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講者:李冠良(浸會大學當代中國研究社會科學碩士、香港
中文大學藝術文學碩士)
講座地點:香港人文學會 / 講座日期:2023年11月24日
 Why have the mundane artifacts of contemporary living been
overlooked? After all, the spaces of the contemporary world are
dense with objects. Some of these objects seep into us, others
cocoon us, while others radiate out from us like networks. Many
find an intimate connection such that they are incorporated into
human living systems, and from which systems they subsequently
render themselves inseparable, metaphysically as well as
physically. Given this infiltration, it is something of a surprise that
we have not progressed very far in understanding the social
dimensions ofWestern material culture. One explanation might be
the assumption that the material culture of contemporary
capitalism is more diverse and more technically complex than at
any other stage of human history, thus rendering it fundamentally
‘‘other.’’Yet anthropologists such as Latour would argue that in
some regards it differs very little.
 Joseph Kosuth. One andThree Chairs. 1965
 However, it is not as if anthropologists have long been studying the
material culture of ‘‘traditional’’ non-Western societies and only belatedly
coming to turn their techniques onWestern societies. An explicit focus on
material culture has actually been rather lacking in ethnography too. Even
though this manque has been particularly acute in the Anglo-American
tradition, there have, until the relatively recent boom, been fewer
ethnographic studies of material culture in the French tradition than one
might have expected. Nevertheless, the overall lack of ethnographic
studies of material culture, particularly in Britain and the U.S., has been a
source of frustration to many archaeologists, dearly wishing for such
studies to help them analogically in their interpretation of past material
culture. It is this state of affairs that prompted some archaeologists to seek
out ethnographic material themselves, conducting field studies of
contemporary ‘‘traditional’’ groups in an effort to understand some of the
dynamics of material culture patterning. Such an exercise can be traced
back to the 1960s and 1970s, with the work of archaeologists such as
Binford, Gould, andYellen in the first instance, followed by Hodder, Miller,
and others thereafter, albeit with a rather different set of questions. It is
thus that ‘‘ethnoarchaeology’’ was born (see David and Kramer 2001).
Ethnography (e.g. Bronislaw Malinowski)
 Long-term field visits
 Experientially intensive
 Solitary data collection and analysis
 Participant role
 Insider knowledge
 Recording
 Data session groups
 Field-observer role
 Background knowledge
 Conservation
 Notes and transcripts
 Coding and sequential analysis
 Communicative activities
 It is a key tenet of this book that in order to
understand how humans think through material
culture, be it in the present or the past, we are much
in need of an integrated theoretical framework, one
that uses insights derived from diverse fields:
cognitive science, ecological psychology,
anthropology, sociology, and semiotics, to name a
few. Let us remind ourselves of the essential tenets of
this theoretical perspective. One of its key goals is to
insist that the meaning of an object arises in the
articulation of its pragmatic and significative
dimensions; in other words, in the coming together of
the material and the mental, the functional and the
symbolic.
 Bonnot’s case study
on the definition of
“material culture”:
 Affordances
 Constraints
 Magical objects?
 Iconicity
 Indexicality
 An everyday object?
 Art object?
 Starting with iconicity, in what ways can the coffee cup be seen as
physically similar to other artifacts? Physical similarity is not purely about
the visual—one might also consider other senses: hearing, smell, taste, and
touch. Although the coffee cup might very well be closely associated with
particular sounds, smells, tastes, and textures, such properties are rather
less likely to belong to the cup itself.Thus the principal way we can assess
the iconicity of the cup is through its visual features. Let us then consider
three aspects: the shape / size of the cup, the material of which it is made,
and its decoration.A number of objects are of comparable shape to the
coffee cup and may be connected to it in an associative network. For
example, a type of vessel of roughly the same size and shape, and also with
a vertical handle, is a teacup.This may very often also be in the same
material — ceramic.Another vessel of broadly similar shape and size with
vertical handle is the beer mug, although it is, of course, often made of
glass rather than ceramic. Other vessel types may be more loosely related:
for example, it may be quite apparent from the shape and size of a wine
glass that it, like the coffee cup, is intended for individual consumption of
liquids. However, not only is it made of glass, but it also does not have a
handle, and is commonly of a rather different shape (with a stem).
 In terms of decoration, the surfaces of the coffee cup may be adorned with designs more commonly
seen on other types of artifacts (e.g., textiles), and thus iconic connections to other artifactual
categories may form in this way, too.The point is that one can see how various kinds of artifacts may
be more or less brought to mind due to their visual similarity with the coffee cup; and, not only do
the objects spring to mind, but, presumably, so do the activities and ideas that are indivisible from
them. In terms of decoration, the surfaces of the coffee cup may be adorned with designs more
commonly seen on other types of artifacts (e.g., textiles), and thus iconic connections to other
artifactual categories may form in this way, too.The point is that one can see how various kinds of
artifacts may be more or less brought to mind due to their visual similarity with the coffee cup; and,
not only do the objects spring to mind, but, presumably, so do the activities and ideas that are
indivisible from them. In terms of decoration, the surfaces of the coffee cup may be adorned with
designs more commonly seen on other types of artifacts (e.g., textiles), and thus iconic connections
to other artifactual categories may form in this way, too.The point is that one can see how various
kinds of artifacts may be more or less brought to mind due to their visual similarity with the coffee
cup; and, not only do the objects spring to mind, but, presumably, so do the activities and ideas that
are indivisible from them. In terms of decoration, the surfaces of the coffee cup may be adorned with
designs more commonly seen on other types of artifacts (e.g., textiles), and thus iconic connections
to other artifactual categories may form in this way, too.The point is that one can see how various
kinds of artifacts may be more or less brought to mind due to their visual similarity with the coffee
cup; and, not only do the objects spring to mind, but, presumably, so do the activities and ideas that
are indivisible from them.
 Yu Ji (于吉) – an awardee of Sigg
Prize atWKCD M+ Museum
 Report from “ZOLIMACITY MAG” { https://zolimacitymag.com/meet-the-
six-artists-in-the-running-for-the-2023-sigg-prize/ }
 Yu Ji’s art takes many forms — sculptures, installations and videos among them — but one
thing connects it all. “My work takes the body as its starting point because it is the tool and
medium of my creative process,” she says. “My works are handcrafted by myself and
engaged my body, the whole process is a constant dialogue and negotiation with the body.”
All ofYu’s work can be understood as an investigation into the human body’s relationship
with its surroundings – a look into how people both shape and are shaped by their
environments.
 After graduating from the College of Art at Shanghai University in 2011,Yu embarked on her
famous Flesh in Stone series, for which she cast body parts in concrete. As the series
developed, she also began casting sections of ancient sculptures of bodies she visited in
China and Cambodia.Yu was drawn to these antiques because they have often been visibly
shaped by their environment: they might have been rubbed smooth after centuries of
exposure to sun, wind and rain, or pieces might have been broken off during particularly
violent storms.They therefore make visibleYu’s interest in interactions between people and
place.Yu’s career really took off in 2019, when works from this series were included in the
main exhibition at the Venice Biennale, which features artists from around the world.
 Report from “ZOLIMACITY MAG”
{ https://zolimacitymag.com/meet-the-
six-artists-in-the-running-for-the-2023-
sigg-prize/ }
 Some ofYu’s art is less literally inspired by
the body.The highlight of her display
at Sigg Prize 2023 is an enormous hammock
filled with construction debris from around
Hong Kong, whichYu asked the M+ team to
start collecting when the finalists of the
Sigg Prize were announced at the end of
March.While making this work,Yu was not
concerned with replicating parts of the
body. Instead, she wanted to make a
sculpture that enabled her to physically
engage with the materials that make up the
city – and encouraged others to do so too.
 A further aspect of indexicality relates to the production of the
coffee cup rather than its consumption.The object is an index of
an investment on the part of the producer, and indeed one might
characterize the relationship as a causal one (rather than one of
contiguity or factorality).The producer’s activities ‘‘caused’’ the
vessel to take its final form, and these activities are, to a greater or
lesser degree, indexed in the finished product.This last point
reminds us that, given our commitment to the idea of symmetry
between humans and non-humans, we must take into account not
only the ‘‘objects’’ that the coffee cup indexes but also the human
agents that maybe implicated. Just as a particular producer may
be indexically associated with the coffee cup, so, through
consumption, may certain individuals or social groups become
connected with the object. It is imaginable that a particular
gender, age, ethnic, occupational, or status group may develop an
association with the artifact in question.
 SinYuen, Swinging Altar, 2001, 20 x 20cm,
ink, arcylic on silk and bean
 SinYuen, Swinging Altar, 2001, 20 x 20cm, ink, arcylic on silk and bean
 …. about those “swinging alters”, they are some personal portable “shrines”
rather than real “altars”, for us to memorize or even worship the things we
lost since our birth, no matter they are the physical or spiritual, everything…..
honesty,….. happiness,…… we were being dyed by colours like those silk, the
older we / they get, the darker colour we / they are in.Those red beans, which
mean “missing” someone or something, are painted on the “alter” to remind
us of all these.
 Hair was twirled into balls.We started memorizing through the loss of our
body parts, like hair, in the metabolic life cycle, the feeling of loss, of our
youth, of personal characteristics which were replaced by stereotypical faces.
Hair can be dyed, one’s features can be improved by plastic surgery, genes can
be altered…. even our personal values were polluted by different media….
People always overemphasized the “miracle” worked by “packaging”,
people were put into similar boxes…. Everyone judges others’ success in
such a way that it is better for all of us NOT to show people our imperfect
true selves” even if they were so real. Are we the failures in the game of life
if we did not play in the same way as they did?!.... or just willingly become
a perfect, plastic “Barbie” doll?
 And yet design is not always respected.This we should know from those cases in
which everyday objects are elevated to art-object status thereby acquiring sign-
value (Duchamp’s urinal being the archetypal and by now somewhat cliche´d
example), and in which works of art are reclaimed for pragmatic purposes, thereby
acquiring use-value (e.g., metal sculptures melted down for scrap — see Bonnot
2002, 231-33). Objects can escape the intentions of their creators — they have a
mutability that often sees them move between the categories we impose upon
them.These categories derive from our own deep-seated assumptions about
objects, or from our refusal to pay them much serious attention.The dualism
constructed between the everyday object and the art object is just one of a series
of dualities that are not unrelated. We have already spoken of the dichotomy
between the pragmatic and the significative and between use-value and sign-
value; mention could also be made of the stark division between the functional and
the symbolic discussed in Chapter 1 (e.g., Flannery and Marcus), or the classic split
between gift and commodity. Nonetheless, there are some notable scholarly
attempts to overcome such dyads. As long ago as 1958, Simondon explored the
relationship between the technical and the aesthetic nondualistically; yet it is only
quite recently that his contribution to the philosophy of techniques has received
the attention it deserves (e.g., Hottois; Combes; Chabot). In terms of more current
attempts at challenging the duality between everyday objects and art objects, the
work of Gell and Bonnot stands out.
 Indeed, a closer look at the work of Bonnot would be beneficial at
this stage, allowing us to see how artifacts can slip between
different categories as they find their positions newly configured
within subject-object networks. His is one of the few examples of an
analysis of material culture that pays very close attention not only
to the agency of the subjects who produce, exchange and consume
objects but also to the materiality of the objects themselves.Too
many studies end up focusing solely on the relational position of the
object at the moment of purchase (as could be said of many studies
of consumption, critiqued by Dant 1999).
 Bonnot’s study is of stoneware vessels manufactured in the Saoˆne-
et Loire region of France between the mid-nineteenth and mid-
twentieth centuries, with a particular focus on the Bourbince valley.
The vessels consisted largely of bottles for beer, liqueurs, mineral
water, and ink, pots for conserving processed foods such as jam,
mustard, and paˆte´, as well as numerous products for storing
chemicals and pharmaceuticals.
 Stoneware was especially suitable in that it was very hard and durable (fired to 1300 Celsius Degree),
was treated with an impermeable glaze, and could be hermetically sealed.To meet the needs of
burgeoning mass consumption the stoneware factories had to produce flawless, highly standardized
wares in great quantities. After the SecondWorldWar, however, new materials for packaging were
introduced, such as industrial glass, cartons, and aluminum cans, effectively spelling the end for the
large-scale manufacture of stoneware. Between the 1950s and 1970s this class of pottery effectively
disappeared, no longer produced or consumed, with those that had already been produced, if not
already discarded, ending up in attics and cellars where they gathered dust for a few decades. But the
1980s saw a rise in various types of second-hand markets — such as flea-markets and garage sales — at
which bric-a-brac and sometimes antique items were bought and sold. Stoneware bottles and pots
reemerged from attics and cellars and found their way back onto the market, albeit this time within a
rather different sphere of exchange from that in which they were initially embroiled. Rather than being
sold in bulk and valued for their functionality, they were, and indeed are, now offered as individual
pieces and valued for their aesthetic appeal. Indeed, in some cases, a slight difference in the shape or
the color of the slip can individualize a piece, despite it being mass-produced and more or less identical
to thousands of other examples. Bonnot suggests, however, that in such objects the real beauty comes
more from knowledge of the antiquity of the artifact and its local heritage. Moreover, the author is a
curator at a local eco-museum that collects such pieces of stoneware and exhibits them as emblems of
the region’s (mostly industrial) heritage. He is thus able to observe the museum’s contributory role in
elaborating new value schemes for these objects.
 Tung Zan Baak Fo by AnnieWan. Courtesy the artist. (exhibits at Hong Kong Museum
of Art)
 Memories ofJapan / Supermarket in Shigaraki (2002) - slip-cast porcelain with celadon
glaze size unknown, moulding works by AnnieWan.
 Gell too challenges the divide that is habitually drawn between everyday objects
and art objects. His reasoning is that such a divide opens up because we are slaves
to aestheticism.The object judged aesthetically superior evokes a world of meaning
beyond the reach of the more mundane artifact.Thus stoneware bottles, ceramic
urinals, and other banal items are condemned to a meaningless fate by virtue of
their aesthetic inferiority. Even if such artifacts were considered by their users to
possess a certain aesthetic appeal, this would not suffice to qualify them as
artworks because they were not intentionally manufactured as such.Gell argues
that the aesthetic approach is fundamentally at loggerheads with the
anthropological; he advocates a rejection of aesthetics as a methodology. His
radical alternative is to consider art as a component of technology.All technical
procedures have the capacity to ‘‘enchant’’ to some degree, in that the viewer may
be at a loss to understand the technical virtuosity behind the creation of an
artifact.9 What art does is simply carry farther the enchantment that is immanent in
all kinds of technology. In that poetry, sculpture, painting, and music are
‘‘technologies’’ that somehow specialize in enchanting, taken together they may be
said to form what Gell dubs a ‘‘technology of enchantment.’’
 Yu Ji (于吉) – an awardee of Sigg
Prize atWKCD M+ Museum
 Danto’s dichotomization of artworks and artifacts is but one example of a much
broader tendency to whichGell is reacting. He is keen to develop a single
overarching framework that can be equally applied to all kinds of objects, be they
artworks or artifacts.The ‘‘aesthetic’’ approach of Western art history has in his
opinion failed in this regard, incapable of extending itself consistently to all
candidate art objects, including the ones that maybe considered aesthetically
unappealing. His subsequent move is to reject the aesthetic viewpoint altogether
and to develop a ‘‘methodological philistinism”, which consists of “taking an
attitude of resolute indifference towards the aesthetic value of works of art” (Gell
1999, 161). He proposes to replace aestheticism with another overarching
framework, an anthropology of art truly capable of dealing with all kinds of objects,
whether Western and non-Western.The key to such an anthropology of art is to ask
of artworks what we have always asked of artifacts — what do they do? Gell
thereby shifts the focus away from an analysis of meaning toward the analysis of
effect (Gosden 2001, 164; see alsoThomas 2001, 4). He is effectively denying the
semiotic study of the significative meanings of artworks, in favor of an action-
centered study of their corporeal, pragmatic qualities.
 Christo and Jeanne-Claude, The Gate, at Central Park of NewYork
專書:
 Carl Knappett: “ThinkingThrough Material Culture : An Interdisciplinary Perspective”,
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/cityuhk/detail.action?docID=3441544.
 卓有瑞 著:《藝術漂流.文集》,臺北市:藝術家出版社,2008年4月初版。
 陸蓉之 著:《破後現代藝術》。台灣:藝術家出版社,中華民國 92年7月。
圖錄:
 Edited by LAU Kin-wah: “Local Accent – 12 artists from Hong Kong”, Hong Kong: Para/Site
Art Space Ltd., 2003
研討會論文:
 Sophie Chevalier, Barbara Chambers Dawson,Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Michael Kraus,
Adam Kuper, Herbert S. Lewis, Andrew Lyons, David Mills, David Shankland, James Urry,
and Rosemary Lévy Zumwalt as participants: “Before and After Malinowski: Alternative
Views on the History of Anthropology”, Virtual RoundTable organized by Royal
Anthropological Institute in London and Conference Paper published by "Bérose -
Encyclopédie internationale des histoires de l’anthropologie" (Paris): {Edited by Frederico
Delgado Rosa and Han F.Vermeulen, "Ethnographers Before Malinowski: Pioneers of
Anthropological Fieldwork, 1870-1922 (EASA Series 44)". Oxford and NewYork: Berghahn
Books, 1st Edition in June 2022}
網路資料:
 Oliver Giles: “ZOLIMA CITY MAG – Meet the six artists in the running for the 2023 Sigg
Prize”, https://zolimacitymag.com/meet-the-six-artists-in-the-running-for-the-2023-sigg-
prize/ (Browsed on 12 Oct 2023)

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Carl Knapett - Material culture

  • 2.  Why have the mundane artifacts of contemporary living been overlooked? After all, the spaces of the contemporary world are dense with objects. Some of these objects seep into us, others cocoon us, while others radiate out from us like networks. Many find an intimate connection such that they are incorporated into human living systems, and from which systems they subsequently render themselves inseparable, metaphysically as well as physically. Given this infiltration, it is something of a surprise that we have not progressed very far in understanding the social dimensions ofWestern material culture. One explanation might be the assumption that the material culture of contemporary capitalism is more diverse and more technically complex than at any other stage of human history, thus rendering it fundamentally ‘‘other.’’Yet anthropologists such as Latour would argue that in some regards it differs very little.
  • 3.  Joseph Kosuth. One andThree Chairs. 1965
  • 4.  However, it is not as if anthropologists have long been studying the material culture of ‘‘traditional’’ non-Western societies and only belatedly coming to turn their techniques onWestern societies. An explicit focus on material culture has actually been rather lacking in ethnography too. Even though this manque has been particularly acute in the Anglo-American tradition, there have, until the relatively recent boom, been fewer ethnographic studies of material culture in the French tradition than one might have expected. Nevertheless, the overall lack of ethnographic studies of material culture, particularly in Britain and the U.S., has been a source of frustration to many archaeologists, dearly wishing for such studies to help them analogically in their interpretation of past material culture. It is this state of affairs that prompted some archaeologists to seek out ethnographic material themselves, conducting field studies of contemporary ‘‘traditional’’ groups in an effort to understand some of the dynamics of material culture patterning. Such an exercise can be traced back to the 1960s and 1970s, with the work of archaeologists such as Binford, Gould, andYellen in the first instance, followed by Hodder, Miller, and others thereafter, albeit with a rather different set of questions. It is thus that ‘‘ethnoarchaeology’’ was born (see David and Kramer 2001).
  • 5.
  • 6. Ethnography (e.g. Bronislaw Malinowski)  Long-term field visits  Experientially intensive  Solitary data collection and analysis  Participant role  Insider knowledge  Recording  Data session groups  Field-observer role  Background knowledge  Conservation  Notes and transcripts  Coding and sequential analysis  Communicative activities
  • 7.  It is a key tenet of this book that in order to understand how humans think through material culture, be it in the present or the past, we are much in need of an integrated theoretical framework, one that uses insights derived from diverse fields: cognitive science, ecological psychology, anthropology, sociology, and semiotics, to name a few. Let us remind ourselves of the essential tenets of this theoretical perspective. One of its key goals is to insist that the meaning of an object arises in the articulation of its pragmatic and significative dimensions; in other words, in the coming together of the material and the mental, the functional and the symbolic.
  • 8.  Bonnot’s case study on the definition of “material culture”:  Affordances  Constraints  Magical objects?  Iconicity  Indexicality  An everyday object?  Art object?
  • 9.  Starting with iconicity, in what ways can the coffee cup be seen as physically similar to other artifacts? Physical similarity is not purely about the visual—one might also consider other senses: hearing, smell, taste, and touch. Although the coffee cup might very well be closely associated with particular sounds, smells, tastes, and textures, such properties are rather less likely to belong to the cup itself.Thus the principal way we can assess the iconicity of the cup is through its visual features. Let us then consider three aspects: the shape / size of the cup, the material of which it is made, and its decoration.A number of objects are of comparable shape to the coffee cup and may be connected to it in an associative network. For example, a type of vessel of roughly the same size and shape, and also with a vertical handle, is a teacup.This may very often also be in the same material — ceramic.Another vessel of broadly similar shape and size with vertical handle is the beer mug, although it is, of course, often made of glass rather than ceramic. Other vessel types may be more loosely related: for example, it may be quite apparent from the shape and size of a wine glass that it, like the coffee cup, is intended for individual consumption of liquids. However, not only is it made of glass, but it also does not have a handle, and is commonly of a rather different shape (with a stem).
  • 10.  In terms of decoration, the surfaces of the coffee cup may be adorned with designs more commonly seen on other types of artifacts (e.g., textiles), and thus iconic connections to other artifactual categories may form in this way, too.The point is that one can see how various kinds of artifacts may be more or less brought to mind due to their visual similarity with the coffee cup; and, not only do the objects spring to mind, but, presumably, so do the activities and ideas that are indivisible from them. In terms of decoration, the surfaces of the coffee cup may be adorned with designs more commonly seen on other types of artifacts (e.g., textiles), and thus iconic connections to other artifactual categories may form in this way, too.The point is that one can see how various kinds of artifacts may be more or less brought to mind due to their visual similarity with the coffee cup; and, not only do the objects spring to mind, but, presumably, so do the activities and ideas that are indivisible from them. In terms of decoration, the surfaces of the coffee cup may be adorned with designs more commonly seen on other types of artifacts (e.g., textiles), and thus iconic connections to other artifactual categories may form in this way, too.The point is that one can see how various kinds of artifacts may be more or less brought to mind due to their visual similarity with the coffee cup; and, not only do the objects spring to mind, but, presumably, so do the activities and ideas that are indivisible from them. In terms of decoration, the surfaces of the coffee cup may be adorned with designs more commonly seen on other types of artifacts (e.g., textiles), and thus iconic connections to other artifactual categories may form in this way, too.The point is that one can see how various kinds of artifacts may be more or less brought to mind due to their visual similarity with the coffee cup; and, not only do the objects spring to mind, but, presumably, so do the activities and ideas that are indivisible from them.
  • 11.  Yu Ji (于吉) – an awardee of Sigg Prize atWKCD M+ Museum
  • 12.  Report from “ZOLIMACITY MAG” { https://zolimacitymag.com/meet-the- six-artists-in-the-running-for-the-2023-sigg-prize/ }  Yu Ji’s art takes many forms — sculptures, installations and videos among them — but one thing connects it all. “My work takes the body as its starting point because it is the tool and medium of my creative process,” she says. “My works are handcrafted by myself and engaged my body, the whole process is a constant dialogue and negotiation with the body.” All ofYu’s work can be understood as an investigation into the human body’s relationship with its surroundings – a look into how people both shape and are shaped by their environments.  After graduating from the College of Art at Shanghai University in 2011,Yu embarked on her famous Flesh in Stone series, for which she cast body parts in concrete. As the series developed, she also began casting sections of ancient sculptures of bodies she visited in China and Cambodia.Yu was drawn to these antiques because they have often been visibly shaped by their environment: they might have been rubbed smooth after centuries of exposure to sun, wind and rain, or pieces might have been broken off during particularly violent storms.They therefore make visibleYu’s interest in interactions between people and place.Yu’s career really took off in 2019, when works from this series were included in the main exhibition at the Venice Biennale, which features artists from around the world.
  • 13.  Report from “ZOLIMACITY MAG” { https://zolimacitymag.com/meet-the- six-artists-in-the-running-for-the-2023- sigg-prize/ }  Some ofYu’s art is less literally inspired by the body.The highlight of her display at Sigg Prize 2023 is an enormous hammock filled with construction debris from around Hong Kong, whichYu asked the M+ team to start collecting when the finalists of the Sigg Prize were announced at the end of March.While making this work,Yu was not concerned with replicating parts of the body. Instead, she wanted to make a sculpture that enabled her to physically engage with the materials that make up the city – and encouraged others to do so too.
  • 14.  A further aspect of indexicality relates to the production of the coffee cup rather than its consumption.The object is an index of an investment on the part of the producer, and indeed one might characterize the relationship as a causal one (rather than one of contiguity or factorality).The producer’s activities ‘‘caused’’ the vessel to take its final form, and these activities are, to a greater or lesser degree, indexed in the finished product.This last point reminds us that, given our commitment to the idea of symmetry between humans and non-humans, we must take into account not only the ‘‘objects’’ that the coffee cup indexes but also the human agents that maybe implicated. Just as a particular producer may be indexically associated with the coffee cup, so, through consumption, may certain individuals or social groups become connected with the object. It is imaginable that a particular gender, age, ethnic, occupational, or status group may develop an association with the artifact in question.
  • 15.  SinYuen, Swinging Altar, 2001, 20 x 20cm, ink, arcylic on silk and bean
  • 16.  SinYuen, Swinging Altar, 2001, 20 x 20cm, ink, arcylic on silk and bean  …. about those “swinging alters”, they are some personal portable “shrines” rather than real “altars”, for us to memorize or even worship the things we lost since our birth, no matter they are the physical or spiritual, everything….. honesty,….. happiness,…… we were being dyed by colours like those silk, the older we / they get, the darker colour we / they are in.Those red beans, which mean “missing” someone or something, are painted on the “alter” to remind us of all these.  Hair was twirled into balls.We started memorizing through the loss of our body parts, like hair, in the metabolic life cycle, the feeling of loss, of our youth, of personal characteristics which were replaced by stereotypical faces. Hair can be dyed, one’s features can be improved by plastic surgery, genes can be altered…. even our personal values were polluted by different media…. People always overemphasized the “miracle” worked by “packaging”, people were put into similar boxes…. Everyone judges others’ success in such a way that it is better for all of us NOT to show people our imperfect true selves” even if they were so real. Are we the failures in the game of life if we did not play in the same way as they did?!.... or just willingly become a perfect, plastic “Barbie” doll?
  • 17.  And yet design is not always respected.This we should know from those cases in which everyday objects are elevated to art-object status thereby acquiring sign- value (Duchamp’s urinal being the archetypal and by now somewhat cliche´d example), and in which works of art are reclaimed for pragmatic purposes, thereby acquiring use-value (e.g., metal sculptures melted down for scrap — see Bonnot 2002, 231-33). Objects can escape the intentions of their creators — they have a mutability that often sees them move between the categories we impose upon them.These categories derive from our own deep-seated assumptions about objects, or from our refusal to pay them much serious attention.The dualism constructed between the everyday object and the art object is just one of a series of dualities that are not unrelated. We have already spoken of the dichotomy between the pragmatic and the significative and between use-value and sign- value; mention could also be made of the stark division between the functional and the symbolic discussed in Chapter 1 (e.g., Flannery and Marcus), or the classic split between gift and commodity. Nonetheless, there are some notable scholarly attempts to overcome such dyads. As long ago as 1958, Simondon explored the relationship between the technical and the aesthetic nondualistically; yet it is only quite recently that his contribution to the philosophy of techniques has received the attention it deserves (e.g., Hottois; Combes; Chabot). In terms of more current attempts at challenging the duality between everyday objects and art objects, the work of Gell and Bonnot stands out.
  • 18.  Indeed, a closer look at the work of Bonnot would be beneficial at this stage, allowing us to see how artifacts can slip between different categories as they find their positions newly configured within subject-object networks. His is one of the few examples of an analysis of material culture that pays very close attention not only to the agency of the subjects who produce, exchange and consume objects but also to the materiality of the objects themselves.Too many studies end up focusing solely on the relational position of the object at the moment of purchase (as could be said of many studies of consumption, critiqued by Dant 1999).  Bonnot’s study is of stoneware vessels manufactured in the Saoˆne- et Loire region of France between the mid-nineteenth and mid- twentieth centuries, with a particular focus on the Bourbince valley. The vessels consisted largely of bottles for beer, liqueurs, mineral water, and ink, pots for conserving processed foods such as jam, mustard, and paˆte´, as well as numerous products for storing chemicals and pharmaceuticals.
  • 19.  Stoneware was especially suitable in that it was very hard and durable (fired to 1300 Celsius Degree), was treated with an impermeable glaze, and could be hermetically sealed.To meet the needs of burgeoning mass consumption the stoneware factories had to produce flawless, highly standardized wares in great quantities. After the SecondWorldWar, however, new materials for packaging were introduced, such as industrial glass, cartons, and aluminum cans, effectively spelling the end for the large-scale manufacture of stoneware. Between the 1950s and 1970s this class of pottery effectively disappeared, no longer produced or consumed, with those that had already been produced, if not already discarded, ending up in attics and cellars where they gathered dust for a few decades. But the 1980s saw a rise in various types of second-hand markets — such as flea-markets and garage sales — at which bric-a-brac and sometimes antique items were bought and sold. Stoneware bottles and pots reemerged from attics and cellars and found their way back onto the market, albeit this time within a rather different sphere of exchange from that in which they were initially embroiled. Rather than being sold in bulk and valued for their functionality, they were, and indeed are, now offered as individual pieces and valued for their aesthetic appeal. Indeed, in some cases, a slight difference in the shape or the color of the slip can individualize a piece, despite it being mass-produced and more or less identical to thousands of other examples. Bonnot suggests, however, that in such objects the real beauty comes more from knowledge of the antiquity of the artifact and its local heritage. Moreover, the author is a curator at a local eco-museum that collects such pieces of stoneware and exhibits them as emblems of the region’s (mostly industrial) heritage. He is thus able to observe the museum’s contributory role in elaborating new value schemes for these objects.
  • 20.  Tung Zan Baak Fo by AnnieWan. Courtesy the artist. (exhibits at Hong Kong Museum of Art)  Memories ofJapan / Supermarket in Shigaraki (2002) - slip-cast porcelain with celadon glaze size unknown, moulding works by AnnieWan.
  • 21.  Gell too challenges the divide that is habitually drawn between everyday objects and art objects. His reasoning is that such a divide opens up because we are slaves to aestheticism.The object judged aesthetically superior evokes a world of meaning beyond the reach of the more mundane artifact.Thus stoneware bottles, ceramic urinals, and other banal items are condemned to a meaningless fate by virtue of their aesthetic inferiority. Even if such artifacts were considered by their users to possess a certain aesthetic appeal, this would not suffice to qualify them as artworks because they were not intentionally manufactured as such.Gell argues that the aesthetic approach is fundamentally at loggerheads with the anthropological; he advocates a rejection of aesthetics as a methodology. His radical alternative is to consider art as a component of technology.All technical procedures have the capacity to ‘‘enchant’’ to some degree, in that the viewer may be at a loss to understand the technical virtuosity behind the creation of an artifact.9 What art does is simply carry farther the enchantment that is immanent in all kinds of technology. In that poetry, sculpture, painting, and music are ‘‘technologies’’ that somehow specialize in enchanting, taken together they may be said to form what Gell dubs a ‘‘technology of enchantment.’’
  • 22.  Yu Ji (于吉) – an awardee of Sigg Prize atWKCD M+ Museum
  • 23.  Danto’s dichotomization of artworks and artifacts is but one example of a much broader tendency to whichGell is reacting. He is keen to develop a single overarching framework that can be equally applied to all kinds of objects, be they artworks or artifacts.The ‘‘aesthetic’’ approach of Western art history has in his opinion failed in this regard, incapable of extending itself consistently to all candidate art objects, including the ones that maybe considered aesthetically unappealing. His subsequent move is to reject the aesthetic viewpoint altogether and to develop a ‘‘methodological philistinism”, which consists of “taking an attitude of resolute indifference towards the aesthetic value of works of art” (Gell 1999, 161). He proposes to replace aestheticism with another overarching framework, an anthropology of art truly capable of dealing with all kinds of objects, whether Western and non-Western.The key to such an anthropology of art is to ask of artworks what we have always asked of artifacts — what do they do? Gell thereby shifts the focus away from an analysis of meaning toward the analysis of effect (Gosden 2001, 164; see alsoThomas 2001, 4). He is effectively denying the semiotic study of the significative meanings of artworks, in favor of an action- centered study of their corporeal, pragmatic qualities.
  • 24.  Christo and Jeanne-Claude, The Gate, at Central Park of NewYork
  • 25. 專書:  Carl Knappett: “ThinkingThrough Material Culture : An Interdisciplinary Perspective”, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/cityuhk/detail.action?docID=3441544.  卓有瑞 著:《藝術漂流.文集》,臺北市:藝術家出版社,2008年4月初版。  陸蓉之 著:《破後現代藝術》。台灣:藝術家出版社,中華民國 92年7月。 圖錄:  Edited by LAU Kin-wah: “Local Accent – 12 artists from Hong Kong”, Hong Kong: Para/Site Art Space Ltd., 2003 研討會論文:  Sophie Chevalier, Barbara Chambers Dawson,Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Michael Kraus, Adam Kuper, Herbert S. Lewis, Andrew Lyons, David Mills, David Shankland, James Urry, and Rosemary Lévy Zumwalt as participants: “Before and After Malinowski: Alternative Views on the History of Anthropology”, Virtual RoundTable organized by Royal Anthropological Institute in London and Conference Paper published by "Bérose - Encyclopédie internationale des histoires de l’anthropologie" (Paris): {Edited by Frederico Delgado Rosa and Han F.Vermeulen, "Ethnographers Before Malinowski: Pioneers of Anthropological Fieldwork, 1870-1922 (EASA Series 44)". Oxford and NewYork: Berghahn Books, 1st Edition in June 2022} 網路資料:  Oliver Giles: “ZOLIMA CITY MAG – Meet the six artists in the running for the 2023 Sigg Prize”, https://zolimacitymag.com/meet-the-six-artists-in-the-running-for-the-2023-sigg- prize/ (Browsed on 12 Oct 2023)