The Bangladeshi government claimed copyright over the country's constitution for the first time in 2006. This was controversial as the constitution outlines citizens' fundamental rights. Tanbir Siddiqui, a human rights activist, criticized the move as citizens should have access to the highest law of the land. Siddiqui's organization was denied permission to reprint the constitution for educational use. Successive governments have rarely printed copies of the constitution, possibly to limit public awareness of their rights. The constitution has also been manipulated for political purposes, with prefaces added that shaped the country's history. There are calls for the constitution to be more widely available to citizens.
This research paper is on a study of how Zimbabwe can produce a democratic people-driven constitution as a permanent solution to the country's problems of poor governance, violent political conflicts, economic collapse, social disintegration, and international isolation. The purpose of the study was to explore a people-driven democratic constitution-making process that Zimbabweans want. Two groups of research units comprised of 1 120 individuals and 67 institutions were used. The inquiry discovered contextual meaning of six phenomena associated with a people-driven democratic constitution-making process. The study recommends a constitution-making process model that Zimbabwe should adopt to produce a people-driven constitution democratically.
Land Policy on Land Control and Ownership Management in Reformation ERAAJHSSR Journal
Land control and ownership management has always been a substantive issue in the history of
the nation of Indonesia. However, in this case, both Old Regime and New Regime have failed to bring about
justice to the people. That is indicated by the discrepancies in land control and ownership in Indonesia today.
After the collapse of New Order, paving the way for so-called Reformation Era, it was demanded that the use,
control, and ownership of land should prioritize public interests or populist economy. To discuss the issue, the
writer conducted a juridical-normative study by legal history and legal politics approaches in relation to the
developments of national agrarian law and land law, particularly relating to land control and ownership
management. From the findings of the study, it could be concluded that agrarian reformation in national land
law should be consistently implemented so as to avoid crisis in the future and to realize the aspiration of Article
33 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution, especially linked to chances of gaining land asset and access to land.
To successfully realize the aspiration, there are four key prerequisites, namely: 1. Political will of government;
2. Separation of governmental/bureaucratic elites and business elites; 3. Active participation of all communities
in supporting reformation; and 4. Availability of complete, accurate land data. If such prerequisites were met,
we could build an agrarian reformation model suitable to the condition of Indonesia. In addition, we ought to
build a model of land control and ownership management that fits the condition of Indonesia. Of course, such a
model should encourage the realization of social justice
Caveat - VOLUME 04/I, SEPTEMBER 2009 - LBH MasyarakatLBH Masyarakat
With the current House of Representatives nearing the end of its working term, and the deadline for passing certain crucial bills on the horizon, this edition focuses on the downfalls of the ongoing deliberation process and the key
concerns we have with some of the key legislation. The main report will examined the problems with rushing unfinished bills through parliament, including the impact of
ignoring public concerns surrounding the law making process. Three bills passed into Indonesian law this
month are given special attention in the main report. Despite widespread condemnation from many civil society
groups, the laws on Narcotics, Health and Films were swept into law with a resounding vote of support. In the Narcotics and Health bills in particular, religious and
moral values were drawn upon to justify some of the more controversial measures, sidelining human rights concerns and respect for democracy and the rule of law.
We hope this trend of rushing through controversial laws without adequate deliberation or consideration of public
concerns is not one that continues in the upcoming House. Indonesia’s core values of pluralism and democracy could be in jeopardy otherwise.
Two draft laws still being considered – the law on the Corruption Court and the State Secrecy Bill – are thankfully still being run through the legislative process. In this case,
the government has answered the public appeal for these crucial laws to face tougher questioning to iron out any kinks, a move we strongly agree with.
The additional feature looks at the legislation process again, this time closely examining the Draft Law on Legal Aid. As a legal aid institute, this bill – if passed – will
significantly impact on our operations and potentially threaten some of the initiatives we have launched nationwide. In particular, LBH Masyarakat has identified four aspects of this draft law that demand further investigation: the focus of the legislation itself, the definition of who or what is a legal aid provider and also a legal aid recipient, and the scope of legal aid overall. We are
still urging the House to address our concerns regarding these particular elements of this bill.
The final article is an opinion piece titled “Counterterrorism must not flout human rights”. In this article, Ricky Gunawan
reiterates LBH Masyarakat’s call to respect human rights even in the fight against terrorism, as discussed in last month’s CAVEAT. The piece examines the revelations of alleged CIA torture against terrorism detainees in the United States and places it in the context of Indonesia.
This research paper is on a study of how Zimbabwe can produce a democratic people-driven constitution as a permanent solution to the country's problems of poor governance, violent political conflicts, economic collapse, social disintegration, and international isolation. The purpose of the study was to explore a people-driven democratic constitution-making process that Zimbabweans want. Two groups of research units comprised of 1 120 individuals and 67 institutions were used. The inquiry discovered contextual meaning of six phenomena associated with a people-driven democratic constitution-making process. The study recommends a constitution-making process model that Zimbabwe should adopt to produce a people-driven constitution democratically.
Land Policy on Land Control and Ownership Management in Reformation ERAAJHSSR Journal
Land control and ownership management has always been a substantive issue in the history of
the nation of Indonesia. However, in this case, both Old Regime and New Regime have failed to bring about
justice to the people. That is indicated by the discrepancies in land control and ownership in Indonesia today.
After the collapse of New Order, paving the way for so-called Reformation Era, it was demanded that the use,
control, and ownership of land should prioritize public interests or populist economy. To discuss the issue, the
writer conducted a juridical-normative study by legal history and legal politics approaches in relation to the
developments of national agrarian law and land law, particularly relating to land control and ownership
management. From the findings of the study, it could be concluded that agrarian reformation in national land
law should be consistently implemented so as to avoid crisis in the future and to realize the aspiration of Article
33 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution, especially linked to chances of gaining land asset and access to land.
To successfully realize the aspiration, there are four key prerequisites, namely: 1. Political will of government;
2. Separation of governmental/bureaucratic elites and business elites; 3. Active participation of all communities
in supporting reformation; and 4. Availability of complete, accurate land data. If such prerequisites were met,
we could build an agrarian reformation model suitable to the condition of Indonesia. In addition, we ought to
build a model of land control and ownership management that fits the condition of Indonesia. Of course, such a
model should encourage the realization of social justice
Caveat - VOLUME 04/I, SEPTEMBER 2009 - LBH MasyarakatLBH Masyarakat
With the current House of Representatives nearing the end of its working term, and the deadline for passing certain crucial bills on the horizon, this edition focuses on the downfalls of the ongoing deliberation process and the key
concerns we have with some of the key legislation. The main report will examined the problems with rushing unfinished bills through parliament, including the impact of
ignoring public concerns surrounding the law making process. Three bills passed into Indonesian law this
month are given special attention in the main report. Despite widespread condemnation from many civil society
groups, the laws on Narcotics, Health and Films were swept into law with a resounding vote of support. In the Narcotics and Health bills in particular, religious and
moral values were drawn upon to justify some of the more controversial measures, sidelining human rights concerns and respect for democracy and the rule of law.
We hope this trend of rushing through controversial laws without adequate deliberation or consideration of public
concerns is not one that continues in the upcoming House. Indonesia’s core values of pluralism and democracy could be in jeopardy otherwise.
Two draft laws still being considered – the law on the Corruption Court and the State Secrecy Bill – are thankfully still being run through the legislative process. In this case,
the government has answered the public appeal for these crucial laws to face tougher questioning to iron out any kinks, a move we strongly agree with.
The additional feature looks at the legislation process again, this time closely examining the Draft Law on Legal Aid. As a legal aid institute, this bill – if passed – will
significantly impact on our operations and potentially threaten some of the initiatives we have launched nationwide. In particular, LBH Masyarakat has identified four aspects of this draft law that demand further investigation: the focus of the legislation itself, the definition of who or what is a legal aid provider and also a legal aid recipient, and the scope of legal aid overall. We are
still urging the House to address our concerns regarding these particular elements of this bill.
The final article is an opinion piece titled “Counterterrorism must not flout human rights”. In this article, Ricky Gunawan
reiterates LBH Masyarakat’s call to respect human rights even in the fight against terrorism, as discussed in last month’s CAVEAT. The piece examines the revelations of alleged CIA torture against terrorism detainees in the United States and places it in the context of Indonesia.
A constitution is written [class VIII the making of national movement]Nihal Ahmed
This is the detailed summary of topic 'The Constitution Is Written' in the chapter "THE MAKING OF NATIONAL MOVEMENT" of class VIII history. It can be used for project and reference.
This presentation provide an overview of the role of the Indian Constitution in business environment. It explains the implications of the preamble, the fundamental rights & directive principles of state policy. It also presents information about the constitutional provisions related to business and their economic importance.
Political Violence and the Sustenance of Democracy In Nigeriaiosrjce
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science is a double blind peer reviewed International Journal edited by International Organization of Scientific Research (IOSR).The Journal provides a common forum where all aspects of humanities and social sciences are presented. IOSR-JHSS publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes etc.
A constitution is written [class VIII the making of national movement]Nihal Ahmed
This is the detailed summary of topic 'The Constitution Is Written' in the chapter "THE MAKING OF NATIONAL MOVEMENT" of class VIII history. It can be used for project and reference.
This presentation provide an overview of the role of the Indian Constitution in business environment. It explains the implications of the preamble, the fundamental rights & directive principles of state policy. It also presents information about the constitutional provisions related to business and their economic importance.
Political Violence and the Sustenance of Democracy In Nigeriaiosrjce
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science is a double blind peer reviewed International Journal edited by International Organization of Scientific Research (IOSR).The Journal provides a common forum where all aspects of humanities and social sciences are presented. IOSR-JHSS publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes etc.
Ejercicios de lógica matemática, para poner a pensar un poco a los estudiantes, si alguien lo quiere utilizar no hay problema, lo importante es que no olvide nombrar la Bibliografía.
The concept of human rights is a universal concept. In 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was proclaimed by the United Nations, known as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Since the Human Rights protection Act of 1993, the Government of India has taken a number of initiatives, some of which have been put into practice. Rights refer to those civic amenities that are recognized and protected by the state. The relationship between the state and its law is very close to the concept or rights and indeed human rights can only be preserved when citizens are aware of their duties and rights. The human rights act enacted by the government of India states that human rights are the right to life, liberty, equality and dignity recognized by the constitution or recognized by the international treaties. But many things that are related to human rights have not been implemented. I have tried to show through this paper that the state of human rights in India and the success and failure of human rights is moving forward through various debates. Surojit Mallick "Human Rights in India: A Brief Study" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-2 , February 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd38424.pdf Paper Url: https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/social-science/38424/human-rights-in-india-a-brief-study/surojit-mallick
Law as an instrument of social change | Law and Social TransformationNishkaPrajapati
1. Critically and analytically explain the, “Law as an instrument of social change.”
2. Law as the product of traditions and culture.
3. Criticism and evaluation of law in the light of colonization.
4. The Introduction of common law system and institutions in India and its impact on further development of law and legal institutions in India.
Comparison of media law and ethics (from ayush aryan) editedAyush Aryan
Hi Everyone in this presentation you will find the media law comparison between India and Poland and what challenges are they facing in the modern world . I hope you will like my work
for any queries and suggestions write me on :- ayusharyan7428@gmail.com
or Instagram :- ayusharyan_4040
Thank you and Regards,
Ayush Aryan.
Fundamental right is the key factor of Indian constitution. Part III of the constitution deals with fundamental rights of the inhabitants and citizens of India. The part consists of 21 articles article2, article 12 to 32. A democracy aims at the maximum development of the individuals personality, and the personality of the individual is inspeciably bound with the literacy – largely saying the fundamental rights. The common device that is adopted by most of them is to incorporate the list of fundamental rights in their constitutions and guarantees them from violation by the executive and legislature authorities. Dr. Ranjana Garg "Fundamental Rights: The Indian Nature" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-5 , August 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd45028.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/political-science/45028/fundamental-rights-the-indian-nature/dr-ranjana-garg
The Indian Constitution is the supreme law of India. It lays down the framework that defines the political principles, establishes the structure, procedures, powers, and duties of government institutions, and sets out fundamental rights, directive principles, and the duties of citizens. Understanding the Indian Constitution is essential for comprehending how the country is governed and the rights and responsibilities of its citizens.
For more information, visit our website-www.vavaclasses.com
Can you please modify the language of the following paragraph, the m.docxdewhirstichabod
Can you please modify the language of the following paragraph, the meaning should not change.
In early 1990s Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathana began a movement to bring in transparency in village accounts. Initially, MKSS lobbied government to obtain information such as master rolls (employment and payment records) and bills and vouchers relating to purchase and transportation of materials. This information was then crosschecked at Jan Sunwais (public hearings) against actual testimonies of workers. The public hearings were incredibly successful in drawing attention to corruption and exposing leakages in the system. Success of MKSS became a source of inspiration for activists in India and led to the genesis of a broader discourse on the right to information in India. In 1993, a first draft RTI law was proposed by the Consumer Education and Research Council, Ahmedabad (CERC). In 1996, the Press Council of India headed by Justice P B Sawant presented a draft model law on the right to information to the Government of India. The draft model law was later updated and renamed the PCI-NIRD Freedom of Information Bill 1997. MKSS's advocacy gave rise to the National Campaign on People's Right to Information (NCPRI), which was formed to advocate for the right to information at the national level. In 1997 efforts to legislate for the right to information, at both the State and National level, quickened. A working group under the chairmanship of Mr. H D Shourie (the Shourie Committee) was set up by the Central Government and given the mandate to prepare draft legislation on freedom of information. The Shourie Committee's Report and draft law were published in 1997. The Shourie Committee draft law passed through two successive governments, but was never introduced in Parliament. In 1999 minister Mr Ram Jethmalani, then Union Minister for Urban Development, issued an administrative order enabling citizens to inspect and receive photocopies of files. Shourie Committee draft law was reworked into the Freedom of Information Bill 2000. It was passed in December 2002 and received Presidential asset on January 2003, as the Freedom of Information Act 2002. In 1998, during the Rajasthan State elections the Congress Party promised in its election manifesto to enact a law on right to information if it came to power. Following their election, the Party appointed a committee of bureaucrats to draft a bill on the right to information. As the Committee was comprised only bureaucrats, stong objections were raised by civil society organisations, following which the members of MKSS and National Campaign for Peoples Right to Information were invited to assist in drafting the bill. MKSS and NCPRI conducted a host of consultations in each divisional headquarters of the State. Drawing on the input from these consultations, a draft civil society Right to Information Bill was prepared, which was then submitted to the Committee. The Committee drew on the citizens draft Bill for it.
1. Constitutional Troubles / Nader Rahman
On the 23rd of July 2006 the government of Bangladesh took out a caution notice for the first time in
the history of Bangladesh in different national daily newspapers. The message it gave out was
unsurprising, that people who falsely reprinted the constitution would be taken to task. They could face
both jail time and extensive monetary fines up to Tk. 2 lakh. But something was added in that notice
that till then had never been seen or heard of before. In no uncertain terms they stated that the
copyright of the constitution lay with the government (Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary
Affairs as per schedule 1 of the rules of business) and under section 82 of the Copyright Law 2000.
Just to be clear, the government claimed that they alone held the copyright for the constitution. The
highest law of the republic and the home of our fundamental rights was seemingly now the
government's property. To say that was scandalous would be severely downplaying the incident, but
then again in a country where our national history changes every five years, this was not particularly a
major event. But how did it get to this situation?
Possibly the person who seems best fit to answer that question is a gentleman who has spent his career
trying to spread the knowledge of the constitution, only to be continually stonewalled by successive
governments. Tanbir Siddiqui is a human rights activist and an expert on all things constitutional, his
organisation Change Makers, a human rights and civic education organisation, has been heavily
involved in the teaching of the constitution. “The government notice on the constitution proved that
there was demand for it" he says. "A few unscrupulous businessmen reprinted the constitution using
the government logo and format, which was widely known to everybody particularly to the ministry
people, for them many people had to suffer. Their malpractice led to the notice, which in turn proved
to be explosive. The government got themselves all tangled up by saying that they owned the copyright
of the constitution, which was wholly incorrect and could be challenged by any citizen of the country.
How can the constitution be under any copyright? What are the arguments behind this? If our
fundamental rights as citizens are stated there, is it possible to say that one has copyright over that!”
The topic gets him quite worked up for a number of reasons, his organisation Change Makers actively
went out into rural Bangladesh and taught high school children about the constitution along with other
issues under their civic education programme, yet he faced massive problems with handing out copies
of the document itself. Truth be told he could never get copies to hand out, the government would
never give him any copies because they only printed it once in a few years. That in itself is rather
shocking that governments' only print the constitution every few years, don't they realise that every
citizen should be entitled to a copy, if needed? With that in mind after being sent away empty handed
on numerous occasions, Siddiqui finally asked the government for permission to reprint the
constitution from his organisation for educational purposes; he stated specifically that they would not
be sold for profit. He was denied by the government, denied what he and many others believed to be
one of their fundamental rights.
There are many theories as to why the constitution was never really widely available; the answer that
seems simplest is that successive governments have never wanted the people to truly know what their
rights were, and what the supreme laws of the land were. It seems utterly plausible in a country like
ours where the politicians feed off the public's lack of knowledge. As Siddiqui says “The constitution is
the ultimate source of knowledge for a conscious citizen”.
But there may also be more sinister reasons behind its lack of circulation. In the past 30 years our
nation's history has been changed several times and the constitution has been used as one of the major
history changing tools. In 1998 the government in power reprinted the constitution, with a preface and
many appendices for the first time (preface and these appendices are not part of the constitution) such
as Proclamation of Independence, The Laws Continuance Enforcement Order, 1971, the Provisional
Constitution of Bangladesh Order, 1972. These additions to the constitution would lead to many
others in the future. Firstly there was absolutely no need for a preface to printed. The preface itself
2. created a storm as it stated that Bangabandhu declared independence, whether he did or not is not the
point but why was such an obviously unnecessary and biased preface included with the constitution?
As if to prove their point that government included appendices such as Bangabandhu's declaration of
independence speech. It was the largest constitution ever printed in Bangladesh, truly an epic.
In late October 2006 (though August was mentioned on the constitution as the time of publication)
the previous government had to reprint the constitution for the first and only time during their tenure;
interestingly enough it was a few days before they were to leave office. They went about their history
shaping by writing a 'completely new preface' where the late Ziaur Rahman declared Bangladesh's
independence, without mentioning a specific date. The only good thing they did achieve was that they
left out all the previously incorporated appendices, but no doubt even that was done for their own
selfish purposes, as the appendices included in the 1998 version only backed up the thought that
Bangabandhu actually declared Independence. Soon after the newest version was printed, a Judicial
Inquiry was ordered by the Metropolitan magistrate court on November 10, 2006 against the
immediate past Law Minster Moudud Ahmed on charges that he changed the history of the nation.
Many media outlets stated that he changed the preface of the constitution (which is not a part of the
constitution).
Where does one go from here? Two political parties have used the constitution as their own private
battlefield while the rest of the nation is still trying to get hold of a copy. People like Tanbir Siddiqui
have had to bear the brunt of it. The immediate past government printed the constitution once, and
that too, mere days before they left office. As a result, the 14th amendment which was passed in 2004
was only added and printed in constitution in October 2006! For two years the country had an
amendment finally which was never published by the government. Tragically the distribution of the
newly published constitution was suspended as the former law minister Abdul Matin Khasru
demanded removal of the newly written preface and suspension of distribution.
While they have the audacity to send out a caution notice against people who have illegally printed the
constitution, another question is still unresolved; what will happen to them who applied to the ministry
and sought permission to print the constitution on their own for educational purpose, not for sale or
profit? What they should have done is pin a medal on them instead of threatening them. At least they
tried to inform the public about what was going on, while the government waged its private battle over
the 'real' history of the country. As Tanbir Siddiqui says “The constitution belongs to everyone, all we
are saying is give it back to them.”