1) The article discusses arguments for better regulating non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Bangladesh to increase accountability and address issues like some NGOs prioritizing business activities over aid.
2) It provides an example of an NGO that began large-scale operations without proper approvals and whose leader had a criminal record, highlighting the need for effective monitoring.
3) While new laws and oversight bodies are often proposed, the government has not consistently followed through on regulating NGOs; meaningful reform requires substantial government commitment to streamlining the sector.
Nigerian Companies and the Prohibition on Political Donations: A Paradigmatic...IJAEMSJORNAL
Democratic rule is generally acclaimed as a better form of governance, but its operation does not appear to come cheap. This is especially so in Nigeria where new democratic dispensations are heralded by expensive electioneering campaigns. The funds for these campaigns are sourced from willing donors or through subtle coercion. Corporate organizations are easy prey to politicians. This paper is provoked by the frequency and blatancy with which corporate organizations in Nigeria donate to political parties and for political purposes without any sanctions despite the unambiguous prohibition in S.38 (2) of the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA). This exposes the inability of the provision to halt or reduce this practice to the barest minimum and also reveals the unpopularity of the provision. The paper argued that it is not possible to completely extricate organizations from the political dynamics in their host committees and proffered some mitigating factors which will make the provision more acceptable to the people and more respected. The paper discovered normative reasons why the prohibition in S.38 (2) of CAMA is largely ignored.It therefore recommended wide ranging amendments to the provisions so as to enhance compliance, improve its enforcement strategies, reflect present day realities and align it with international best practices.
This presentation by Gary Pienaar (www.idasa.org) was given at a Transparency International conference –
Zimbabwe workshop on Political Finance in the SADC Region - the South African Experience.
August 2009
See more at www.idasa.org
Corruption in Pakistan, serve as the root cause of all the problems which we are facing now a days, so u can have a look, that what are the causes, effects and solution to corruption, in Pakistan. For complete detail report write me at riazgulsheikh@gmail.com
Nigerian Companies and the Prohibition on Political Donations: A Paradigmatic...IJAEMSJORNAL
Democratic rule is generally acclaimed as a better form of governance, but its operation does not appear to come cheap. This is especially so in Nigeria where new democratic dispensations are heralded by expensive electioneering campaigns. The funds for these campaigns are sourced from willing donors or through subtle coercion. Corporate organizations are easy prey to politicians. This paper is provoked by the frequency and blatancy with which corporate organizations in Nigeria donate to political parties and for political purposes without any sanctions despite the unambiguous prohibition in S.38 (2) of the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA). This exposes the inability of the provision to halt or reduce this practice to the barest minimum and also reveals the unpopularity of the provision. The paper argued that it is not possible to completely extricate organizations from the political dynamics in their host committees and proffered some mitigating factors which will make the provision more acceptable to the people and more respected. The paper discovered normative reasons why the prohibition in S.38 (2) of CAMA is largely ignored.It therefore recommended wide ranging amendments to the provisions so as to enhance compliance, improve its enforcement strategies, reflect present day realities and align it with international best practices.
This presentation by Gary Pienaar (www.idasa.org) was given at a Transparency International conference –
Zimbabwe workshop on Political Finance in the SADC Region - the South African Experience.
August 2009
See more at www.idasa.org
Corruption in Pakistan, serve as the root cause of all the problems which we are facing now a days, so u can have a look, that what are the causes, effects and solution to corruption, in Pakistan. For complete detail report write me at riazgulsheikh@gmail.com
PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE PUBLIC IN PUBLIC PROCUREME...CoretraLimited
The Kenya Alliance of Resident Associations (KARA) is the umbrella body representing the voice and proactive action of Resident Associations on consumers and taxpayers rights countrywide.
Financial Services Insight NYSDFS Whistleblowing Guidance - Sia PartnersDaniel Connor
Little did we know that the timing of publishing this article on new guidance from the New York Sate Department of Financial Services related to whistleblowing would be such a hot topic in the press....
The financial viability of the civil society sector improved slightly due to growth in crowdfunding; funding through the 2 percent Law; and the development of social entrepreneurship. Sectoral infrastructure strengthened with increased sub-granting and the growth of intersectoral partnerships. At the same time, the public image of Civil Society Organisations (CSO) worsened slightly as government propaganda continued to be used to attack them. These are some of the conclusions of the CSO Sustainability Index for 2018, an annual analytical instrument that evaluates the strength and sustainability of the CSO sector in 71 countries from Asia, Eastern and Central Europe, Eurasia, Sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East and North Africa.
a proposal for a constitutional commission authorized to review and confirm/reject key presidential appointees; to replace the existing Commission on Appointments which is composed of politicians from the house of representatives and senate; the proposed CA will be composed of representatives of 20 national sectors; ex-officio officers will be: CSC Chair as Presiding Officer/Chair, Ombudsman and COA Chair as CA Co-Chair. Members of National Sectors to be selected as citizen-juries shall comprise panels assigned to review key presidential appointees. the concept is based on empowering citizens to have direct role in governance and acting as a better "check and balance" mechanism than politicians confirming appointees of another politician.
QUICK REVIEW OF LEGAL AND POLICY ENVIRONMENT FOR CORPORATE PHILANTHROPY AND P...Thành Nguyễn
This study was conducted by a consultancy team including Dr. Han Manh Tien (team leader), Dr. Nguyen Thi Thu and Ms. Le Thi Hai Yen. The consultant team would like to express
our sincere thanks and appreciation to The Asia Foundation.
During the consultancy implementation, we would not have obtained the results as expected without the continuous support and consultancy of the Social Development and Gender team at The Asia Foundation office in Vietnam.
KEYS FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Quick review of legal and policy environmen...Thành Nguyễn
This paper draws on the study report “Quick review of legal and policy environment for corporate philanthropy and partnership between corporates and civil society organizations in Vietnam”, commissioned by the project “Developing a sustainable civil society in Vietnam” of the Asia Foundation with the funding from Irish Aid.
China’s NDRC and SAIC Intensify Non-merger Antitrust EnforcementFreshfields
In the five years since the Anti-Monopoly Law of the People’s Republic of China (AML) came into effect, China’s two non-merger enforcement agencies, the NDRC and SAIC, which are respectively responsible for enforcement against price-related and non-price-related anti-competitive conduct, have progressively intensified their enforcement efforts, with a number of high-profile cases appearing in headlines in the press.
The bribery act the changing face of corporate liabilityWhite & Case
Five years since its inception, the UK Bribery Act has
significantly raised the bar on corporate liability and
shaken up existing rules on tackling corruption.
Getting rid of pork barrels and other political bribesradaprogram
Ivan Sikora: “Our efforts aimed at reducing a share of politically motivated
budget decisions and preventing risks of political corruption in activities of the
Members of Parliament. It is completely realistic to stop pork barrel practices,
if we cooperate within the Agenda of MPs without Political Corruption Risks
Partnership.”
PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE PUBLIC IN PUBLIC PROCUREME...CoretraLimited
The Kenya Alliance of Resident Associations (KARA) is the umbrella body representing the voice and proactive action of Resident Associations on consumers and taxpayers rights countrywide.
Financial Services Insight NYSDFS Whistleblowing Guidance - Sia PartnersDaniel Connor
Little did we know that the timing of publishing this article on new guidance from the New York Sate Department of Financial Services related to whistleblowing would be such a hot topic in the press....
The financial viability of the civil society sector improved slightly due to growth in crowdfunding; funding through the 2 percent Law; and the development of social entrepreneurship. Sectoral infrastructure strengthened with increased sub-granting and the growth of intersectoral partnerships. At the same time, the public image of Civil Society Organisations (CSO) worsened slightly as government propaganda continued to be used to attack them. These are some of the conclusions of the CSO Sustainability Index for 2018, an annual analytical instrument that evaluates the strength and sustainability of the CSO sector in 71 countries from Asia, Eastern and Central Europe, Eurasia, Sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East and North Africa.
a proposal for a constitutional commission authorized to review and confirm/reject key presidential appointees; to replace the existing Commission on Appointments which is composed of politicians from the house of representatives and senate; the proposed CA will be composed of representatives of 20 national sectors; ex-officio officers will be: CSC Chair as Presiding Officer/Chair, Ombudsman and COA Chair as CA Co-Chair. Members of National Sectors to be selected as citizen-juries shall comprise panels assigned to review key presidential appointees. the concept is based on empowering citizens to have direct role in governance and acting as a better "check and balance" mechanism than politicians confirming appointees of another politician.
QUICK REVIEW OF LEGAL AND POLICY ENVIRONMENT FOR CORPORATE PHILANTHROPY AND P...Thành Nguyễn
This study was conducted by a consultancy team including Dr. Han Manh Tien (team leader), Dr. Nguyen Thi Thu and Ms. Le Thi Hai Yen. The consultant team would like to express
our sincere thanks and appreciation to The Asia Foundation.
During the consultancy implementation, we would not have obtained the results as expected without the continuous support and consultancy of the Social Development and Gender team at The Asia Foundation office in Vietnam.
KEYS FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Quick review of legal and policy environmen...Thành Nguyễn
This paper draws on the study report “Quick review of legal and policy environment for corporate philanthropy and partnership between corporates and civil society organizations in Vietnam”, commissioned by the project “Developing a sustainable civil society in Vietnam” of the Asia Foundation with the funding from Irish Aid.
China’s NDRC and SAIC Intensify Non-merger Antitrust EnforcementFreshfields
In the five years since the Anti-Monopoly Law of the People’s Republic of China (AML) came into effect, China’s two non-merger enforcement agencies, the NDRC and SAIC, which are respectively responsible for enforcement against price-related and non-price-related anti-competitive conduct, have progressively intensified their enforcement efforts, with a number of high-profile cases appearing in headlines in the press.
The bribery act the changing face of corporate liabilityWhite & Case
Five years since its inception, the UK Bribery Act has
significantly raised the bar on corporate liability and
shaken up existing rules on tackling corruption.
Getting rid of pork barrels and other political bribesradaprogram
Ivan Sikora: “Our efforts aimed at reducing a share of politically motivated
budget decisions and preventing risks of political corruption in activities of the
Members of Parliament. It is completely realistic to stop pork barrel practices,
if we cooperate within the Agenda of MPs without Political Corruption Risks
Partnership.”
NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS REGULATORY BILL: A threat to Civil Society?CSR-in-Action
This article provides a critical insight into the NGO bill currently before the House of Representatives in Nigeria. It analyses the impact the bill would have on Civil Societies.
Whistleblowers' law to fight corruptionM S Siddiqui
The regulators like ACC, Ombudsman and other agencies may encourage whistle blowing by establishing support structures and programs for policy implementation and penalizing violations of the rights and obligations of parties to whistleblowing.
Bangladesh has passed "The Public Interest-Related Information Disclosure (Protection) Act, 2010" but has hardly used it to fight against corruption.
The law is kept in the safe custody of the administration and used in compliance reports to UN only. This is not a secret document. A mere publicity of the existence of the law can create an unfavorable atmosphere for the corrupt persons and encourage the whistleblowers to blow a whistle in case of corruption.
FIGHTING CORRUPTION IN SOUTH ASIA: BUILDING ACCOUNTABILITY Dr Lendy Spires
Hardly a speech is delivered in South Asia without mention of the need to fight corruption in the region. Yet despite the lofty promises, corruption is on the rise. This report shows how a serious lack of political will on the part of governments to make laws work, means that government action to fight corruption is largely ineffective. The report draws on the findings of in-depth research on anti-corruption efforts in Bangladesh, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and SriLanka, which analysed almost 70 institutions across the six countries.
While none of the institutions assessed were found to be free from corruption risks, this report focuses in particular on the judiciary and anti-corruption agencies as critical actors in the fight against corruption. It highlights common challenges in the region and presents the governments of South Asia with a clear set of urgent priorities which need to be addressed in order to translate their anti-corruption rhetoric into concrete action.
The key findings of the report are:
1. Citizens find themselves unable to access key information on how their governments are performing in order to hold them to account.
2. The lack of meaningful protection for whistleblowers means that the chances of detecting wrongdoing by those in positions of power are slim.
3. Widespread political interference in the critical work of anti-corruption agencies and the judiciary makes them ineffective in keeping a check on government.
This situation presents serious challenges for the rule of law in the region. Some laws are inconsistent with international standards, while others are not equally enforced and independently adjudicated. As a result, corruption and other crimes are not effectively and impartially investigated or punished. This creates an atmosphere where the corrupt continue to get away with abusing their positions for their own personal gain at the public’s expense. Nevertheless, there have been some positive developments in the fight against corruption over the last 10 years. Most significantly, all six countries in this study have ratified the UN Convention against Corruption. However, there is still a long way to go to turn these commitments into meaningful action. The analysis presented here suggests a worrying reluctance on the part of the governments concerned to enable citizens to help shape the decisions that affect their daily lives.
The right to information:
A long way to go Citizens continue to face challenges in realising their right to information. When citizens’ right to know is denied, they are less able to hold decision makers to account for their actions. Comprehensive Right to Information (RTI) legislation is in place in Bangladesh, India and Nepal and has recently been passed in Maldives.
Published on 4 April 2020
Published by - Md.Mehedi Hasan
European University of Bangladesh
Topic : NGO Sector of Bangladesh
Here describe NGO Sector of Bangladesh, Overview, future of the ngo sector, problem of the ngo sector, Recommendation, Conclusion
Thank you
An Evaluation of Partnerships That Exist Between Statutory and Voluntary Orga...iosrjce
Despite the vast amount of work done by many organizations worldwide, particularly in Third World
countries like Zimbabwe, the effectiveness of their partnerships in programming is still marginal. The major
focus of this study was to evaluate the partnership that exists between International Non Governmental
Organizations {INGOs} and their local implementing Partner Non-Governmental Originations in order to
establish areas that need improvement and strengthening. This study revealed that some of the partnerships
that exist between these agencies are marred by challenges such as funding, implementing strategy, capacity
building/training, strategic networking, consultative and joint initiatives. An analysis of interviews established
that most partnerships existed in the area of implementation where local organizations are funded and this
accounted for 30%. This is an area where NGOs obtain financial assistance to implement programmes. The
other areas; capacity building/training shows 25% while strategic networking and consultative show 15%. The
area showing the least was joint initiatives which had only 10% of the existing partnerships. This reflects the
situation in most African countries where joint partnerships with NGOs are new phenomena and that the
founding members of such NGOs embark on the programmes/projects for philanthropic reasons with very little
knowledge of professional expertise needed to carry out these projects jointly. They outsource/consult or apply
for people to help them beef up their expertise or train their staff to do so. The paper concludes by determining
areas that need strengthening and proposes relevant policy recommendations which will contribute to future
research on the effectiveness of partnerships. The need for partnerships to strengthen projects and programmes
that are sustainable and which do not reinforce dependence was observed. The study further observed that
conflict and misunderstandings within the partnering groups as another barrier which led to local organizations
being reluctant to assume equal part in partnerships and to share information about the programme preferring
to maintain confidentiality or protect their sovereignty. The study adds knowledge to our understanding of
partnerships that exist between International Organizations and Local Organizations in Zimbabwe
NGOs perform ‘public function’ or provide services similar to those provided by the government. Accountability and transparency in the functioning of NGOs is, thus, very important and should be ensured. Therefore, a NGO should function as a public authority under Section 2 (h) of The RTI Act 2005 in case the NGO is substantially financed, directly or indirectly, by funds provided by the appropriate government. Such NGOs should make pro-active disclosure as per Section 4 of the RTI Act on their website.
HAQ: Center for Child Rights
B1/2, Ground Floor,
Malviya Nagar
New Delhi - 110017
Tel: +91-26677412,26673599
Fax: +91-26674688
Website: www.haqcrc.org
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1. Sound and fury over NGOs / Mir Ashfaquzzaman
THERE is little doubt about the merit in the argument of the chairman of the just-commissioned regulatory reforms
commission, Akbar Ali Khan, that non-governmental organisations must be put under a stricter regulatory framework
and made more accountable to better benefit the poor. On November 6, inaugurating the Small Initiative by Local
Innovative NGOs or SMILING project funded by the European Commission, he took exception to NGOs ‘leaning all
the more towards business activities.’ Akbar, a former secretary of the government and also a former adviser to the
caretaker government that preceded the military-driven interim government of Fakhruddin Ahmed, also made it a
point to remind everyone that micro-credit ‘is not the only remedy to poverty alleviation. An overall economic
development is a must for eliminating poverty from the country.’
Granted. No one would contest the argument that the NGO sector needs to be better regulated and that micro-
credit alone is not the panacea for poverty. In fact, what Akbar said on November 6 has little value in terms of novelty.
Politicians, development experts and civil society groups have severally said micro-credit can be an effective
component in the overall development matrix, and not the development matrix itself. His observation about the
NGOs leaning increasingly towards business activities is also nothing new. It is an allegation that the NGOs (some of
whom are making a genuine effort to substitute foreign donor funds with profits from their many enterprises) have
learned to live with over the years. This is not to suggest, in any way, that the allegation is unfounded; it is not. What is
irrational, however, is such a sweeping characterisation of the entire NGO community. The people in the corridors of
power seem to have developed the uncanny habit of undermining the achievement of the NGOs whenever and
wherever they get the chance.
There is indeed a strong case for effective monitoring and regulation of the NGOs. A few days back, New Age
reported that an NGO continues with its extensive media campaign on multi-million dollar development projects it
plans to implement although it is not known to anyone, not even the top hierarchy of the organisation, where the funds
will come from. It seems that nothing about the organisation is consistent with the existing rules and regulations. It has
started micro-credit operations in 40 districts and already sanctioned credit to 25,000 people without the approval of
the micro-credit regulatory authorities of the Bangladesh Bank. It plans to seek external assistance to finance its
development projects, which curiously range from distribution of consumer credit cards among people in the rural
areas to production and broadcast of a 104-episode drama on the war of independence, but has yet to take clearance
from the Bureau of NGO Affairs, the lone regulatory authority for NGOs working in Bangladesh. The NGO is also
learnt to have taken money from 200,000 people for membership of its so-called associations. Allegations have already
been raised that the NGO, which is headed by a person who was convicted of fraud a few years ago, sentenced to two
years in prison and fined, and implicated in 19 other civil and criminal cases, is out to swindle the poor people.
This is just a recent example. There are many. The Bangladesh chapter of the Berlin-based corruption watchdog
Transparency International recently released a report, titled ‘Problem of Good Governance in NGO Sector: The Way
Out, which highlights some intriguing information and makes some interesting conclusions. The report, according to
the Transparency International Bangladesh, is based on a random survey of 20 NGOs – one international, eight
national and 11 local – and says 85 per cent of the national and local NGOs do not have financial transparency as their
audit and financial reports are usually exaggerated. It also says 65 per cent of the national and local NGOs bribe
officials to get projects from different departments of the government. Interestingly still, it claims that the executives of
70 per cent of the NGOs surveyed enjoy undue financial and other benefits while employees of 35 per cent NGOs do
not get their salaries regularly. ‘Though the condition of the service-recipients did not change, changes in socio-
economic condition of the NGO founders are recognisable,’ it concludes.
That the TIB revelations are valid and observations justified are corroborated by none other than officials of the
NGO affairs bureau themselves. As an example of doctored statement of accounts, one official referred to the case of
a particular NGO. Its audit report for 2006 showed Tk 64,183,653 in income and Tk 64,183,653 in expenditure –
perfect bookkeeping. Its accountants certainly deserve a pat on their back for making the near-impossible impossible.
The way out? The Transparency International Bangladesh has suggested in its report immediate institution of an
independent NGO commission as an umbrella body to supervise the NGO activities in Bangladesh. It has also called
for making the NGO laws time-befitting and taking initiatives for social audit under the proposed NGO commission.
Here we go again. It is amazing that any deliberation on any irregularities in any sector unfailingly ends with a
recommendation for either upgrading the existing laws or enacting new ones and institution of an independent body
for monitoring and supervision, as if some new laws and some independent watchdog would do something overnight
that existing laws and existing regulation authorities have failed to do in so many years. It is highly likely that even if we
did institute an independent NGO commission today and modified the laws related to NGOs, someone would make
another case for establishment of another commission and introduction of another set of laws.
The problem seems to be that, while successive governments have scoffed at the NGOs and cried hoarse about
stringent monitoring and regulation of the sector, they have never followed up on their words. They have assigned
2. themselves an adversarial role vis-à-vis the NGOs, whereas it should play the facilitator, the monitor and the regulator.
The Bureau of NGO Affairs, which started functioning on March 1, 1990, was a good plan badly executed. Had the
governments really meant effective monitoring and regulation of the NGOs, they would surely have tried to empower
the bureau – legally and logistically. The bureau currently has a 45-strong workforce for more than 3,000 NGOs. Then
again, the current director general does not seem to keen on investigating allegations of irregularities by one NGO or
the other. As a New Age report says, he has actively dissuaded the audit and inspection wing of the bureau when it
sought his approval for investigation into a particular case of alleged irregularities. Therefore, unless there is substantial
commitment of the government to meaningfully streamline the NGO sector, whatever regulatory body is
commissioned, it will meet the same fate as the NGO affairs bureau.
Now, the NGO community should also realise that it needs an effective regulatory and monitoring authority for its
own interest. While it may be true that some NGOs have engaged in unlawful activities over the years in the absence of
proper monitoring and regulation, the rest do go by the law and are driven by the ideal of making a difference to the
lives of the poor and marginalised. It is the misdeed of the few that eventually taint the image of the many. As the
NGOs depend heavily on external assistance, it is imperative that the community projects a credible image to
prospective donors. If the rogue NGOs continue to hog the headlines, there will be irreversible erosion of credibility
for the entire sector, which may set back whatever socio-economic development the community has been able to
achieve. Clearly, the NGOs should, out of self-interest, apply pressure on the government to put in place a meaningful
regulatory and monitoring mechanism.
So far, the discourse on NGOs in Bangladesh has been accentuated by a mutual blame game. The government has
levelled a wide range of accusations – from profiteering to activities subversive of the state – against the NGOs while
the NGOs have complained encroachment by the government upon their operational independence. Both sides need
to realise that the blame game has to stop and that they should complement, and not confront, each other. Ultimately,
whatever they do will affect the people. One would hope the effect is positive rather than negative.