several states, in separate conventions of rep-
resentatives, whom they elected in the respective counties .
(From statement of Justice Baldwin on "Origin and Nature
of the Constitution and Government of the United States."
ii Peters, Appendix, 9 L. Ed. 902.)
Powers of the Federal Government:
"It (the United States Government) can neither grant nor
secure to its citizens any right or privilege not expressly or
by implication placed under its jurisdiction." (Supreme Court
in U. S. v. Cruikshank, 92 U. S. 542.)
"The Government of the United States . . . can claim no
powers which are not granted to it by the Constitution ."
(Supreme Court in Buffzngton v . Day, it Wall. 113.)
Necessity of Preserving States Rights:
"The preservation of the states, and the maintenance of their
governments are as much within the design and care of
the Constitution as the preservation of the Union and the
maintenance of the national government . The Constitution,
in all its provisions, looks to an indestructible Union, com-
posed of indestructible States ." (Supreme Court in Texas v .
White, 7 Wall. 70o; decided in 1869 ; Opinion by Chief Jus-
tice Chase who was Secretary of the Treasury in Lincoln's
Cabinet.)

184. APPENDIX "I" 177
"The States disunited might continue to exist . Without the
states in Union there could be no such political body as the
United States." (Supreme Court in Lane Co. v. Oregon,
7 Wall. 7.)
"The people of the several States are absolutely and un-
conditionally sovereign within their respective territories . . . .
It can never be maintained in any tribunal in this country
that the people of a State, in the exercise of the powers of
sovereignty, can be restrained within narrower limits than
those fixed by the Constitution of the United States ." (Su-
preme Court in Ohio Life Ins. & Tr. Co. v. Debolt, r6
Howard, 428-9.)
"With us the authority of the States was not conferred, but
retained. . . . The States continue as reservoirs of power
reserved, not conferred . . . . Encroachments upon State au-
thority, however contrived, should be resisted with the same
intelligent determination as that which demands that the
national authority should be fully exercised to meet national
needs." (Chief Justice Hughes in Address before American
Bar Association in August, 1930-American Bar Association
Journal for October, r93o, pp . 627-8.)
Nature and Scope of the Federal Bill of Rights :
"In almost every convention by which the Constitution was
adopted, amendments to guard against the abuse of power
were recommended. These amendments demanded security
against the apprehended encroachments of the general gov-
ernment." (Chief Justice Marshall in Barron v. Baltimore,
7 Pet. 250.)
"Long before the adoption of the Constitution of the United
States, certain principles affecting the life and liberty of the
subject had become firmly established . . . that were deemed
vital to the safety of freemen ."
"The original amendments had their origin . . . in the belief
of many patriotic statesmen . . . that, under the Constitu-
tion, . . . the national government might disregard the fun-
damental principles of Anglo-American liberty."
"The amendments introduced no principle not already fa-
miliar to liberty-loving people . They only put in the form

185. X78
FOOLS GOLD
of constitutional sanction, as barriers against oppression, the
principles which the people of the colonies, with entire
unanimity, deemed vital to their safety and freedom." (Su-
preme Court in Twining v. New Jersey, 211 U.S. 79.)
"They are purely restrictions upon federal power, intended
to prevent interference with the rights of the States, and of
their citizens." (Supreme Court in Fox v . Ohio, 5 How-
434.)
"The ten amendments first engrafted upon the Constitution
had their origin in the apprehension that, in the investment
of powers made by that instrument in the Federal govern-
ment, the safety of the states and their citizens had not
been sufficiently guarded ." (Supreme Court in Withers v.
Buckley, 20 How. 84.)
Separation of Legislative, Executive and Judicial Functions :
"When the legislative and executive powers are united in
the same person, or the same body of magistrates, there can
be no liberty. . . . There would be an end of everything were
the same man, or the same body, . . . to exercise these three
powers,-that of enacting Laws, that of executing the pub-
lic resolutions, and of trying the causes of individuals ."
(Montesquieu, Spirit of Laws, Bk . 2, Chap. 6 quoted with
approval in Western Union Telegraph Company v . Wyatt,
98 Fed. 348.)
"The legislative, executive and judicial departments of the
State should be separate and distinct." (Virginia Bill of
Rights, Sec. 5.)
Jefferson's Definition of Despotic Government :
"The concentration of these (i.e. the legislative, executive
and judiciary powers of government) in the same hands is
precisely the definition of despotic government." (Jefferson
in his "Notes on The State of Virginia .")
Congress Cannot Delegate Its Legislative Power :
"A delegated authority cannot be re-delegated." (Legal
Maxim.)

186. APPENDIX "I" 179
"Congress cannot delegate legislative authority to the Presi-
dent." (Supreme Court in Field v. Clark, 143 U.S., 649,
36 L. Ed. 310.)
"That no part of this legislative power can be delegated by
Congress to any other department of the Government . . .
is an axiom in Constitutional law, and is . . . a principle
essential to the integrity and maintenance of the system of
government ordained by the Constitution ." (Id. 36 L. Ed.
311.)
Danger of Unlimited Power Over the National Income :
"We are told the sword and purse are necessary for the
national defense. The junction of these without limitation
in the same hands, is by logical and mathematical conclu-
sions, the description of despotism." (Patrick Henry in the
Virginia Ratifying Convention .)
Unjust Taxation Is Robbery :
"To lay, with one hand, the power of the government on
the property of the citizen, and with the other to bestow
it upon favored individuals to aid private enterprises and
build up private fortunes, is none the less a robbery because
it is done under the forms of law and is called taxation ."
(Supreme Court in Loan Association v . Topeka, ao Wall.
655.)
Lincoln's Remedy for a Betrayal of a Governmental Trust :
"The people of these United States are the rightful masters
of both Congress and Courts, not to overthrow the Consti-.
tution, but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitu:,
tion." (Abraham Lincoln.)

187. A B C of Communism, 171
Adams, Alva B., Senator, roe
Advisory Council of the Committee
on Coal and Giant Power, 18
Altgeld, Gov., 38
American Civil Liberties Union, 81
American Federation of Labor, 34,
35, 36, 37, 38 . 39, 68, 83, 89, 130,
147
American Railway Union, 38
American Teachers' Union, 51
Amsterdam International of Trade
Unions, 133, 135
Anderson, Mary, 21
"Appeal to Reason", The, 57, 144
Arbitrator, The, 53
Bacon, Jerry, 82
Bailey, Josiah W ., Senator, toe
Barker, Ellis, 162
Begbie, H ., 163
Bela Kun, 73
Bellamy, Edward, 25, 143
Bellikopf, Jacob, 98
Bean, Sir Ernest, 119
Berger, Victor, 142, 146
Berle, A . A., jr., 19
Besant, Mrs. Annie, 43
Borah, Wm. E., 97
Borders, Karl, Prof., 20
Boring from within, 31, 34, 35, 39,
56, 59, 66, 88, 134, 141, 142
Bowen, A . E., 58
Brain Trust, 46, 70, 98, 100, 112,
114, 116
Brookhart, Smith W ., 22
Brooks, Charles L., Rev., 121
Broun, Heywood, 20
Brown, Rome G ., 92, 157
Bryan, William J ., 140, 143, 145
Bucharin, Nicholas, 69, 75
Bureaucratic government, 9, 10, 117
Byrd, Harry F ., Senator, 102, 107
"Caesar's Column", 25, 143
Carter, Wm., Rev., 121
INDEX
(For General Topics Refer to Table of Contents)
Christensen, Parley P ., 84
Cigarmakers' Union, 33. 34
Class Struggle, 43, 75. 127, 136
Clay, A., 163
Cleveland, Grover, 38
Clum, Woodworth, 81
Coates, David C ., 62
Collins, Peter, 92
Copeland, Royal S., Senator, lot
Costigan, Ed. P., Senator, 21
Cox, Harold, 162
Coyle, David C ., ,o8
"Committee of 48", 82, 83, 89
Communism, 9, 23, 26, 72, 152, 154
Communist International, 75, 76, 77,
78
Communist Manifesto, 26, 68, 74
Communist party, 68, 8o, 118, 131,150
Communists, 43, 51, 52, 67, 133
Conference for Progressive Political
Action, 87, 89, 90, 91, 94, 95
Cutting, Bronson, Senator, 21
"Daily Leader", 63
"Daily Worker", 74
Darrow, Clarence, 46
Davis, Charles Hall, 114
Davis, John W ., 21
Debs, Eugene V., 38, 89, 141, 152
DeLeon, Daniel, 37, 147
Democratic party, 4, 8, 16, 30, 47,
6o, 61, 65, 84, 88, 9o, 92, 101,
124, 128, 144
Dickinson, L. J., 50
Donnelly, Ignatius, 25,
Dorman, D. C., 62
Douglas, Paul H ., 20
Duncan, Ralph E., 48
Durocher, Leon, 57
142
Ely, Richard T ., Prof., 32, 165
Engels, Friedrich, 27, 153, 167
Fabian, 43, 44, 45, 46, 80, 91, 93,
98, 99, 110
"Facts and Figures", 64
181

188. 182
Farmer-Labor party, 84, 89
Federal Power Commission, 17
Fine, Nathan, 29, 34, 8o, 84, 85, 88,
141, 142, 152, 154
Fitzpatrick, John, 83
Flint, R ., 165
Force and violence, a6, 33 . 35. 39,
43, 62, 69, 71 . 73, 77, 85, 128,
149
Foster, William Z ., 71, 86, r5o
Frankfurter, Felix, Prof., 98, 100
Franklin, J. A., 20, 87
Frazier, Lynn, Senator, 89
Frederick, J. George, 24, 111
French Revolution, 26
Gaston, Herbert E ., 22, 63
Gilbert, Joseph, 62
Glass, Carter, Senator, 102
Gompers, Samuel, 35, 38, 141
Gooding, Frank, 59
Gough, G . W., 156
Greenback party, 32
Guffey-Lewis Coal Bill, 109
Hale, Nathan, i 18
Hamilton, W . H., Prof., 49
"Hand Out", 53
Harriman Hosiery Mills, 114 (foot-
note)
Harvey, Rowland Hill, 28, 33, 35,
37
Hayes, Max S ., 83, 84, 146
Haymarket Square, 36
Haywood, William D ., 42, 146, 151
Hearnshaw, F. J. C., Prof., 27, 44, 45,
46, 93, 104, 157, 161, 163, 164,
169
Hicks, John D., Prof., 143
Hillman, Sidney, 20, 87
Hillquit, Morris, 8, 39, 49, 6o, 116,
155, 158, 16o, 161
Hoover, Herbert, 93, 99
Hopkins, A . A., 148
Hopkins, Harry L., 22
Hopkins, J . A. H., 82, 83
Howe, Frederick C., 20, 87
Hughan, Jessie Wallace. 29, 41, 110,
153, 159, 161
Human traits, 25
Hunt, H. T., 20
Hurlin, Ralph, 98
Hutrhins, Robt. M., 51
INDEX
Ickes, Harold L., 21, 97
Illuminati, Order of the, 25, i68
"Industrial Democracy", 65
Industrial Unionism, 146
Industrial Workers of the World, 42,
43. 54, 62, 63, 68, 72, 82, 146
Intelligentsia, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86,
87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 100
Intercollegiate Socialist Society, 46,
48, 54, 81
International Machinists' Union, 37,
94
International Socialist Society, 46
International Workingmen's Assn., 33
Israel, Ed . L., Rabbi, 98
Johnson, Hugh S ., Gen., 16, 100, 117
Johnston, Wm., 86, 94
Karolyi, 75
Karsner, David, 147
Kautsky, Karl, 171
Kerensky, 73
Kerr, P., 163
King, Wm. H., Senator, 102
Knights of Columbus, 92
Knights of Labor, 33, 34, 15, 36,
144
Kusinen, O. W., 75
38,
Labor party, 83, 84
Labor & Socialist International, 133,
135
LaFollette, Phillip, 96
LaFollette, Robert M . (the late), 17,
83, 88, 89, 90, 91, 94, 96, 97, 132
LaFollette, Robert M ., Jr ., 20
LaGuardia, Fiorello, t9, 89
Laidler, Harry W., 46, 47, 49, 153
Lapp, John A., Prof ., 20
Laski, Harold J ., Prof., fro, 161
Laurrell, Ferdinand, 35
League for Industrial Democracy, 18,
47, 93, 153
LeBon, Gustave, 162
Legislative action, 4, 30, 38, 39, 44,
6o, 6,, 63, 68, 73, 74, 75, 76, 85,
94, 99, 128, 132, 136
Leiserson, William M., 20
Lenin, N ., 75, 81, 102, 154
LeSueur, Arthur, 59, 62
Lilienthal, David E ., 22
London, Jack, 46
Longville, Franz, 162

189. "Looking Backward", 25
Lubin, Isador, 21, 98
Lusk Report, 154, 155, 157
MacDonald, Duncan, 83
McCormick Harvester Co., 36
McCormick, Robt. R., 115 (footnote)
McGrady, Edward F., 20
McGuire, Peter J ., 33, 35
McKaig, Ray, 59
Machen, J. Gresham, Prof., 121
Manly, Basil M., 17
Mart, W., 167
Martens, Ludwig, C.A.K., 155
Marvin, Fred R., 53
Marx, Karl, 18, 26, 27, 28, 29, 33,
37, 44, 48, 66, 74, 102, 110, 125,
143, 149
May, Andrew J ., Congressman, lox
Meier, Julius, 96
Michael, George, 53
Moley, Raymond, 16, 98
More, Sir Thomas, 25
Morgan, Arthur E ., 22
Morgan, Thomas J., 37, 141
Morgenthau, Henry, jr., 22, 64
Morris, Wm., 153
Moscow, 52, 71, 73
Murphy, Frank, 21, 97
National Conference for Progressive
Political Action, 17
National Republic, The, 51, 72
Negro, 52
New Deal (New Dealism), 3, 4, 7,
8, 9, 16, 18, 22, 24, 27, 30, 42, 46,
49, 53, 61, 64, 66, 76, 88, 97, 98,
103, 104, 112, 119, 121, 127, 131,
137, 158
Nockels, Edward N ., 83
Nonpartisan League, 54, 55, 56, 57,
61, 62, 64, 65, 81, 82, 85, 86, 95,
96, 144
Norris, George W., Senator, 21, 97
North Dakota, 56, 58, 59, 95
"Novy Mir", 69
Odale, Walter B., 149
Olson, Floyd, 96
Oneal, James, 147, 153
Owen, Robert, 167
Palda, L. J., judge, 59, 62
People's Legislative Service, 17
INDEX
183
People's party, 39, 59. 141, 144
Perkins, Frances, 98
Philosophy, destructive, 3, 21, 22, 24,
59, 62, 65, 66, 71, 73, 74 . 85, 89,
102, 104, 125, 148, 152
Pinchot, Gifford, Gov ., 96
Podmore, Frank, 43
Populist movement, 55, 137, 142
Private property right, 2, 3, 9. 19,
22, 25, 34, 44, 50, 71, 107, 133,
135, 148, 152
Progressive party, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21,
22, 23, 82
Pullman Palace Car Co., 38
Radek, K., 75
Radio Commission, 115
Rae, John, Prof., 105, 129, 168
Raushenbush, H . S., 50
Red International of Trade Unions,
134
"Red Network, The", 53
Reed, John, 81
Reinstein, Boris, 81
Rempfer, William C., 65, 66
Republican party, 4, 30, 6o, 6,, 84,
88, 9o, 123, 128
Richberg, Donald, x6, x8
Ridder, Victor, 117
Robison, John, Dr., 168
Roche, Josephine, 22
Roosevelt, F . D., 1, 2, 21, 22, 64. 93,
96, 98, 99, 100, 111
Roper, Daniel C ., 21, 97
Russell, Charles Edward, 57, 63
Russia, 68, 69, 73, 8o, 81, 115, 135
Russian Socialist Federation, 69
Ruthenberg, C . E., 71
Schneiderman, Rose, 20
Second International, 43
Senate Munitions Committee, 50
Shadwell, Arthur, Prof., 156, 163,
169
Shaw, Bernard, 153
Shipstead, Henrik, Senator, 89
Skelton, O . D., Prof., 29, 116, 156,
164, 170
Smertenka, John, Prof., 82
Smith, Alfred E ., roe
Social Welfare, 130
Socialism, 8, 23, 27, 29, 39, 46, 47,
48, 49, 51, 57, 58, 59, 6o, 64, 70,
131, 136, 152, 153, 154, 158, 159

190. 184
Socialist, socialists, 23, 32, 33, 34, 35,
36. 37, 38, 39, 41, 45, 46, 47 . 48,
49. 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58,
59. 6o, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 69,
73, 74, 75, 77, 84, 85, 86, 87, 91,
92, 96, 98, 102, 109, 110, 111,
127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 133, 134,
135. 136, 141. 144, 146, 151, 171
Socialist Labor party, 34, 37, 68, 132,
136, 152
Socialist party, 8, 34. 38, 40. 41, 42,
43, 54, 58, 63, 64, 65, 68, 70, 71,
83, 89, 116, 131, 136, 152, 154
Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance,
147
"Solidarity", 62
Stalin, J ., 155
"Stealing" parties, 32, 59, 6o, 61, 66,
78, 86, 87, 90, 91, 93, 95
Steele, David M ., Rev., 120
Stephens, Uriah A., 33, 35
Steunenberg, Frank, Gov ., 146
St. John, Vincent, 146, 149, 150
Stone, N . I., 37
Strasser, Adolph, 33, 35
Sweet, William E., 20
Tennessee Valley Authority, 18
Third (Communist) International, 72,
74, 133, 135
Thomas, Norman, 98, 153
Townley, Arthur C., 57, 58, 59, 62,
63
INDEX
Trotsky, Leon, 69
Tugwell, Rexford G ., r9
Tydings, Millard E., Senator, 102
"Underground with the Reds", 53
United Farmers' National Bloc, 86
"Utopia", 25
Vandervelde, E ., 154
Veterans of Foreign Wars, 73
Wagner Labor Law, 107
Wald, Lillian, 98
Walker, Guy Morrison, io6
Wallace, Henry A., 22, 101, 113
Walsh, Frank P ., r9
Ware, Norman J ., 28, 29, 32
Warren, Charles, 104 (footnote)
Watkins, Mrs. Amanda, 112
Webster, Mrs . Nesta H ., 112, 168
Western Federation of Miners, 42,
146
Wheeler, Burton K ., Senator, 17, 21,
90, 96
Williams, Albert Rhys, 81
Wirt, Wm. A., Dr ., 163
Wolman, Abel, 22
Wolman, Leo, 20, 22, 97
Woolsey, Theodore D ., 165
Workers' (Communist) party, 72,136
Workingmen's party, 33
Young, Gates E. M., 64