This document summarizes homicides that occurred in Chicago between January and May 2016. It discusses several individual homicides that exemplify broader trends. The number of homicides in 2016 was significantly higher than the previous year. The document suggests this is due to a "Ferguson effect" where police are less proactive due to fears of being filmed or facing lawsuits, and a lack of support from political leaders. It also discusses the disproportionate impact of homicides on African American communities in Chicago.
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28 contexts.orgrethinking crime and immigrationby robert.docxvickeryr87
28 contexts.org
rethinking crime and immigration
by robert j. sampson
The summer of 2007 witnessed a perfect storm of controversy
over immigration to the United States. After building for
months with angry debate, a widely touted immigration
reform bill supported by President George W. Bush and many
leaders in Congress failed decisively. Recriminations soon
followed across the political spectrum.
Just when it seemed media attention couldn’t be greater, a
human tragedy unfolded with the horrifying execution-style
murders of three teenagers in Newark, N.J., attributed by
authorities to illegal aliens.
Presidential candidate Rep. Tom Tancredo (R–Colorado)
descended on Newark to blame city leaders for encouraging
illegal immigration, while Newt Gingrich declared the “war at
home” against illegal immigrants was more deadly than the
battlefields of Iraq. National headlines and outrage reached a
feverish pitch, with Newark offering politicians a potent new
symbol and a brown face to replace the infamous Willie
Horton, who committed armed robbery and rape while on a
weekend furlough from his life sentence to a Massachusetts
prison. Another presidential candidate, former Tennessee sen-
ator Fred Thompson, seemed to capture the mood of the times
at the Prescott Bush Awards Dinner: “Twelve million illegal
immigrants later, we are now living in a nation that is beset by
people who are suicidal maniacs and want to kill countless
innocent men, women, and children around the world.”
Now imagine a nearly opposite, fact-based scenario.
Consider that immigration—even if illegal—is associated with
lower crime rates in most disadvantaged urban neighborhoods.
Or that increasing immigration tracks with the broad reduc-
tion in crime the United States has witnessed since the 1990s.
Well before the 2007 Summer of Discontent over immi-
gration, I proposed we take such ideas seriously. Based on hind-
sight I shouldn’t have been surprised by the intense reaction to
what I thought at the time was a rather logical reflection. From
the right came loud guffaws, expletive-filled insults, angry web
postings, and not-so-thinly veiled threats. But the left wasn’t
so happy either, because my argument assumes racial and eth-
nic differences in crime not tidily attributable to material dep-
rivation or discrimination—the canonical explanations.
Although Americans hold polarizing and conflicting views
about its value, immigration is a major social force that will
continue for some time. It thus pays to reconsider the role of
immigration in shaping crime, cities, culture, and societal
change writ large, especially in this era of social anxiety and
vitriolic claims about immigration’s reign of terror.
some facts
Consider first the “Latino Paradox.” Hispanic Americans
do better on a wide range of social indicators—including
propensity to violence—than one would expect given their
socioeconomic disadvantages. To assess this paradox in more
depth, my colleagues and .
Title:
How FBI's Dylann Roof gun snafu hurts Obama's gun control agenda.
Authors:
Patrik Jonsson Staff writer
President Obama pushed Americans to call for stricter gun controls in the wake of the June 17 Charleston church massacre, complaining that the admitted killer, Dylann Roof, "had no trouble getting his hands on a gun."
What the President likely didn't know when he made those comments is this: It wasn't a lack of gun controls, but a bureaucratic failure, that led to Roof obtaining the gun legally, due, it turns out, on a senior FBI document examiner's unfamiliarity with South Carolina geography.
As such, details revealed Friday in the Dylann Roof case add to the complexity of the President's earlier call for a "greater sense of urgency" on gun safety, as FBI Director James Comey said Friday that the agency "felt sick" about its role in the Charleston tragedy – specifically, a failure to spot a drug charge that would have disqualified Roof from buying a gun on April 11.
According to Mr. Comey, a senior examiner started working on Roof's application on April 13, digging into the details of a drug arrest from earlier this year, which had the potential for disqualifying the application. But, being unfamiliar with South Carolina geography, she contacted the wrong law enforcement jurisdiction, which said it had no details on the arrest. A federal law allows the FBI three days to do a background check before either approving it or giving gun stores the discretion to sell the gun anyway.
By the end of that week, Roof had his murder weapon in hand.
For some commentators, the question now is whether a new focus on background checks and the FBI's admission that it flubbed Roof's application will affect public opinion over gun controls in an era where a recent government study found that the number of active shooter incidents rose from an average of 6.4 situations a year in 2007 to an average of 16.4 incidents in 2013.
The role of the government in preventing such tragedies is at the heart of the debate, which is deeply intertwined with America's long-running and complicated relationship with firearms ownership as guaranteed by the US Constitution.
At the same time, the "revving up of presidential campaigns for 2016 [have] increased the hostility" around the gun control debate, writes Aileen Graef for Sinclair Broadcast Group, which owns 162 TV stations in the US.
After a comprehensive gun safety bill failed to pass Congress following the Sandy Hook school massacre in late 2012, support for new gun controls has waned. Polls show only 47 percent of Americans now favoring stricter gun controls. There's other evidence that the US public has little appetite for new gun strictures. After all, 90 percent of NRA-backed candidates won their races in Election 2014.
And while the Charleston massacre forced South Carolina to reconsider its sanctioning of the Confederate battle flag, which Roof had posed with in photos and which t ...
unequal under law
unequal
under
law
RACE
IN THE
WAR
ON
DRUGS
DORIS MARIE PROVINE
contents
Acknowledgments and Dedication vii
Introduction i
one Racial Discrimination in the Eyes of the Law 15
two Race in America's First War on Drugs 37
three Negro Cocaine Fiends, Mexican Marijuana Smokers, and Chinese Opium
Addicts: The Drug Menace in Racial Relief 63
four Congress on Crack: How Race-Neutral Language Hides Racial Meaning 91
five The Racial Impact of the War on Drugs: How Government Coped 120
six Racial Justice: The Courts Consider Sentencing Disparities 140
epilogue 162
notes 16q
references 179
index 197
acknowledgements and dedication
Many people have been involved in the creation of this small book, in part
because it took such a long time to write! Along the way, I benefited from the
insights of people who have been close to the struggle for more equitable and
humane U.S. drug policy. I am grateful for the help of Rodney Cahill, Judge
Richard Conaboy, Michael Gelacak, Gary Goldberg, Paul Hofer, Keenan Keller,
Marc Mauer, Barbara Meirhoefer, Andrea Smith, and Nkechi Taifa.
Generous colleagues who read and commented upon all or portions of this
manuscript include: Kitty Calavita, Ellen Cohn, Josefina Figueira- McDonough,
Roy Flemming, David Greenberg, Julie Horney, Mary and Peter Katzenstein,
Richard Lempert, Lynn Mather, Elizabeth Mertz, Suzanne Mettler, Kristen
Monroe, Ruth Peterson, Helen Quan (HQ), Carroll Seron, Rogers Smith, and
Marjorie Zatz.
Arizona State University School of Justice & Social Inquiry provided an ideal
venue to complete this research, not just because of the encouragement my
colleagues offered, but because of their inspiring commitment to the study of
justice. They will recognize their influence by some of the arguments I make in
this book, and by my frequent citations to their work. Various graduate students
were very helpful in digging out obscure sources and making suggestions. I am
grateful to Francine Banner, Gregory Broberg, Michael Coyle, Amy Gay,
Rosalie Gonzales, and William Parkin.
I also want to thank John Tryneski, Rodney Powell, and two anonymous
reviewers for all their help in getting this manuscript to become a book. For John
and me, this is our third book. The University of Chicago Press has been a
terrific organization with which to be associated during my entire academic
career.
I owe a very special debt to my sons, Charles and Stuart Provine, and to my
husband, Michael Shelton. Charlie was always willing to read a draft, fix a
problem with my computer, or help me resolve any difficulty I faced in turning
ideas into prose. Without his help, another year might have passed before this
book appeared. Stuart offered regular and welcome encouragement every step of
the way, as well as many good ...
The race industry and its elite enablers take it as self-evident tha.pdfaptcomputerzone
The race industry and its elite enablers take it as self-evident that high black incarceration rates
result from discrimination. At a presidential primary debate this Martin Luther King Day, for
instance, Senator Barack Obama charged that blacks and whites “are arrested at very different
rates, are convicted at very different rates, [and] receive very different sentences . . . for the same
crime.” Not to be outdone, Senator Hillary Clinton promptly denounced the “disgrace of a
criminal-justice system that incarcerates so many more African-Americans proportionately than
whites.”
Racial activists usually remain assiduously silent about that problem. But in 2005, the black
homicide rate was over seven times higher than that of whites and Hispanics combined,
according to the federal Bureau of Justice Statistics. From 1976 to 2005, blacks committed over
52 percent of all murders in America. In 2006, the black arrest rate for most crimes was two to
nearly three times blacks’ representation in the population. Blacks constituted 39.3 percent of all
violent-crime arrests, including 56.3 percent of all robbery and 34.5 percent of all aggravated-
assault arrests, and 29.4 percent of all property-crime arrests.
The advocates acknowledge such crime data only indirectly: by charging bias on the part of the
system’s decision makers. As Obama suggested in the Martin Luther King debate, police,
prosecutors, and judges treat blacks and whites differently “for the same crime.”
The media love to target the federal crack penalties because crack defendants are likely to be
black. In 2006, 81 percent of federal crack defendants were black, while only 27 percent of
federal powder-cocaine defendants were. Since federal crack rules are more severe than those for
powder, and crack offenders are disproportionately black, those rules must explain why so many
blacks are in prison, the conventional wisdom holds.
The press has covered this development voraciously, serving up a massive dose of crack
revisionism aimed at proving the racist origins of the war on crack. Crack was never a big deal,
the revisionist story line goes. But when Boston Celtics draft pick Len Bias died of a crack
overdose in 1986, the media went into overdrive covering the crack phenomenon. “Images—or
perhaps anecdotes—about the evils of crack, and the street crime it was presumed to stoke”
circulated, as the New York Times archly put it in a December 2007 article. A “moral panic”
(Michael Tonry’s term) ensued about an imaginary threat from a powerless minority group.
Whites feared that addicted blacks would invade their neighborhoods. Sensational stories about
“crack babies” surfaced. All this hysteria resulted in the unnecessary federal crack penalties.
Those who tar the criminal-justice system as racist often make a broader claim: incarceration
doesn’t even lower crime, making the nation’s skyrocketing prison rolls a particularly senseless
injustice.
Incarceration foes are right about one thing: the.
1. Judge 1
Nikki Judge
nikki.judge.writes@gmail.com
(406) 827-5016
Permanent Address: 553 Prospect Creek Road
Thompson Falls, MT 59873
Written: July 31, 2016
Is Chicago Accepting a Culture of Murder?
Keshaw Marzette, murdered at the age of 15, January 2016.
January 2016 – 57 homicides; 25 more than in January2015.
Keshawn Marzette was a 15-year-old, African American boy with an easy smile. As
reported by Gorner, et al, the boy was shot in the midst of a robbery on January 9, 2016.
Keshawn and another 17-year-old boy, both lay dead, the sticky outflow of blood pooling
beneath them creating a sharp contrast with the white tile floor of the Z&S Liquor store. An
establishment known for the owner’s determination to protect himself and his employees, the
boys were shot while attempting to rob the store. Interviews with neighborhood residents
revealed a lack of sympathy for the boys and an attitude of “if you do bad things, bad things
happen”. Keshawn’s demise is just an example of the 2,404 shootings that have rocked the city
of Chicago since the beginning of this year. An even more disturbing figure is the in 399
homicides that have occurred in the same period (chicagotribune.com/Chicago/homicides).
For the entire 2015 year, Chicago experienced 490 murders. This year the city is on
track to top that number by another 200 lives. Just for the time period January through June, the
year 2016 has tallied 97 more murders than the same months in 2015
(chicagotribune.com/Chicago/homicides). Unless there is a drastic change, Chicago is on line to
2. Judge 2
have a murder toll of over 684 people. What is it that is going on in Chicago that is allowing for
a culture of murder?
Tony Jones, 18 years old, murdered on February 5, 2016.
February 2016, 45 homicides, 25 more than in February 2015
Tony Jones was walking on West Le Moyne Street in the early evening of February 5,
when he was shot several times in his abdomen and back (Williams-Harris, Chachkevitch, Web).
The acrid smell of blood was quenched by the cold as it drained from his body, spreading out
like a macabre dusty pink lace in the snow. The 18-year-old had dragged himself several blocks
before an ambulance was called to provide him assistance. Sirens blared as the ambulance crew
worked feverishly to save him during the transport to Loyola University Medical Center.
Everything had been done that could be done, but Tony died of his injuries later than evening.
Tony lived in Austin, one of the most violent communities in the Chicago area. The
Chicago Tribune’s Community Page for the Austin neighborhood shows it to be a difficult place
to live. With 219 violent crimes in February, that meant a violent crime happened in Austin
every 3.5 hours. There were eight families that had to deal with the emotional upheaval of
sexual assault. With 77 robberies in such a small area, the citizens can hardly feel secure in their
homes at night. Battery crimes (85) represent attacks from both known and unknown assailants,
indicating that even when you are at home in Austin, a healthy sense of fear could be a needed
survival skill. Assaults totaled 42, which could not make one feel free from possible harm.
3. Judge 3
But for seven families, they had to withstand the worst of news – their loved one was
gone and their laughter would never be heard again, their lives snuffed out by the heinous act of
another. The Chicago Tribune crime pages’ report that violent crime, especially shootings, are
exploding in number, even encroaching on the more affluent central and northern Chicago
neighborhoods. Once thought safe, even the area’s best communities are recording more violent
crimes, especially those involving guns.
Tommie L. Page was a member of the FourCorner Hustlers.
March 2016 - 49 Homicide reports, 14 more than in February 2015
Tommie L. Pledge, a member of the Four Corner Hustlers gang, was shot down on March
3, 2016. Two fellow members of his own gang have been arrested for the murder and are
awaiting trial. Videotape of the Humboldt Park cell phone store
(http://abc7chicago.com/news/brazen-cell-phone-store-robbery-captured-on-video/525499/)
shows that Pledge was shot in the back by an assailant after entering the store. Pledge’s death at
the hand of his gang mates is indicative of the level of violence these types of gangs are willing
to engage in for whatever new rationale they have made for themselves (Nickeas, Briscoe,
Crepeau, Chachkevitch, Web).
The debate about gun control runs rampant in the nation. In a year of national election,
candidates of both parties are asserting their take. The recent inability to get any comprehensive
legislation on gun control following the Orlando nightclub massacre is emblematic of the
conundrum the gun control issue is. Democrats held a sit in, Republicans debated the issue, but
4. Judge 4
still the end result was no action was taken. And, in Chicago the numbers of the dead continued
to rise.
There seems to be a lack of cohesion between politicians and police. MacDonald reports
that Chicago Mayor Emanuel is “now genuflecting to the city’s activists” who were pushing for
big changes in the way the police were to interact with the community, adding additional links to
an already overburdened system. Much like the gang members who kill one another, the
political system is as broken, if not more so, than the community’s trust in the police. Fox News
Insider reports: “police ‘stop-and-frisks’ are down 90 percent this year, with officers saying
they're afraid of lawsuits, being labeled racist or appearing in online videos.” In a world where
cell phone are available to record every move and step a police officer takes, it is no wonder they
would be less willing to put their career and/or their lives on the line. This pulling back from
community policing is being referred to as the “Ferguson Effect”, so names after the death of
Michael Brown in Ferguson, MO.
MacDonald reports that the violence in Chicago is reaching epidemic proportions and
blames the Ferguson Effect. That effect that creates a leeriness within the police officer so that
he fears being filmed when trying to do his job. The internet and television news abound in
reports of police brutality and inappropriate policing. Police are forced into a position of feeling
that they have to be perfect in all their dealings with the public for fear of any infraction being
taped and made the lead story on the evening news. In Chicago, this has been exacerbated by a
lack of support from the political leadership, especially the mayor’s office.
One of the primary modes of policing is being able to be in the communities and talk
with the people. In a 2015 decision one of the primary tools of police work was taken off the
counter for Chicago police – the first contact information. Community policing works because
5. Judge 5
police get to know the members of their community and have been able to find matching
descriptions of suspects in the first contact information obtain at an earlier time. Mayor
Emmanual’s support of the protestors against the police exacerbated an already difficult situation
by removing the ability of officers to collect this vital data. His choice supported the protesting
public, further tying the hands of the police force, the outcome of the “Ferguson Effect” – a
difficult choice for policing. (MacDonald)
18-year-old Dennis Bradford III was murdered in a gang-related shooting.
April 2016 – 41 homicides; 6 more homicides in February 2015
Dennis Bradford III, an 18-year-old, African-American male of South Mozart Street was
found dead of gunshot wounds to the head and wrist. Pronounced dead at the scene, Dennis was
a member of a faction of Gangster Disciples (Crepeau and Wong, Web.). His death is believed
to be gang related and no suspects have been arrested for the murder.
Under Illinois law, no one under the age of 18 is allowed to carry a weapon, and those
over 18, in order to carry a concealed weapon, must have obtained an Illinois concealed carry
license (Handgunlaw.us). The City of Chicago code, obviously ignored by most gun crime
offenders, states: “No person shall carry on or possess with intent to use unlawfully against
another…stun gun, taser or other dangerous or deadly weapon.” Dennis’ murderer obviously
didn’t care about the city code.
6. Judge 6
Website FactCheck.org reports that according to a 2013 CDC Report Chicago is one of
the top ten cities in the nation for murder. Chicago had a ban on handguns during the time
covered by the report. The report continued to say: “There’s no discernible pattern among those
cities, nor clear or convincing evidence in these statistics that shows more gun laws lead to more
or less gun crime.”
De’Kayla Dansberry’s fellow tack team members wore pink
socks for the remainder of the season to honor and commemorate
their teammate who was murdered in a gang related fight.
May 2016 – 65 homicides, 6 more than in May 2015
De’Kayla Dansberry, a 16-year-old girl was stabbed to death during a large group fight in
Parkway Gardens neighborhood. Believed to be gang-related the crime remains unsolved at this
time, although the fight involved a “large number” of people (Sadovi and Chachkevitch, Web).
The relationship to gang related activity cannot be ignored, yet, maybe more importantly in this
discussion, the majority of homicide fatalities in Chicago are African American.
In his 2016 update of his report “The Color of Crime”, Rubenstein debunks much of what
is considered “common knowledge” of the question of race and crime in the United States. In
one of his primary points, “different racial groups commit crime at strikingly different rates,” he
also points out that “blacks commit more crimes than any other ethnic group.” Further, the rate
of Black on Black crime is the highest rate at 62.2%, compared to the next highest category of
White on Other at 40.3%, indicates that there is a racial component that is prominent in violent
7. Judge 7
crime. Rubenstein goes on to opine that the statistics compiled do not bear out the assertions
made by the Black Lives Matter movement. Statistically, police are not specifically targeting
members of the African American community.
17-year-old Marshawn Clinksdale was transported to
Northwestern Memorial Hospital where he was pronounced
dead.
June 2016 - 70 homicides, 21 more than in June 2015
Cutting through the late afternoon noise of Chicago’s South Shore neighborhood as an
ambulance siren screams impatiently at the rush hour traffic. Inside, Marshawn Clinkscale, a 17-
year old, suffering from a headshot proved unresponsive. Taken to Northwestern Memorial
Hospital he was pronounced dead at 5:40 p.m. and “no arrests have been made” (Ward and
Bauer, Web). Marshawn’s murder is only one of 70 homicides that occurred in June of 2016,
this increase of 21 homicides over last year shows that something continues to go terribly wrong
in Chicago. Chicago’s statistics are not following the national trend. FactCheck.org statistics
indicate that on the national level crime overall and, especially,
violent crime is down.
Police lines at the scene of Trabon Clemons’ murder.
July 2016 – 66 homicides, 49 more than in July 2015
Trabon Clemons was only 24-years old and a resident of the Hanover Park neighborhood.
8. Judge 8
He died on the 4th of July of multiple gunshot wounds, having been shot through the head
(Moore, Web). The oft-spouted “police are investigating but at this time there are no leads in the
case, although gang-violence is suspected” was given in regard to Trabon’s murder.
Can you imagine? You are celebrating a fun and happy 4th of July, and then, there’s a
knock at the door. You open it and there, standing in front of you is a police officer with that
look on his face. You begin to shake your head no as you watch his lips move, knowing he is
saying words you do not want to hear. He says them anyway, and kindly catches you as your
legs turn to mush, unable to hold the weight of the news you have just received. Your heart
pounds and your voice screams a denial of the truth. You try to breathe as the breath seems to
desert your lungs and leave you gasping. The world tilts out of balance and darkness folds in
around you as you crumple to a fetal position in the doorway. Kindly hands help you to stand
and guide you to a chair inside. Can you imagine being Trabon’s parents?
The “Black Lives Matter” movement has been a consistent news story in the past two
years. The movement has protested at court rulings, political rallies, and even rioted in several
cities; making their point in both constructive and destructive ways. However, can their cries be
considered genuine when so many black lives have been lost in Chicago, with a predominant
number of the murders being black on black crime as reported by Rubenstein? Where is the hue
and cry for Keshawn, De’Kayla, Marshawn, Trabon and the other murdered Afro-Americans
from Chicago? Where are the protests for Tony, Dennis, and Tommie? Where are the signs?
The marches? If, as the Black Lives Matter movement professes “Black Lives DO Matter,” why
is Chicago so often left out of their area of concentration and concern? Foley points out in his
July 27, 2016 article that 75% of those murdered in the city are black, and that a whopping 71$
of the murderers are black (web).
9. Judge 9
The answer is that Black Lives Matter does not report Black on Black murder. When
asked about this important discrepancy, a movement representative commented that the focus is
on justice and abuse of power rather than just numeric deaths. When compared to the protests
and demonstrations this seems somewhat disingenuous – if Black Lives Matter, why don’t all
those black lives that are ended by other blacks matter as well (Hafner, web)?
On the 4th of July holiday weekend, there were 60 shootings including five fatalities in
Chicago. Fox News Insider reports that the police believed that the majority of the shootings
involved gang members. Even with shootings and homicides being down from the 2015 holiday
weekend amount, the totals are still abhorrent to see. The numbers for July did not improve as
the month went on, with 67 murders by the end of the month.
Are the people of Chicago, hearing the constant blare of sirens, combined with the nearly
bored litany of the reporter writing of another shooting death in a Chicago neighborhood, just
inured to the murder and death that happen around them? While it should not be, it could be
understandable with the way the city is nearly under siege and statistics indicating that a
reprehensible 700 homicides in 2016 is possible. In a culture where “no snitching” has been
openly used by political leaders as the way individual’s should interact with their local police
(MacDonald) it is not surprising that murders are up and policing is down.
The answer may after all, lie within the gambit of the issue of race. Without
Rubenstein’s detailed research it would be easy to believe that Chicago was exploding in
violence and that black lives were being snuffed out on a daily basis by white perpetrators and
police officers. However, his thorough research indicates that the largest threat to a 20-
something year old black male in Chicago is another black male. The predominant number of
homicides in Chicago are black on black crime the numbers could be being ignored.
10. Judge 10
This could explain the under-reporting of Chicago’s homicide rate in the national news.
Chicago is imploding in a perfect storm of violence and homicide. From the “Ferguson
Effect” to the high rate of black on black crime, combined with a public that is becoming
desensitized to the violence happening around them, Chicagoans are living with significant
increases of violence and murder in the city. A variety of factors have allowed a culture of
murder to consume the city of Chicago. Let us hope that the ones with the real power, the people
of the city, will awaken like a sleeping giant and fight back the encroaching violence
overshadowing them.
11. Judge 11
Works Cited
4 Corner Hustlers Tag. N.d. 4 Corner Hustlers, Flicker, Chicago. Web. 24 July 2016.
"60 Shot, 5 Fatally Over 4th of July Weekend in Chicago." Fox News Insider. N.p., n.d. Web. 10
July 2016.
"Chicago." Creation of Gun Offender Registry (§ 8-26-060)- Decoded- Decoded. N.p., n.d. Web.
10 July 2016.
"Chicago: 75% of Murdered Are Black, 71% of Murderers Are Black." Intellectual Takeout.
N.p., n.d. Web. 31 July 2016.
Crepeau, Megan, and Grace Wong. "1 Dead, 7 Wounded in Chicago Shootings."
Chicagotribune.com. N.p., 11 Apr. 2016. Web. 10 July 2016.
"Crime in Chicago -- Chicago Tribune." Shootings. N.p., n.d. Web. 10 July 2016.
"Crime in Chicago -- Chicago Tribune." Crime in Chicagoland. N.p., n.d. Web. 10 July 2016.
"Crime in Chicago -- Chicago Tribune." Austin. N.p., n.d. Web. 10 July 2016.
De'Kayla Dansberry. N.d. Chicago Sun Times, Chicago. Chicago Sun Times. Chicago Sun
Times. Web. 24 July 2016.
Dennis Bradford III. N.d. Homicide Watch Chicago, Chicago Sun Times, Chicago. Homicide
Watch Chicago. Chicago Sun Times. Web. 24 July 2016.
Gorner, Jeremy, Gregory Pratt, Megan Crepeau, Rosemary Regina Sobol, and Dawn Rhodes.
"Cops: Liquor Store Clerk Fatally Shoots 2 Would-be Robbers, 15 and 17."
Chicagotribune.com. N.p., 11 Jan. 2016. Web. 10 July 2016.
"Gun Laws, Deaths and Crimes." FactCheckorg. N.p., 4 Oct. 2015. Web. 10 July 2016.
Hafner, Josh. "Why Black Lives Matter Doesn't Focus on 'black-on-black' Crime." USA Today.
Gannett, 2016. Web. 31 July 2016.
12. Judge 12
Hussain, Rummana. “Second man charged with shooting Tommie Lee Pledge, who prosecutors
say was in same gang as killers” April 7, 2016. Web. 10 July 2016.
Keshawn Marzette. N.d. Homicide Watch Chicago, Chicago Sun Times, Chicago. Homicide
Watch Chicago. Chicago Sun Times. Web. 24 July 2016.
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