Can Catalonian Nationalism Coexist with a Spanish Federalism. A Case Study of Catalonia.

1
Can Catalonian Nationalism Coexist with
Spanish Federalism? A Case Study of
Catalonia.
Study submitted as a requirement for the Award of
International Education BA (Honours)
By
Terri-Marie O’Neill
At
Bath Spa University

2
Marking Criteria and Feedback form for ED6001 dissertation
To be completed by the student and submitted for each of twocomplete
and bound copies of the dissertation. Dissertation is also to be
submitted electronically.
Student name: Terri-Marie O’Neill
Student number: 263076
Dissertation Supervisor: Peter Jones and Graham Downes
Date of Submission: 23/05/16
In submitting the dissertation, I am confirming that I have read and understood the
regulations for assessment, and I am aware of the seriousness with which the University
regards unfair practice.
Criteria 70+ 60+ 50+ 40+ Fail
Research proposal is grounded in existing literature
and demonstrates the feasibility of the project
The dissertation reflects a sustained engagement with
existing literature.
Appropriate enquiry methods are used to carry out
the investigation and are justified in relation to
methodology.
The structure of work is appropriate and consistent.
Relationships between sections are clear, and the
progression of the enquiry is demonstrated.

3
Claims are coherent and appropriately grounded (e.g.
synthesis of arguments, analysis of data) and consider
wider educational implications.
Report is written in an appropriately academic style;
grammar and spelling are accurate.
Harvard referencing is appropriately formatted.
Comments:
Date: First Marker: Agreed Mark
Second Marker:

4
I certifythatthe whole of thisworkis the result
of my own individual effort and that all
quotations and sources have been
acknowledgedinthe prescribedmanner in the
text. The work has not been submitted for a
previous award.
Signed: Dated: 23/05/16

5
Abstract
The focus of this study was to determine whether or not Catalonian nationalism can coexist
within a Spanish federalism. A critical analysis of the political history and the resulting
education policies were examined; common trends of nationalist reforms and inequality
reductions were examined against the political context. Without a concentrated effort from
the central government to amend particular laws, coexistence of Spain and Catalonia shall
not be able to continue.
Acknowledgements
I am grateful for the help, advice and support
from my dissertation supervisors Peter Jones
and Graham Downes. I would also like to
personally thank Dr Ye Liu for her continuous
support throughout the entirety of my degree.
I could not have done this without her support.
This study was supervised by Peter Jones and
Graham Jones

6
Table of Contents
Introduction..................................................................................................................... 7
Methodology.................................................................................................................... 8
Introduction................................................................................................................. 8
Methodological Approach............................................................................................. 8
Methods and Sources....................................................................................................9
Limitations ................................................................................................................... 9
Ethics......................................................................................................................... 10
Data Analysis.............................................................................................................. 11
The Political Context....................................................................................................... 12
An Authoritarian Dictatorship .................................................................................. 12
Cultural Oppression................................................................................................. 13
A Decentralised Democratic Spain ............................................................................... 13
1978 Constitution.................................................................................................... 13
1979 Statute of Autonomy....................................................................................... 15
Catalan Statute Reform............................................................................................ 16
The Independence Debate....................................................................................... 18
The Role of Education..................................................................................................... 20
An Elitist Education System...................................................................................... 20
The General Education Act....................................................................................... 21
Democracy and Education ....................................................................................... 21
Catalan Linguistic Laws ............................................................................................ 22
Creating Education Equality ..................................................................................... 23
Education as a Political Tool..................................................................................... 24
The Education Law (LOE).......................................................................................... 26
The Organic Law on the Improvement of the Quality of Education (LOMCE) ............... 26
Analysis of Findings......................................................................................................... 29
Nationalism and Education ...................................................................................... 29
Inequality and Education ......................................................................................... 31
Overall Analysis....................................................................................................... 33
Conclusion.............................................................................................................. 35
References..................................................................................................................... 37
Appendix - Dissertation Proposal..................................................................................... 45

7
Introduction
Education can facilitate the development of many aspects of society; it enables individuals
to: participate within a democratic state, strengthen national ties, encourage academic
progression, increase social mobility and create social cohesion. Spain has a highly
decentralised education system that allows for regional minorities to develop cultural
growth through education – this was not always the case. Spain has only become a
democratic state recently; the previous regime was a dictatorship focused upon creating
unity through suppression of minorities. The purpose of this study is to examine how the
change to democracy and education decentralisation affected education reform and
whether or not this was enough to allow for Catalonian nationalism to coexist with the
Spanish federalist state.
Catalonia is an autonomous region within Spain that suffered under the persecution of the
dictator; this case study shall provide a unique look into how education can be used to
disseminate nationalist ideologies. Examining the change from an authoritarian regime to
democracy shall also allow for a focus upon how inequality of education can be managed
through comprehensive reforms. Before considering the modern day issues surrounding the
Catalan nationalismdebate, it is essential to gain an understanding of the importance of the
historical context of Spain; this allows for modern issues to be contextualised and analysed
from a fully developed perspective. This report shall first explain the methodological
approach used, before discussing the political process of changing from a dictatorship to
democracy. From there we shall examine key educational reforms within Spain and
Catalonia. Once the contextual literature review is complete, there shall be an analysis of
how education has been used throughout Spanish and Catalan history to promote
nationalist ideologies. A further analysis of quantitative data shall enable the reader to
decide whether or not the decentralisation and democratisation of the country has allowed
for educational inequalities to be addressed.

8
Methodology
Introduction
Ontology is the beginning of any research; what we know determines how we examine the
world and what we come to know about it. What must be taken into consideration is that
differing backgrounds and experiences will produce different cultural views and therefore
affect how we decide to analyse the phenomena being researched. For the purpose of this
study I shall be approaching the research from an ontological position of objectivism; this is
the concept that social phenomenon’s are produced by social interaction and as a result,
remains fluid (Grix, J 2002). However, a consideration for an Anti-Foundationalist position
must be kept in mind; we are unable to see all social phenomena, as there are frameworks
that exist out of sight, resulting in observations not always be a true representation of the
social and political world (Marsh, D. Smith, M. 2001; Grix, J 2002). The rational for this
decision is that researcher does not have extensive experience within this education system;
therefore nuances may are missed. Epistemology is relating to the theories of knowledge
and how we learn what we know; key areas of focus are what methods have been applied
to gather knowledge and how the validity of the obtained information can be determined
(Grix, J 2002; Darlaston-Jones, D 2007). An interpretivist approach shall be applied as an
understanding of the cultural differences, between the ‘nations’ within Spain, is essential
and these differences need to be respected (Grix, J 2002).
Methodological Approach
To critically analyse the history of education policy an extended literature review is
required; this shall utilise a mixed methodology approach using both quantitative and
qualitative secondary data. By applying a mixed methodological approach, it shall allow for
triangulation; whilst the mixed data cannot be used to validate the other, it allows for a
greater understanding for the complexity of the situation (Lincoln, YS Guba, EG 1985;
Newby, P 2012). The qualitative data shall provide the main body of literature to accurately
cover essential areas of historic tensions, implemented policy, and the resulting societal
consequences. The quantitative data shall be used to provide further evidence of what has

9
occurred and why; the data shall be utilised during the final analysis in order to determine
whether or not the decentralisation of education in Spain was successful in reducing
inequalities.
Methods and Sources
Government documentation is required regarding educational laws and how they were
implemented; these were obtained from the Spanish and Catalan Government archives and
the United Nation database. For areas that were not obtainable in English, the information
was acquired through academic sources found on reliable databases such as: the Bath Spa
Journal library and ERIC Institute of Educational Sciences (Cohen L et al, 2011; Newby, P
2012). These academic articles were only selected if peer reviewed; this decision is due to
the importance of rigorous checking for quality and reliability, it must be noted that there
may be some variations of quality in regards to peer reviews (Cohen L et al, 2011; Wicherts,
J M, 2016). Academic books were obtained through Bath Spa Library and the Inter-Library
Loan systemas this ensured that they were reliable. For the selection process it must be
noted that whilst endeavouring to use the most recent journals and books - to ensure
current day relevance; due to the historic nature of this review, it was necessary to obtain
older sources - as this provided relevant qualitative data that is no longer discussed at
length. In order to contextualise reactions to the more controversial reforms some
newspaper articles were analysed.
Limitations
It must be noted that there are limitations to the some of the data gathering; as many
country reports were published in Catalan or Castilian there was an inability to review as
much literature as possible. In regards to the final education policy discussed (LOMCE) it is a
relatively new reform resulting in limited academic journals and books. Therefore, the
research for that area was heavily report based; many academic journals for the LOMCE
have not yet been peer reviewed or translated into English, this resulted in their omission. A
concentrated effort was made to reduce bias from reports in order to obtain the essential
information - this was possible through cross referencing of facts.

10
Trustworthiness
To ensure trustworthiness of the research, Lincoln and Guba’s evaluation criteria was
applied; the focus on credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability has been
maintained throughout the research process (1985). Credibility discusses understanding the
phenomenon from a well-informed position; this was ensured due to conducting an
international research placement last academic year in which the teacher perspectives of
the LOMCE was analysed. Not only has previous research been conducted within the region,
the researcher also worked within the Catalan education system for one academic year
before undertaking this degree. The validity of data was maintained through triangulation of
data sources; this allowed for a check on consistency of information obtained. During the
analysis process the data was looked at in reference to more than one theoretical position
to gain a wider perspective of the issue. Transferability refers to ensuring ‘thick description’
of the phenomena in question (Lincoln, YS Guba, EG 1985); this is why there is such an
extensive historical and political review – this allowed for the educational aspects to be
understood from a fully informed position. Dependability of research methods was achieved
through meetings with tutors, or other academic staff, in order to ensure that the methods
were being correctly and consistently applied. Finally, conformability relates to the need of
the reader to be provided with clear evidence showing how the research was conducted and
where the data was provided from. Triangulation of data sources also comes under
conformability as this produces extensive and vigorously developed research (Lincoln, YS
Guba, EG 1985).
Ethics
Despite the lack of participants within a literature based report there are still ethical
implications that need to be addressed. Whilst implications surround the validity of sources
chosen has been previously discussed, manipulation of data must be taken into
consideration. The British Education Ethics Association (BERA) guideline for education
research has been applied to this study (2011).These guidelines cover areas such as:
purposeful misrepresentation of sources and data, fabrication of findings, ‘sensationalizing’

11
results, as well as complete publication of findings, regardless of whether or not they are
favourable to the study (BERA, 2011). If these guidelines had not been met the research
would have lost validity.
Data Analysis
When analysing the data there was a triangulation of theories applied (Lincoln Y, Guba E
1985); critical theory was applied to identify any common trends within the presented data
(Cohen L et al, 2011). Benedict Anderson’s theory of Imagined Communities was applied to
the nationalism trend that was highlighted within the findings. Finally, the data was
analysed in respect to whether or not decentralisation and democratisation was successful
in creating an equal education system across Spain.

12
The Political Context
An Authoritarian Dictatorship
Catalonia had experienced political autonomy between 1931-1939 (Dowling, A. 2013);
whilst this autonomous period remained relatively short, it allowed for a revival of the
Catalan language that facilitated cultural and linguistic diversity within the region. The
linguistic revival had enabled Catalan to be increasingly used within the media, and the
public administration of schools (Vallverdú, F. 1984). It was during July 1936 that General
Franco led a military uprising across Spain; his actions resulted in a brutal civil war that
continued until his victory during April 1939 (Magone, J 2009). The success of General
Franco’s uprising began a new chapter within Spanish history but his regime took a
particular interest in removing Catalan culture and language; Spain was now ruled under an
authoritarian dictatorship and regions with their own cultural identity were persecuted. The
autonomy previously awarded to the Catalan region was revoked in1938 when the repeal of
The Statute of Catalonia decreed that:
‘…legislative and executive authority resting with the territories over
common law and services ceded to the Catalan region …are
considered reverted to the state’ (Masnou I Boixeda, R, 2002:136).
Franco’s forty year dictatorship has been suggested to have been founded upon a ‘policy of
elimination’; this resulted in ‘enemies’ of his military regime being publically executed
(Magon, J. 2009). These were not isolated incidents; a comprehensive study conducted by
Ramón Salas Larrazábal proposes that within the first six years, after the war, approximately
28,000 people were executed across Spain (Payne, S. 1987). After autonomy was revoked,
Franco focused his attention to other ways of enforcing a centralist state; in terms of
autonomous regions this meant that any cultural traditions or symbols that were not
deemed to be Spanish were removed and a concentrated effort was initiated to remove the
Catalan language. Symbols of cultural pride such as the Catalan flag and the national dance,
the Sardana, were banned (Dowling, A. 2013). Signs and road names were changed from
Catalan to their Castilian equivalent (Generalitat de Catalunya, Undated a). Franco even

13
went as far as to redefine national, geographical and cultural divisions on Spanish maps
(Boyd-Barret, O. 1995).
Cultural Oppression
Catalan culture was particularly targeted as all expression became strictly prohibited; in a
bid to create a united centralist country Castilian became the official language and Catalan
was prohibited and removed from all levels of administration, from education, to media.
Speaking Catalan became punishable by law (May, S. 2011: Vallverdú, F. 1984). Propaganda
was employed to insult the vernacular language in a bid to reduce the willingness to use
their mother tongue; examples of these are the signs declaring that speaking Catalan was
‘non-Christian’ and told that they were ‘barking like dogs’ whilst reminding the public to
‘hablo el idioma del imperio’ [speak the language of the empire] (Vallverdú, F. 1984;
Generalitat de Catalunya Undated a; May, S. 2011). Despite the attack on linguistic diversity,
Catalan was still spoken at home; despite this, it has been suggested that by 1960 Catalan
was no longer the majority language of the region. The Census taken across Cinturó De
Barcelona [Commuter belt] suggested that approximately 54% could not understand
Catalan (Dowling, A 2013:500). The repression of language was so extreme that even after
Franco’s death in 1975 it was a year before the first newspaper in Catalan emerged
(Vallverdú, F. 1984). This forty year period of cultural and linguistic oppression clearly took
its toll on the Catalan population. Franco’s death resulted in the revival of the Monarchy and
allowed Spain to become a ‘parliamentary and democratic state’ (Vallverdú, F. 1984)
resulting in laws designed to protect those that had been persecuted during the
dictatorship.
A Decentralised Democratic Spain
1978 Constitution
It has been suggested that the 1978 Spanish constitution was the foundation for a
successful democratisation of Spain; the use of a decentralising strategy was required to
meet the needs that had been suppressed within the historical regions (Engel, L, 2008). The
new constitution allowed for a legal distribution of territorial powers amongst different

14
regions (Pereyra, M 2002) and enabled limited autonomy to the historical regions of the
Basque country, Catalonia and Galicia (Magone, J. 2009). The importance of this was
emphasised during the creation of the constitution as it was understood that the ‘imposition
of some over others’ must be circumvented and coincided with the need for recognition of
linguistic and cultural diversity (Martinez-Herrera, E & Jeffery Miley, T. 2010). These
considerations could be attributed to the oppression that was prevalent during the
authoritarian regime and the need to prevent history repeating itself; Heywood (Cited in
Engel, 2008) draws attention to the fact that nearly one tenth of the 1978 constitution
discusses regional issues which led to the recreation of the Statutes of Autonomy. Once the
constitution was completed and approved by The Cortes, the legislature of Spain, in a bid to
further the change into a democratic system, it was put to a country wide referendum. In
1978 a democratic majority across Spain of 87% voted for acceptance; within the Catalan
turnout 91% voted in favour (Magone, J. 2009). The use of a referendum allowed for the
reintroduction of democratic procedures to becomes the norm. Whilst a large proportion of
the constitution is focused on allowing regional autonomy it is important to note that Article
2 emphasises that:
‘The Constitution is based on the indissoluble unity of the Spanish
Nation, the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards; it
recognises and guarantees the right to self-government of the
nationalities and regions of which it is composed and the solidarity
among them all.’ (Congreso de los Diputados, 1979:6)
The concession of self-governance to different regions shows to what extent the Spanish
government were willing to decentralise the state. By returning limited powers of autonomy
to the historical regions, that had previously experienced self-governance, it allowed for an
understanding that the central state was not willing to return to an authoritarian regime
again. Magone suggested that allowing the ‘estado de autonomias’ [state of autonomies] to
be created was a compromise devised in order to placate Francoist elites that were
concerned about the unity of Spain deteriorating (2009). In order to reinforce the unity of
the country the constitution stated that Castilian would remain the official language but

15
would protect other Spanish languages, within their geographical locations, as long as it
coincided with the regions statute of autonomy (Miller, H & Miller, K. 1996).
1979 Statute of Autonomy
In order to decentralise the state, whilst maintaining unity, laws were required to outline
the redistribution of powers as some would remain exclusive to the state, others would be
exclusive to the autonomous community and other responsibilities would be shared
between the two (Engel, 2008). Aja defines statutes of autonomy as ‘organic laws that
outline policy functions and financial resources of the Spanish regions, and defines their
relationship with the central state’ (2003 cited in Muro, D. 2009). Throughout the
completion of the constitution the historically autonomous regions, such as The Basque
Country and Catalonia, were preparing their statute proposals. The assembly of
parliamentarians – led by the main left wing parties in Catalonia, the PSC-PSOE (Partit dels
Socialistes de Catalunya) and the PSUC (Partit Socialista Unifacat de Catalunya), were
working towards creating a draft that would later be negotiated and become the new
Statute of Autonomy for Catalonia (Martinez-Herrera, E & Jeffery Miley, T. 2010). In order to
become an autonomous community within the newly democratic Spain there were two
avenues available: article 151 of the constitution empowered regions that had experienced
historical autonomy with the right to a ‘fast track’ process - enabling a higher level of
autonomy in comparison to other regions; whereas article 143 allowed for other regions to
apply for a lower level of autonomy - as long as strict conditions were met (Requejo, F.
2010, Engel, L. 2008) and adjusted accordingly.
Due to the prohibition of the Catalan language and culture during Franco’s dictatorship
there was a concentrated focus on re-establishing the vernacular language in the
community. When drafting the Catalan Statute of Autonomy, the official use and protection
of their language was essential and helped to foster goodwill between Catalonia and the
state. Subsequently, the agreed upon document stated that Catalan was their ‘la llengua
propia’ [own language]; despite this being the case within the region, Castilian is the official
language of Spain: ‘The Generalist will guarantee the normal and official use of both
languages, will adopt whatever measures are deemed necessary to ensure both languages
are known…’ (Miller, H Miller K. 1996). By ensuring that unity with the central government

16
was preserved, it enabled for the normalisation of Catalan to be safeguarded within
legislation. Once completed, the document was negotiated with the constitutional
commission and later put to referendum; of the 60% turnout there was a majority vote of
88% in support of the new statute. By 1979 Catalonia and The Basque Country had their
own levels of autonomy (Martinez-Herrera, E Jeffery Miley, T 2010). During the 1980s there
were a series of proposals and referendums for statutes of autonomy across Spain; in
addition to the historic regions previously mentioned a high level of autonomy was granted
to: Galicia, Andalusia, Navarre, The Canary Islands, and Valencia whilst a lower level of
autonomy was given to a further ten regions. In 1990 the remaining ten communities had
met the strict conditions, and reached the higher levels of autonomy through a transfer law
and reform of their statues (Requejo, F. 2010). This resulted in further decentralisation of
the state.
Catalan Statute Reform
José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero was elected as the Spanish Prime Minister in 2004 as a
member of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE); during his time in this role there was
a concentrated effort made by Catalonia to amend their statute to adjust key areas that
were had become less suitable over time. During 2004, the Institut d’Estudis Autonomics
(IEA) compiled a report focusing on areas of the previous Statute of Autonomy that needed
to be reformed; this report helped to influence the movement that was emerging across the
region (May, S. 2011). The Catalan people requested restructuring of three key areas. Firstly,
the recognition of Catalonia as a nation - with increased recognition of languages and
symbols of nationalism. Secondly, further decentralisation was requested to allow for a
higher level of self-governance, awarding greater protection from the central government
interference of exclusive areas of governance within the region, as well as increasing
governance within areas of education. Thirdly, the financial agreement between the two
governments required restructuring as the current policy was resulting in monetary loss for
Catalonia. The debt owed from the central state resulted in a fiscal deficit of approximately
7 - 9 % of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per year within Catalonia (Colino, C. 2009: May, S.
2011: Muro, D 2009: Requejo, F. 2010).

17
After an extended period of deliberation the draft was completed by the regional
government; approval was gained in 2005 with a majority of 120 of 135 deputies within the
regional parliament. Despite the majority vote, The Partido Popular [Popular Party – PP]
voted against the reform on the grounds that it was unconstitutional and undermined the
unity of Spain. To become an Organic Law it required the approval of the Parliamentary
Constitutional Commission in Madrid - amendments were made in order to ensure it was in
compliance with the 1978 constitution (Muro, D.2009). Regarding the three key areas, the
constitutional court was not willing to allow Catalonia to levy its own taxes through their
own tax agency but they did compromise with a better financial deal than previously
experienced. Recognising Catalonia as a nation was deemed unconstitutional; the
compromise made resulted in the preamble of the new statute acknowledging their desire
to be referred as one and enabled greater recognition for symbolic representations of
nationality - such as the Catalan national anthem and flag. Finally, some areas of greater
self-governance were allowed, such as a greater focus on language within the region (Muro,
D. 2009: Requejo, F. 2010). Whilst it was not quite what the Catalan people had hoped for it
was a better deal than they had originally had. The final 2006 reform was approved with 189
votes to 154 and later put to referendum and approved with 74% of votes (Muro, D. 2009).
It is important to consider that the desires of the Catalan people for the reform were not
fully agreed upon but the resulting compromise between the two governments allowed for
greater cohesion between the two. Despite the reform being authorised within the central
government, the debate surrounding the topic resulted in political tension across Spain.
Almost immediately the PP lodged a complaint and it was referred to the Spanish
Constitutional Court, resulting in a four year debate. Key areas were overturned due to
being unconstitutional; any mention of nationhood was removed from the statute and it
refused to allow the vernacular language to be referred to as the regions ‘only proper
language’, its status changed to the ‘main language’ used for administration and local media
(May, S. 2011). To look as this result critically Colino suggested that the central government
was forced into complying with certain the desires of the autonomous region due to
political pressures and circumstances at the time (2009). The removal of any mention of
nationhood, alongside the reduction of the importance of the Catalan language, could be
interpreted as a way of preserving the unity of the country. Many autonomous regions had

18
begun applying for greater levels of autonomy, but for a region with a history of cultural and
linguistic suppression it created further doubts about the progression of Spanish democracy.
The Independence Debate
The long term debate surrounding the Statute reform can be attributed towards the growth
of the pro-independence movement within Catalonia; considering the constitutional process
was followed by the Catalan government, approved by the state and ratified by referendum
it is no surprise that the later amendments have created a wider issue in regards to the
countries unity (Dowling, A 2009; Guibernau, M 2013). During 2006 and 2007, shortly after
the PP lodged the complaint, two mass demonstrations for the pro-independence
movement occurred - these demonstrations emphasised the frustration over this situation
and the extent to which the movement was developing (Dowling, A. 2009). Once the
decision was reached in 2010 a demonstration of over one million people occurred in
Barcelona to protest the amendments to the 2006 Statute of Autonomy (Guibernau, M
2013) Refusal for further decentralisation is another issue that is central to the increasing
popularity of this movement; the central state is able to create Organic Laws that must be
applied across all autonomous communities – these can be used in a way that undermines
regions government powers. The introduction of education laws, such as the LOMCE, is an
example of this. Not only is this seen as a way of interfering within regional laws but it has
been suggested to be a way of implementing recentralising policies that are financed by the
autonomous regions (Engel, L 2008; Requejo, F 2010). The impact of the financial
agreement is another area of contention; the fiscal deficit has become more prominent in
Catalonia and the refusal to allow control of financial responsibilities, like The Basque
Country and Navarrete are able to, has provoked dissent within the region (Engel, L 2008;
Martinez-Herrera, E & Jeffery Miley, T. 2010; Requejo, F 2010; Guibernau, M 2013).
Guibernau suggests that Catalonia are paying 19.40% of the overall taxes within Spain whilst
only receiving 14.03% back for investment within the region, she suggests that this leaves
Catalonia in a worse position financially than some of the poorer Spanish regions that are
subsidised by the state funds (2013) This financial strain it is becoming increasingly
discussed in relation to the benefits of leaving Spain. Furthermore, there is a desire to
engage within international policy but the central government is not willing to allow

19
Catalonia to participate in more than an indirect manor (Engel, L 2008). This results in a
restriction on progression at an international level (Requejo, F 2010). This would be
essential if independence was to occur, as they would no longer be a part of the European
Union (EU).
In 2009 the first unofficial vote on independence occurred in Arenys de Munt (Catalan News
Agency, 2014) and continued with 166 Catalan cities and towns holding symbolic
referendums (Dowling, A, 2009; Guibernau, 2013); this could be interpreted as the
beginning of the pro-independence movement, as legally they are considered to be
unconstitutional. These referendums are designed to promote awareness on a global scale
for the desire to leave Spain. It is essential to take into consideration the fact that the
Spanish constitution automatically makes the referendums illegal - unless authorised by the
central government. Article 2 states that ‘the country is based on upon the indissoluble
unity of the nation…’ [emphasis added] and reinforces this within Article 8 by stating that
the ‘Army’s mission is to guarantee the sovereignty and independence of Spain, to defend
its integrity and the constitutional set up’ (Guibernau, M. 2013; Guibernau, M et al. 2014),
leaving Catalonia without the legal right to decide their fate. Moreover, Article 155 of the
constitution could result in the dissolution of the regional government and legal action
being taken against those in the government (Muro, D 2009). On the Catalan national day in
2011 and 2012 1.5 million people demonstrated their desire to vote for or against
independence; this increased to 1.6 million in 2012 and in 2013 1.6 million demonstrators
created a 400 km human chain from the north to the south (Guibernau, M. 2013;
Guibernau, M et al. 2014). These demonstrations could be seen as what prompted Artur
Mas, the Catalan Prime Minister, to call for a region wide referendum - despite the legality
of it; of the 2,250,000 individuals that voted, 80% voted in favour of independence (The
Guardian, 2014). The Spanish government declared this act as unconstitutional and
threatened to suspend the autonomy of Catalonia as well as threatening to charge Artur
Mas with encouraging dissent against the unity of Spain (Guibernau, M et al 2014). It has
been theorised that a possible outcome of successful independence of Catalonia could
result in negative issues for Spain; (Oskam, J 2014) this could be due to the collective threat
of independence bids, from other autonomous regions, as this could result in the dissolution
of Spain.

20
The Role of Education
National education systems can be a powerful influence when it comes to social cohesion,
national identities and promoting regional languages (Guibernau, M 2007). This is why
education became such an important aspect of the decentralisation of Spain during the shift
to democracy. This chapter shall focus upon important education reforms from Franco’s
dictatorship to present day; these shall be analysed in respect to the political history of the
country and the modern day tensions of independence in Catalonia.
An Elitist Education System
During Franco’s reign national schools were used to suppress minority languages; during the
majority of his dictatorship children could be punished for using regional languages,
teachers were at risk of being fired for using them, and teaching resources in regional
languages were destroyed. It has been suggested that these strict rules were used in an
attempt to ensure the children of Catalonia were ‘Castilianised’ (Mc Nair, J. 1980:34). The
historical persecution of minority language has resulted in the Catalan language being such
integral part of the Catalan education system. Within any regime there is a political and
economic principle behind education; the political context has been described as using the
education systemto instil core values, such as obedience to the state and development of
national loyalty, resulting in a reinforcement of the legitimacy of those in power (Mc Nair, J
1980). The economic function of education in this context was the desire to produce highly
skilled elites, rather than educating the mass population (Hanson, E. 2000). For the majority
of Franco’s time in power, the education systemcatered for the elites of Spanish society;
the control of the national schools was in power of the church - resulted in an unfair focus
on the wealthier areas, leading to rural areas not being sufficiently provided for (Boyd-
Barrett, O 1995; Fiske, E. 1996 Hanson, E. 2000). Lack of funding for mass education was
consistent during the dictatorship. This is evident from World Bank data; during this period
of elitist education there was a policy of low taxation, providing tax breaks to the upper
class, resulting in exceptionally low funding of education (Hanson, E 2000). During 1975 the
OECD average for Gross Domestic Product (GDP) spending on education was 5.1% - Spain
was only investing 1.78% of its GDP on the education system whilst the African average was

21
4.1% GDP. This underfunding emphasises the lack of importance placed upon this area
(Hanson, E. 2000; Payne, S. 2011) and resulted in a stagnation of the education system.
The General Education Act
Conversely, during the final years of his regime there was an attempted shift towards mass
education rather than the elitismthat had prevailed. It could be argued that this was due to
the economic needs of Spain. In 1970 Ley General de Educación [The General Education Act]
was implemented across the country; this attempted to modernise the education systemby
introducing: free compulsory education to those between the ages of 6 and 14 years old,
increased focus on pre-school education; and teaching qualification status was increased to
teacher-training courses and higher education (Boyd-Barrett, O 1995; O’Malley, P 1995;
Hanson, E 2000). Interestingly, this particular education reform proposed for regional
languages to be taught, for three hours a week, as an optional subject (Mc Nair, J. 1980;
O’Malley, P 1995; Davila Balsera, P. 2005), this could be interpreted as an attempt to placate
the regions that had been subjugated. The proposal was contested in The Cortes and the
financial plan for the Education Act was revoked; the result being a slow implementation
that was critiqued as being ‘mainly inoperable’ (O’Malley, P 1995).
Democracy and Education
Once Franco’s dictatorship ended the 1978 Constitution and the 1979 Statute of Autonomy
came into effect and there was a shift of control of the education systemto the Catalan
government (Pereyra, M 2002; Hanson, E. 2000). Article 15 of the Statute states that
‘education in its full scope, at all levels and grades’ is the responsibility of the Catalan
government but the central state shall be responsible for constitutional safeguards and
inspection (Mc Nair, J. 1980:37). Once implemented there was a focus upon establishing
‘Escola Catalana’ [Catalan schools] that were operated by Catalan people, where the
language of instruction was Catalan (Mc Nair, J. 1980; Davila Balsera, P. 2005) in
concentrated effort for linguistic revival through immersion of the next generation
(Generalitat de Catalunya, 2015 a). The decentralisation of education control was possible
due to the introduction of ‘minimum academic responsibilities’; this law, passed by the
Ministry of Education (MEC), stated that 65 % of the curriculum in all schools would be

22
selected by the central government – 55% if the region had a vernacular language.
Therefore, allowing discretion of some curriculum design for autonomous communities. The
purpose of the minimums being, transferability between schools, with few curriculum based
problems for pupils (Hopson, R. et al 2008; Hanson, E. 2000). The political ideologies of the
left and right wing parties can shift the purpose of education; the left was emphasising
equal educational opportunities - regardless of socioeconomic backgrounds, with greater
parental participation. In comparison, the right was concerned creating publically funded
private schools, management efficiency, and preservation of cultural unity (Hanson, E 2000).
Catalan Linguistic Laws
Since the 1980s Catalonia has implemented language laws to promote and secure the use of
the vernacular language as well as Catalan unity (Engel, L, & Ortloff, D 2009).The original
Language Planning Law was implemented in 1983 after a majority vote in the parliament of
Catalonia; the Consortium for Linguistic Standardization designed this policy to increase the
use of Catalan within local government and as the language of instruction in education
(Newman et al 2008; Generalitat de Catalunya, 2015). The idea behind the new legal
framework was: to enable children before the age of seven to be taught in their mother
tongue, regardless of which language this is, to declare Catalan the specific language of
teaching, to prevent segregation of children based on linguistic differences, and to ensure
that all students completed basic education with a good knowledge of both languages
(Hugert, A 2006; May, S; Generalitat de Catalunya, 2015 a). This change required strategies
to be put into place to ensure that all teachers, working with children seven years and
under, were able to speak both languages (Hugert, A. 2006) For those pupils with Castilian
as their first language, linguistic immersion programmes were designed during the 1980s to
enable them to successfully participate within a bilingual education systemand to promote
a wider use of the language throughout society (Roller, E. 2002; Huger, A. 2006; Generalitat
de Catalunya, 2015a). Between the academic year of 1978-79 Catalan was used as the
language of instruction in approximately 2% of school; by 1995-96 it was used in four out of
five schools (Vann, R 1999). These figures show the success of the linguistic laws and the
immersion model. By ensuring that Catalan became the language of instruction it changed
the status of Catalan from just another subject to an integral part of the system (Hugert, A.
2006; Xavier, V. Moreon 2011). Despite the effort made to ensure equal rights for those

23
with different vernacular languages the linguistic policy was contested by the central
government; this resulted in it being examined and discussed at length by The
Constitutional Tribunal between 1984-1987 (Roller, E 2002). Regardless of the scrutiny this
linguistic policy was in action, until 1998, when it was updated with a more extensive policy.
The Law of Linguistic Policy was designed to raise Catalan to the same status of Castilian
within the region, and remains in use today, as well as promoting unity within the Catalonia.
The updated policy is more extensive - with the focal point being extending the use of
Catalan within the public and private sectors; the change of focus was due to the clear
success of normalisation in education (Vann, R 1999; Roller, E 2002; Generalitat de
Catalunya, Undated b; Boix-Fuster E 2001). To contextualise the importance of linguistic law
within Catalonia a historical understanding is imperative; it has been theorised that
language policies, such as this, are designed to combat the effects of migration,
globalisation and state-imposed homogenisation (Roller, E. 2002). When this is considered
in relation to the cultural and linguistic oppression, during the Franco regime, it can be seen
as a definitive way of preserving a minority language. Despite this, it has been critiqued for
being unconstitutional as it had possibly become discriminatory towards non-Catalan
individuals. Whilst the update policy was sent to the Ombudsman, unlike the 1983 law, it
was not sent to the constitutional Tribunal for evaluation (Roller, R 2002; Vann, R 1999).
Creating Education Equality
Education systems are shaped through multiple reforms, dictated by the ideologies of the
political parties in power. The overlaying of several ideological approaches through time,
changes the landscape of education considerably (Martens et al 2014). These ideologies sit
on different sides of the spectrum depending on whether or not left or right wing parties
are designing education reforms. In 1982 the left wing Spanish Socialist Workers Party
(PSOE) gained an absolute majority within congress (Pollack, B 1983; Magone, J 2009); in
education reform the left wing ideology was focused upon removing elitismthrough an
emphasis of equal educational opportunities - regardless of socioeconomic background. A
focus on expanding access to high quality education and improving the efficacy and skills of
teaching staff was essential (Hanson, E 2000). The PSOE passed three key reforms during

24
their 14 years in power: The Organic Act on the Right to Education (LODE), Law on the
General Organization of the Education System (LOGSE), and The Organic Law Regulating the
Participation, Evaluation and Governance of Schools (Hanson, E 2000; Boyd-Barrett, O &
O’Malley, P 1995).
In 1985 the LODE was passed; this key policy guaranteed the legal right to education for all,
allowing the system to move away from its legacy of elitism. A focused approach enabled
further decentralisation to autonomous communities through the creation of regional
councils with locally elected members (Carabaña, J 1988 Maravall, J 1995: Hanson, E 2000;
Werner, L 2008). The LOGSE has been described as the most controversial, yet crucial,
reform of the three; the compulsory education age was increased from 14 years of age to
16, teacher training was refined and curriculum content was restructured to allow for
flexibility and further decentralisation for autonomous regions (Ministerio de Educacion y
Ciencia. 1990; Hanson, E 2000; Werner, L 2008; Ross C et al 2008); it can be argued that the
premise for these decisions was to maximise the impact of education. The reforms were
designed to be implemented on a yearly basis, from 1990 to 2001, to allow for a smooth
transition. Whilst many aspects of this reform was deemed to be controversial (Ross C et al
2008), Hanson describes the new financial obligations of this law to be the most debated
aspect; despite the uncertainty that the economy could support this legislation it was
deemed that ‘the state shall provide the education systemas a whole with the necessary
financial resources to fulfil what is established herein’ (2000:27). This continuous financial
responsibility resulted in an increase of spending per student between 1990 to 1995 of 33%
in primary education and 25% in secondary education (OECD, 1999). The 1995 LOPEGCE was
designed with further decentralisation strategies - granting further autonomy in the
financial and administration authority; whilst focusing upon continuous improvement in the
equality and quality provisions of education (Hanson, E 2000).
Education as a Political Tool
In 1993 the PSOE lost the majority in Congress; after the 1996 elections the right wing
Peoples Party (PP) gained control, with only three autonomous regions remaining under
PSOE governance (Hanson, E 2000; Magone, J 2009). These elections created controversy as

25
education became a political tool in which to attack the opposition; the PSOE linked the PP
ideologies to the of the Franco era, whilst the PP insinuated that the efforts to create
educational equality reduced the systemto its ‘lowest common denominator’(Hanson, E
2000; Ross, C et al 2008). The PP government was required by law to continue with the
LOGSE reform; in 1997 it was announced that whilst education responsibility would be
transferred to the regional governments, national funding would not be issued as originally
planned. Funding from central and regional governments had been 87% to 13% in 1981 but
by 1999 this changed to 51% to 49%; the amendment to funding plans resulted in increases
and decreased of regional investment in education (Hanson, E 2000) and created a strain on
the development of regional education.
The PP Education Minister, Esperanza Aguire, expressed concerns that regional communities
had been awarded to much discretion in the teaching content for the humanities subjects
through the LOGSE; due to ‘the minimums’ of central to regional control the PP announced
a legitimate revision of the curriculum for the humanities subject, such as: History, Culture,
and Spanish Language (Balfour, S 2004; Hanson, E 2000). These revisions limited
autonomous regions interpretations of historical events and amended language, such as
‘the period of the dictatorship’ to the ‘era of Franco’; for those within regions that suffered
cultural persecution, this was seen as unacceptable censoring of historical events (Hanson, E
2000; Ross, C et al 2008). Esperanza Aguirre also attempted to inforce policy requiring
regional textbooks to be examined at ‘for informative reasons’ by the centre; this resulted in
much dissension as it was described as a political move comparable to the centralist attitude
of the 1950s (Balfour, S 2004; Hanson, 2000). Due to its controversial nature it was debated
by the Congress of Deputies and rejected with 181 votes to 151 (Hanson, E 2000; Magone, J
2009). This failed policy can be related to the political significance of education; Roller
suggests that the emphasis on humanity subjects, such as History, can be utilized to
promote a sense of state unity through reinforcing a shared history (2002). Considering the
use of education as a conformity tool during the Franco era; the protest of regional
communities is understandable. The central government had strived to create national unity
through decentralisation and democratic reform; this policy had the potential to threaten
that unity. The interference of the central government, in education affairs appear to be an

26
ongoing issue; the latest organic law of education (LOMCE) appears to further the previous
Education Ministers ideology.
The Education Law (LOE)
During the 2004 elections the PP lost majority and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, of the
PSOE, became Spanish Prime Minister. Zapatero revoked a PP education reform that
separated children to either a vocational or academic route; as the PSOEs ideology strongly
stood for equal opportunities for all, rather than segregation due to abilities, there was a
return to a left wing education model (Magone, J 2009). Ley Orgánica Educación [The
Spanish Education Law] LOE was introduced in 2006 under the PSOE; with many of the
ideals similar to that of the LOGSE reform it can be considered an updated version - based
on the education systems current needs (OECD, 2007; Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia
2006). There were three main underlying principles to the LOE: increasing overall education
quality, ensuring all members of the education community work together to strive towards
higher quality, and a commitment to meeting the targets set by the EU (Ministerio de
Educación y Ciencia 2006). Quality assurance was required to reduce high dropout rates, as
well as those leaving education with no formal qualification; a focus on improving the
system and producing quality education was achieved by increasing collaboration within the
education community – from students to administrators - to elevate the quality through
hard work, resource provision and greater community involvement (OECD, 2007; Ministerio
de Educación y Ciencia 2006). The third goal was to meet the EU targets for increasing
social cohesion and economic growth through education; ensuring development of: skills for
a knowledge based economy, lifelong learning, and improved teacher training was key
(Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia 2006; OECD, 2007; Engel, L, & Ortloff, D (2009).
The Organic Law on the Improvement of the Quality of Education (LOMCE)
The 2011 Spanish elections resulted in an absolute majority for the PP, with them gaining
186 seats of 350 (Bosco, A Verney, S 2014). This absolute majority allowed for the
implementation of a contested and controversial education reform; despite the fact that the

27
PP was the only party in favour approved was granted in 2013 and The Organic Law on the
Improvement of the Quality of Education (LOMCE) was implemented during the 2014-15
academic year (Cobano-Delgado, V 2015, European Commission 2014). The overarching aim
is to improve upon aspects of the LOE reform, particularly areas of education that are
considered a concern; high dropout rates and students leaving education, without a basic
compulsory education diploma, are two areas of focus. In order to combat these further
assessments and vocational routes were initiated in order to provide a smoother transition
into the labour market (European Commission 2014). It has been suggested that this reform
has an overarching philosophy of state-centralising as it reduced the competencies of
autonomous communities (Alexanian, A Sales Gutierrez, L 2014); the central government
was given greater control of the curriculum design for subjects considered to be of greater
academic importance, such as History, but it has been suggested that this infringes upon the
autonomous communities shared rights of curriculum design (Generalitat de Catalunya 2015
b; Guillespie, R Gray, C 2015). School councils had their authority removed and were
reduced to an advisory board; this authority was transferred to head teachers, this was
interpreted as removing the democratic nature that had been developing within the
education system(Cobano-Delagado, V 2015).
Furthermore, it has been suggested that the constitutional rights of the autonomous
regions, especially those with a language other than Castilian, are being contradicted by the
centralist design of the LOMCE; the most controversial and contested area is the
introduction of a compulsory increase to teach 25% of the curriculum in Castilian - if a family
requests it (Generalitat de Catalunya 2015b; Gallego-Balsa, L Corona, V 2016). This resulted
in families being able to choose a school based on the main language of instruction,
whereas the linguistic immersion model of Catalonia prevents linguistic segregation of
pupils (Generalitat de Catalunya 2015b; Guillespie R Gray C 2015; Gallego-Balsa, L Corona, V
2016). There have been repeated appeals based upon the unconstitutional nature of the
reform (Cobano-Delgado, V 2015); central interference in linguistic organisation, which
should come under the authority of the autonomous region, is highly contested (Síndic de
Greuges, 2014). There have been cases in Mataro and Sant Cugat del Valles where this
legislation was protested by schools but later forced by the constitutional court (Gallego-
Balsa, L Corona, V 2016). If a school cannot provide the 25% minimum in Castilian, it is the

28
responsibility of the autonomous regions government to pay up to €6,000 for that pupil to
attend a private school that can (Síndic de Greuges, 2014; Generalitat de Catalunya 2015 b);
this has the potential to create financial strain within autonomous regions. When the PPs
Education Minister, José Ignacio Wert Ortega, discussed the LOMCE he informed the public
that it was essential to ‘hispanicize’ children in order to make them as proud of being
Spanish as they are about being Catalan (Catalan News Agency, 2012; Gallego-Balsa, L
Corona, V 2016). Considering the history of linguistic and cultural oppression it is not
surprising that autonomous regions were aggrieved by this policy; Gallego-Balsa and Corona
suggested that it can be seen as a monoglot nationalist ideology that could have occurred
due to the fear of losing central power (2016). In light of the growing pro-independence
movement that is occurring in Catalonia this could be looked at from two perspectives; Wert
could have been trying to curtail this through creating central nationalism through
education. However, from the Catalan perspective this could be perceived as a return to a
Francoist attitude from the central government.

29
Analysis of Findings
Nationalism and Education
Throughout history, education has been used as a way of guiding the masses, through the
teaching of core beliefs that favour those in power (Mc Nair, J: 1980). Napoleon once said:
‘…If a child is not taught from infancy that he ought to be a republican or
monarchist, a catholic or a freethinker, the state will not constitute a nation;
it will rest on uncertain and shifting foundations; and it will be constantly
exposed to disorder and change' (citied in Clots-Figueras, I Masella, P. 2013:332).
This is particularly interesting when examined alongside the political history of Spain –
especially within the Catalan context. From the dictatorship of Franco to the present day,
there is evidence of education being employed as a political tool to shape the masses into a
united country. Franco’s regime emphasised this through the cultural and linguistic
suppression of minority groups (May, S 2011; Vallverdu, F 1984). Anderson proposed that
nationalist ideology is disseminated through media, administration and education
(Anderson, B 2006); during the state building process, Franco engaged all three mediums
against regions such as Catalonia. Minority languages were particularly targeted, but why?
Languages are capable of uniting individuals as they create a sense of oneness within a
group of people, especially when combined with a similar culture – Anderson refers to this
phenomenon as an imagined community (2006). More commonly, an imagined community
can be described as a nation or a sense of nationalism - but how do you define a nation?
Guibernau suggests that nations are communities that have similar attributes such as
language, culture and common beliefs (2007).
Evidently, language has been a key focus for nationalist building policies within Spain and
Catalonia; Franco’s oppression of the Catalan language, combined with the importance
placed upon Castilian, has been theorised as a way of ensuring the Catalan people became
‘Castilianised’(Mc Nair, J 1980). This tactic was employed to ensure the unity of Spain within
a centralised regime. After democracy was established, Catalonia was free to promote

30
language and culture with the protection of the constitution and the Statute of Autonomy;
whilst promotion of Catalan was a key focus to this, the language immersion model ensured
that students were not segregated due to linguistic differences. Students learnt Castilian
and Catalan throughout their education as this enabled a sense of unity and community
amongst Catalan and Spanish youths -rather than continuing the divide of created during
the dictatorship. Whilst the modern context is a democratic state - where laws are no longer
enforced with brute strength - there are still similarities to be found within recent education
policies. The controversial LOMCE is a prime example; the PP Education Minister Wert
discussed the need to increase the focus of the Castilian language within autonomous
regions (Catalan News Agency, 2012). Despite opposition, the central government enacted a
law that supersedes the rights given to Catalonia within their Statute of Autonomy (Cabano-
Dealgado, V 2015); this act does not follow the democratic nature of the new political
system – especially considering the linguistic immersion model has promoted the rights of
both languages. Enforcement of this policy has been legally ensured through financial
stipulations that are enacted if the conditions are not met. It was the public reference to the
desire to ‘hispanicize’ Catalan pupils that caused much controversy (Gallego-Balsa, L Corona,
V 2016); considering past experiences, it is understandable that it was protested against
within the region. The question here is not why it was protested, but why was it designed
and implemented in the first place? The independence movement may be a factor in this
decision; whilst the LOMCE was designed in 2013, for a few years previous, there had been
increasingly publicised demonstrations emphasising the desire to secede from Spain. As
Catalonia is one of the wealthiest regions, it would not be financially ideal for the central
government (Hargreaves, J 2012). Furthermore, as Catalonia is only one of seventeen
autonomous communities, it is possible that additional regions could request independence
(Oskam, J 2014). Anderson’s theory of ‘official nationalism’ can be applied here; the concept
being that the ruling body will implement policy which protects its self-interest (2007:159).
The constitution is built upon ‘the indissoluble unity of the nation’ (Guibernau, M 2013;
Guibernau, M et al 2014); the illegality to request independence from the central state
means that the issue can be circumvented for some time. Therefore, the desire to make
youths as proud of being Spanish, as they are to be Catalan, could be interpreted as a
preventative strategy to minimise the continuation of this debate.

31
Print capitalismhas been suggested to be a key factor in the creation of imagined
communities; mass distribution of literature written in ‘languages of power’ results in the
continuation of language and its ability to unite groups (Anderson, B 2007). Franco’s
targeting of media, literature, and educational resources, written in a vernacular other than
Castilian, can be ascribed to the enforced nationalism that he attempted to proliferate. The
failed education policy of the 90s, that requested the examination of local resources, has
been discussed as a centralistic attitude that is reminiscent of Francoist thinking (Hanson, E
2000). Despite the rejection of this policy, it highlights the attitude of some within the
central government, the interference of the autonomous regions authority can be seen as a
long term issue within the country. Whilst a central government is legally within their right
to intervene within certain areas of education - consideration and negotiation should have
been employed due to the historical context of the country. When the relatively recent
history of the country shows horrendous acts of persecution against particular
communities’, a delicate approach is required; this has not been the case in more recent
education policy and has exasperated many within Catalonia.
Democratisation of the country has resulted in shifts from left and right wing policies that
affect the entire country; education became a means in which to disparage the opposition in
elections. The PSOE linked the PP to the atrocities of Franco and the PP linked the
deterioration of the overall education system to the PSOE (Hanson, E 2000; Ross C et al
2008). This has resulted in a history of education policies being enacted and later revoked,
by the opposition, or undermined through financial restraints. Education is intrinsically
linked to politics, but has the use of education as a political tool undermined the value of
education? It is evident that there has been a concentrated effort to move away from the
legacy of elitist education towards equal opportunities for the masses but how successful
has the democratisation period been in reducing the resulting inequalities? Education has
been theorised as one of the most effective ways to promote social mobility, reduction of
lifelong inequalities and creating social cohesion (Woessmann, L 2008; Causa, O and
Chapuis, C 2009); the continuous conflict of education issues within Spain has not fostered
great cohesion between the central and regional communities – the desire for
independence and the lack of willingness to agree demonstrates this.
Inequality and Education

32
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) provides up to date statistics covering
a range of countries and their inequality levels using the interactive Human Development
Index (HDI), this allows for specific areas to be analysed in relation to each other. Figure 1
has been compiled using the HDI statistics for the inequality of education provision and
income inequalities within Spain.
Figure 1
(Data from Human Development report 2015: UNDP)
Whilst the data shows that Spain does not have the highest inequality levels, within these
two areas of focus, it is still relatively high in regards to many other developed countries.
The Spanish level of educational inequality is 5.2 - this places Spain in-between the USA,
with a result of 5.3 and Kyrgyzstan’s result of 5. The inequality level of income is much
higher than that of education; Spain’s level of 23.9 sits in-between Uruguay’s 24.2 and
Togo’s 23.5 (UNDP, 2016). These results indicate that the concentrated effort to reduce an
elitist attitude in education has been successful to some degree but this is undermined by
the income inequalities within the Spanish labour force. Whilst this data is representative of
the current Spanish situation what also needs to be taken into account is the economic
situation - as this can determine how education is funded and the benefits it can create for
citizens. At present unemployment rates are exceptionally high in Spain, with 24.2% of the
population out of work. Spanish unemployment is a staggering 16.9% higher than the
current OECD average of 7.3% and is currently the third highest unemployment rates of the

33
OECD countries (OECD, 2016). The high rates on income inequalities and unemployment
could suggest that the democratic decentralisation of the education systems has not been
fully successful. Without the jobs to employ those leaving the education systemthere is
little opportunity to achieve the social mobility that education should be designed for.
Overall Analysis
Combining the findings of the nationalism and education analysis, with the countries
inequality levels, provides a wider scope in which to determine whether or not Catalan
nationalism can coexist within the Spanish federalism. The continuous strain between the
two governments, combined with the financial restrictions placed upon Catalonia, have
increased and decreased over time. Overall tension has decreased since democracy and
decentralisation occurred, but there is a growing dissention within Catalonia that cannot be
ignored. Interference within education and language policies, as well as high taxation, is a
central driving force of this movement. The desire to be legally acknowledged as a nation,
and not just a community within a larger nation, will continue to grow if not dealt with in a
respectful manor from the central government. The continuous call for the right to decide
whether or not to remain within Spain shall not decrease until it has been legally authorised.
Whilst the non-binding referendum showed extreme support for the independence bid,
what needs to be considered is that if it came to a legally binding referendum, there is a
possibility that the results may differ. As the non-binding vote would not have a legal impact
on the regional situation, those against independence would not necessarily feel compelled
to vote; this may change if it was binding.
Based upon the central governments restrictive policies, surrounding both independence
and educational control, I feel that the evidence presented indicates that Catalan
nationalism cannot coexist within a Spanish federalism on a long term basis. This due to the
constant restraints put upon the authority of the regional governments surrounding
education; by engaging policies that are interfering with the democratic decentralisation of
Catalonia, the central government is adding fuel to an already burning fire. Catalonia
remained true to its sense of nationalismand imagined community despite the historical
atrocities of Franco and it is highly unlikely that educational control will remove this. Unless
the central government decide to once again restructure the agreements between the

34
regions, and stop enacting education laws that can supersede these agreements, the level of
dissent in Catalonia shall continue to grow. Whilst the transition into democracy can be seen
as mostly a success, there are still unfinished democratic tasks embedded within the current
education system.

35
Conclusion
The key finding of this report show that whilst democratisation of Spain and the
decentralisation of the education systemhas been successful, there are still areas within
education that require additional strategies. Education has been continuously used as a
political tool to further the ideologies of political parties in control. From dictatorship to
democracy, nationalism has been a key area of focus to promote unity throughout the
country. The consequences being complaint from both central and regional governments;
these complaints have resulted in Catalonia requesting independence whilst the central
state refuses to acknowledge this desire. Despite authority being given to regional
governments, it has reached a tension point where the central government has enacted
laws that minimise the agreed upon authority. Social cohesion of the country has the
possibility of rapidly declining if the situation is not addressed correctly.
Nationalist views within Catalonia have survived regardless of attempts to suppress them; it
can be concluded that by trying to reduce or remove this sense of identity, the central
government may have created the ‘emancipation nationalism’ that has developed within
Catalonia. It can be theorised that many within Catalonia believe that the central
government no longer have their best interest at heart; the consequence of this belief is
that the community no longer desires to remain with the central state - as it is detrimental,
rather than beneficial (Guibernau, 2013). This is emphasised through the increasingly
frequent demonstrations and illegal referendums that have been calling for independence.
The focus upon nationalistic ideologies, rather than overall quality, can be attributed the
inequalities faced within Spain. Rather than constantly creating reforms, revoking them, or
financially starving them, there should have been a focus on working together to ensure the
education systemwas as strong as possible.
The nature of this research is important due to the dissent created through the most recent
education reform; rather than fully focusing upon education quality, it once again was used
to enforce a centralist design upon a region that had been given the authority to control
linguistic access. For future research it shall be essential to allow the LOMCE a few years to
settle into the education system; this would enable a full picture of its consequences and
allow for a broader range of academic literature to analyse. Finally, it is important to note

36
that if these issues are not address there is a potential for backlash across the country.
Catalonian nationalism cannot coexist within a Spanish federalism as long as the federalism
continues to interfere with cultural or linguistic aspects.

37
References
Alexanian, A Sales Gutierrez, L (2014) ‘Mapping of the Legal Framework for Participation in
Barcelona’ [Online] Available from: http://www.parti-gemi.eu/download/activity-
mapping/Mapping_SURT_NATIONAL%20REPORT_SPAIN_FINAL.pdf [Accessed 10 May 2016]
Anderson, B (2006) Imagined Communities. 2nd Ed. London: Verso.
Balfour, S (2004) The Politics of Contemporary Spain. Oxon: Routledge
BERA (2011) ‘Ethical Guidelines for Educational Research’. [Online] Available from:
https://www.bera.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/BERA-Ethical-Guidelines-
2011.pdf?noredirect=1 [Accessed 19 May 2016]
Boix-Fuster E, Melia, J, Montoya J (2011) ‘Policies Promoting the use of Catalan in Oral
Communications and to Improve the Attitudes Towards the Language.’ In: Strubell, M. Boix-
Fuster, E. eds. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan: 150-179
Bosco, A Verney, S eds. (2014) Elections in Hard Times: Southern Europe 2010-11. Oxon:
Routledge.
Boyd-Barret, O O’Malley, P (1995) Education Reform In Democratic Spain. London:
Routledge.
Boyd-Barret, O (1995) ‘Education and the Languages of Spain.’ In Education Reform In
Democratic Spain. London: Routledge: p.204-225
Boyd-Barret, O (1995) ‘Structural Change and Curriculum reform in Democratic Spain.’ In
Education Reform In Democratic Spain. London: Routledge: p.6-24
Carabaña, J (1988) ‘Comprehensive education reforms in Spain, past and present: The
present education system as a product of past reforms’. European Journal of Education.
23(3): 213-228
Catalan News Agency (2012) ‘The Spanish Education Minister: “Our interest is to ‘Spanishise’
Catalan students”.’ Catalan News Agency. [Online] Available from:

38
http://www.catalannewsagency.com/society-science/item/the-spanish-education-minister-
our-interest-is-to-spanishise-catalan-students [Accessed 01 April 2015]
Catalan News Agency (2014) ‘Milestones in Catalonia's self-determination before 2012
massive pro-independence demonstration’ [Online] Available from:
http://www.catalannewsagency.com/politics/item/milestones-in-catalonia-s-self-
determination-before-2012-massive-pro-independence-demonstration [Accessed 01 May
2016]
Causa, O. and C. Chapuis (2009) ‘Equity in Student Achievement across OECD countries: An
Investigation of the Role of Policies’. OECD Economics Department Working Papers 708
Clots-Figueras, I Masella, P. (2013) ‘Education, Language and Identity’. The economic
Journal. 123: 332-357
Cobano-Delgado, V (2015) ‘Parent Participation in the Spanish School System: School
Councils’. International Education Studies. 8(11):156-161
Cohen, L Manion, L Morrison, K. (2011) Research Methods in Education. 7th Ed. London:
Routledge
Clots-Figueras, I Masella, P. (2013) ‘Education, Language and Identity’. The economic
Journal. 123: 332-357
Congreso de los Diputados. (1978) Constitution: 1978 [Online] Available from:
http://www.congreso.es/portal/page/portal/Congreso/Congreso/Hist_Normas/Norm/const
_espa_texto_ingles_0.pdf [Accessed 29 April 2016]
Colino, C (2009) ‘Constitutional Change Without Constitutional Reform: Spanish Federalism
and the Revision of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy’. The Journal of Federalism. 39(2): 262-
288
Darlaston-Jones, D (2007) ‘Making connections: The relationship between epistemology and
research methods’. The Australian Community Psychologist. 19 (1):19-26
Davila Balsera, P (2005) ‘The educational system and national identities: the case of Spain in
the twentieth century’. History of Education. 34(1):23-40

39
Dowling, A (2009) ‘Autonomistes, Catalanistes and Independentistes: politics in
contemporary Catalonia’. International Journal of Iberian Studies. 22 (3): 185-200
Dowling, A. (2013) ‘The Leading Role of the Party: Catalan Communism and the Franco
Regime, 1939- 1975’ European History Quarterly 43(3): 489-507
Engel, L (2008) ‘Breaking the centre-periphery mould: exploring globalisation and
educational governance in Catalonia.’ Globalisation, Societies and Education. 6(3):265-279
Engel, L, & Ortloff, D (2009) 'From the local to the supranational: curriculum reform and the
production of the ideal citizen in two federal systems, Germany and Spain'. Journal Of
Curriculum Studies. 41(2): 179-198
European Commission (2014) Education and Training Monitoring Report: Spain. [Online]
Available from: http://ec.europa.eu/education/tools/docs/2014/monitor2014-es_en.pdf
[Accesses 12 May 2016]
Fiske, E. (1996) ‘Decentralization of Education Politics and Consensus.’ [Online] Available
from:
http://www1.worldbank.org/publicsector/decentralization/Feb2004Course/Background%20
materials/Fiske.pdf [Accessed 09 May 2016]
Gallego-Balsa, L Corona, V (2016) ‘Language and education issues in global Catalonia.
Questions and debates across scales of time and space’. Language, Culture, Curriculum.
29(1):1-5
Generalitat de Catalunya (undated a) Generalitat de Catalunya: Attempt at ‘linguicide’
during Franco’s dictatorship [Online] Available from:
http://www20.gencat.cat/portal/site/culturacatalana/menuitem.be2bc4cc4c5aec88f94a971
0b0c0e1a0/?vgnextoid=23885c43da896210VgnVCM1000000b0c1e0aRCRD&vgnextchannel
=23885c43da896210VgnVCM1000000b0c1e0aRCRD&vgnextfmt=detall2&contentid=7de5ed
fc49ed7210VgnVCM1000008d0c1e0aRCRD&newLang=en_GB [Accesses: 29 November
2014]
Generalitat de Catalunya (Undated b) ‘Language and History: Recuperation and linguistic
integration policies’. [Online] Available from:
http://www.gencat.cat/culturcat/portal/site/culturacatalana/menuitem.be2bc4cc4c5aec88f

40
94a9710b0c0e1a0/en_GB/index6383.html?vgnextoid=23885c43da896210VgnVCM1000000
b0c1e0aRCRD&vgnextchannel=23885c43da896210VgnVCM1000000b0c1e0aRCRD&vgnextf
mt=detall2&contentid=2596edfc49ed7210VgnVCM1000008d0c1e0aRCRD&newLang=en_G
B [Accessed 11 May 2016]
Generalitat de Catalunya: Depatament d’Ensenyament (2015a) ‘Language in Catalan
Schools: a Model for Success’. [Online] Available from:
http://ensenyament.gencat.cat/web/.content/home/departament/publicacions/monografi
es/llengua-catalana-model-exit/llengua-catalana-model-exit-ANG.pdf [Accessed 07 May
2016].
Generalitat de Catalunya (2015b) ‘Chronicle of a Premeditated Offensive Report:
Consequences For The People Of Catalonia’ [Online] Available from:
http://www.catalangovernment.eu/pres_gov/estilos/government/pdf/CHRONICLE%20OF%
20A%20PREMEDITATED%20OFFENSIVE.pdf [Accessed 12 May 2016]
Grix, J (2002) ‘Introducing students to the generic terminology of social research.’ Politics
22(3):175-186
Guibernau, M. (2007) The Identity of Nations. Cambridge: Polity Press
Guibernau, M. (2012) ‘From Devolution to Secession: The Case of Catalonia’. In: Seymour,
M. and Gagnon, A. eds. Multinational Federalism: Problems and Prospects. Hampshire:
Palgrave Macmillan: p.149-171
Guibernau, M (2013) ‘Prospects for an Independent Catalonia’. International Journal of
Politics, Culture & Society. 27: 5-23
Guibernau, M (2014) ‘Introduction: A Special Section on Self-Determination and the Use of
Referendums: Catalonia, Quebec and Scotland’. International Journal of Politics, Culture &
Society. 27:1-3
Guillespie, R Gray, C. eds (2015) Contesting Spain? The Dynamics of Nationalist Movements
in Catalonia and the Basque Country (Europa Country Perspectives). Oxon: Routledge

41
The Guardian (2014) ‘Catalonia’s independence vote – illegal, and hopefully irresistible’
[Online] http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/nov/10/catalonia-
independence-referendum-example-to-world [Accessed 05 May 2016]
Hanson, E. World bank (2010) ‘Democratization and Education Decentralisation in Spain: A
twenty year Struggle for Reform.’ [Online] Available from:
http://web.worldbank.org/archive/website00238I/WEB/PDF/HANSON.PDF [Accessed 05
May 2016]
Hargreaves, J (2012) Freedom for Catalonia? Catalan Nationalism, Spanish Identity and the
Barcelona Olympic Games. 2nd Ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Hopson, K; Yeakey, C; Bakari, F. ed. (2008) Advances in education in diverse communities:
Research policy and praxis. Power, voice and the public good: schooling and education in
global societies. Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing.
Huguet, A (2006) ‘ Small Languages and small Communities’. International Journal of the
Sociology of Language, 2014. 230:141-144
Lincoln, YS Guba, EG (1985) Naturalistic Inquiry. Newbury Park CA: Sage Publication
Magone, J M. (2009) Contemporary Spanish Politics. 2nd Ed. Oxon: Routledge.
Maravall, J (1995) ‘The pre-history of education reform in Spain’ In: Boyd-Barrett O.
O’Malley, P. eds. Education Reform in Democratic Spain. London: Routledge: p.41-52
Masnou I Boixeda, R. (2002) Notes on Nationalism. Gloucester: Gracewing.
Marsh, D. Smith, M. (2001), ‘There is More Than One Way to do Political Science: On
Different Ways to Study Policy Networks’. Political Studies 49:528–541.
Martens, K. Knodel, P. Windzio, Michael (2014) eds. Transformations of the State:
Internationalization of Education Policy. A New Constellation of Statehood in Education?
Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan UK
Martinez-Herrera, E & Miley, T J. (2010) ‘The constitution and the politics of national
identity in Spain’. Nations and Nationalisms. 16(1):6-35

42
May, S. (2011), 'Language Rights: The 'Cinderella' Human Right', Journal Of Human Rights,
(10) 3: 265-289
Mc Nair, J (1980) ‘The contribution of the schools to the restoration of regional autonomy in
Spain’. Comparative Education. 16(1): 33-44
Miller H & Miller K. (1996) ‘Language Policy and Identity: the case of Catalonia.’
International Studies in Sociology of Education. 6(1): 113-128
Ministerio de Educacion y Ciencia (1990) ‘Preamble to LOGSE’ In: Boyd-Barrett O. O’Malley,
P. eds. Education Reform in Democratic Spain. London: Routledge: p.53-64
Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia (2006) ‘Organic Law of Education: Ley Orgánica de
Educación – LOE.’ [Online] Available from:
http://planipolis.iiep.unesco.org/upload/Spain/Spain_LOE_eng.pdf [Accessed: 12 May 2016]
Muro, D (2009) ‘Territorial Accommodation, Party Politics, and Statute Reform in Spain’.
South European Society and Politics. 14(4): 453-468
Newby, P (2010) ‘Research methods for Education’. Essex: Pearson Education Limited.
Newman, M. Trenchs-Parera, M. Ng, S (2008) ‘Normalizing bilingualism: The effects of the
Catalonian linguistic normalization policy one generation after’. Journal of
Sociolinguistics. 12(3):306-333
OECD (1999) ‘Education at a Glance 1998: OECD Indicators’ [Online] Available from:
http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/education/education-at-a-glance-1998_eag-1998-en
[Accessed: 10 May 2016]
OECD (2007) ‘School Leadership in Spain: OECD country background report’. [Online]
Available from: https://www.oecd.org/edu/school/38529289.pdf [Accessed: 12 May 2016]
OECD (2016) ‘Spain: Unemployment Rate’ [Online] Available from
https://data.oecd.org/unemp/unemployment-rate.htm [Accessed: 22 May 2016]
O’Malley, P (1995) ‘Turning Point: the 1970 Education Act.’ In Education Reform In
Democratic Spain. London: Routledge: p.25-31
Oskam, J (2014) ‘A new state in Europe? Scenarios for Catalan self-determination.’ Futures.
64:51-60

43
Payne, S. (1987) The Franco Regime, 1936–1975. London: The University of Wisconsin Press.
Pereyra, M (2002) ‘Changing Educational Governance in Spain: decentralisation and control
in the autonomous communities’. European Educational Research Journal. 1(4): 667-675
Pollack, B (1983) 'The 1982 Spanish General Election and Beyond’. Parliamentary Affairs,
36(2): 201-217
Requejo, F (2010) ‘Revealing the dark side of traditional democracies in plurinational
societies: [T1] the case of Catalonia and the Spanish ‘Estado de las Autonomias’. Nations and
Nationalism. 16(1): 148- 168
Roller, E (2002) ‘When does Language become Exclusivist? Linguistic Politics in Catalonia.’
National Identities. 4(3):273-289
Ross, C Richardson, B Sangrador-Vegas, B (2008) Contemporary Spain. 3rd Ed. Oxon:
Routledge
Síndic de Greuges (2014) Report on Linguistic Rights in Catalonia. [Online] Available from:
http://www.sindic.cat/site/unitFiles/3709/Report%20on%20linguistic%20rights%20in%20Ca
talonia.pdf [Accessed 12 May 2016]
United Nations Development Programme - UNPD (2016) Human Development Index
[Online] Available from: http://hdr.undp.org/en/data-explorer [Accessed 20 May 2016]
Vallverdú, F (1984) ‘A sociolinguistic history of Catalan’. International Journal of the
Sociology of Language. 47:13-28
Vann, R (1999) ‘Reversal of linguistic fortune: dimensions of language conflict in autonomous
Catalonia.’ Language and Communication. 19:317-327
Werner, L (2008) Neoliberalization and Democratization: Peripheral Ideological Concepts in
United States and Spanish Education. Chicago: Proquest. Dissertation: Loyola University
Chicago.
Wicherts, J M (2016) 'Peer Review Quality and Transparency of the Peer-Review Process in
Open Access and Subscription Journals'. 11(1): 1-19
Woessmann, L. (2008) ‘Efficiency and equity of European education and training policies’,
International Tax Public Finance 15(1):199-230

44
Xavier, Vila. Moreno (2011) ‘Language-in-Education Policy’. In: Strubell, M. Boix-Fuster, E.
eds. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan:119-147

45
Appendix - Dissertation Proposal
A Critical Analysis of Education Reform in Spain: a Case Study of Catalonia.
Introduction
Spain is a country rich with diversity; there are 17 autonomous communities that have
different languages and cultural traditions but coexist within a larger state. Spain is
relatively new to democracy due to the authoritarian dictatorship of Franco (Guibernau,
2013).This research project shall critically analyse the history of education reform during the
transition between the two political regimes; the Catalan education system shall be the
focus of this case study. Theories of imagined communities and nationalism shall be
explored alongside the success of decentralising the education systems to regional control.
Literature review
Democratisation and decentralisation of the countries education system has produced
multiple countrywide and regional reforms; before democratisation there was an emphasis
on elitist education provision that produced inequalities for the mass population (Boyd-
Barrett, O 1995).
Catalonia was chosen as the case study due to the recent controversial education reform,
Ley Orgánica para la Mejora de la Calidad Educativa - LOMCE [The Organic Law for
Improvements of Educational Quality]; despite the premise of this reform being to improve
overall educational quality (OECD, 2014), there has been much protest throughout
Catalonia. It has been suggested that this reform has been designed to recentralise the
education systemand interferes with the regions Statute of Autonomy (Guillespie, R Gray, C
2015).The Catalan media has spoken against the policy as it has been speculated that it shall
undermine the linguistic immersion model currently embedded within the Catalan
education policy (Catalan News Agency, 2012; Catalan News Agency, 2014). These concerns
were further reinforced when José Ignacio Wert, the Spanish Education Minister, publically
discussed the reform and spoke of the Spanish government’s “interest is to ‘Spanishise’ the

46
Catalan students” (Europress, 2015). The Catalan history is required to contextualise the
outrage of the Catalan people.
The Spanish Civil war (1936-1939) ended with General Francisco Franco gaining control of
the country; during Franco’s rule he created an authoritarian state, resulting in the
oppression and persecution of minority communities. During 1936-1975 the central
government education policies were designed to homogenise Spain; linguistic diversity was
removed from all areas of public domain and Castilian became the only official language of
use. Nationalistic symbols of the minority communities -such as flags and the national
anthem were also banned during this period (Guibernau, 2013; May, S 2011).
The death of Franco lead to a Spain becoming a democratic state; the introduction of The
Spanish Constitution in 1978 secured the recognition of minority communities within Spain
awarded them differing levels of autonomy (Magone, J 2009). In 1979 the Statute of
Autonomy was implemented and allowed regions to have limited powers of authority within
education; article 15 stated that ‘The Government of Catalonia has full powers to regulate
and administer education throughout its territory, at all levels and degrees and in all forms
and specialities, within its powers…’ (Generalitat de Catalunya 2014). As time progressed,
further autonomy was requested; in 2006 a reform for the Statute of Autonomy was put for
consideration but took four years to negotiate. The central government’s refusal to provide
the requested level of autonomy has resulted in much dissent; the history of the oppression
of Catalonia, combined with this refusal has resulted in an ‘emancipatory nationalism’ to
develop. Guibernau defines emancipatory nationalismas an emotional detachment to a
country when individuals come to feel the state no longer represents their best interests
(2013).
The main aspect of the LOMCE being contested is the forced increase of using Castilian as
the main language of instruction to 25 % - as well as the amendments to control of
curriculum design and assessments (Catalan News Agency, 2012). The recentralising aspects
of the LOMCE have become a major cause for concern within autonomous regions.
Research questions
Can Catalonian nationalism coexist within the Spanish Federalism?

47
Does education have an effect on nationalism?
Has democratisation and decentralisation reduced educational inequalities?
Methodology
An extended literature review shall be used to critically analyse the history of education
policy. Government websites, from Catalonia and Spain, shall provide details of education
policies. The OECD, World Bank and UNDP shall be used to obtain qualitative and
quantitative data. Academic journals and books, that have been peer reviewed, shall be
considered from a critical theory perspective; this is in order to develop a greater
understanding into each area of consideration and the effects reforms have on the
autonomous communities. Library resources, such as interlibrary loans and subject based
librarians shall be contacted to ensure all relevant literature is obtained. It may be advisable
to use review journals, focusing on education research, in order to allow for the most
credible online sources (Newby, P. 2010:195).
Ethics
As I shall be using research conducted by others I shall need to ensure that referencing is
accurate in order to ensure clarity of where theories and data is being obtained.
An accurate representation of the data must be ensured - otherwise the validity of the
research shall be compromised. There must also be an inclusion of all data obtained;
selectivity with sources can result in a manipulation of data to produce the required
outcome (BERA, 2011).
Word count: 843

48
References
BERA (2011) Ethical Guidelines for Educational Research 2011. [Online] Available from
https://www.bera.ac.uk/researchers-resources/publications/ethical-guidelines-for-
educational-research-2011 [Accessed: 13 November 2015]
Boyd-Barret, O (1995)) ‘Structural Change and Curriculum reform in Democratic Spain.’ In
Education Reform in Democratic Spain. London: Routledge: p.6-24
Catalan News Agency (2012) ‘The Spanish Education Minister: “Our interest is to ‘Spanishise’
Catalan students”.’ Catalan News Agency. [Online] Available from:
http://www.catalannewsagency.com/society-science/item/the-spanish-education-minister-
our-interest-is-to-spanishise-catalan-students [Accessed 01 April 2015]
Catalan News Agency (2014) ‘Spain’s Supreme Court insists on making Spanish a language of
instruction in Catalonia’ Catalan News Agency. [Online] Available from:
http://www.catalannewsagency.com/society-science/item/spain-s-supreme-court-insists-
on-making-spanish-a-language-of-instruction-in-catalonia [Accessed 18 November 2014]
Europress (2015) The Supreme Court ordered the Catalan schools to provide 25 percent of
classes in Castilian. [Online] Available from: http://www.europapress.es/nacional/noticia-
supremo-ordena-escuelas-catalanas-impartan-25-ciento-clases-castellano-
20150508111919.html [Accessed 2 April 2015]
The Generalitat de Catalunya (2014) 1979 Statute of autonomy: Section One: Powers of the
Government of Catalonia [Online] Available from:
http://web.gencat.cat/en/generalitat/estatut/estatut1979/titol_primer/ [Accessed 12
November 2015]
Guibernau, M (2013), ‘Prospects for an Independent Catalonia’, International Journal of
Politics, Culture & Society, (27) 1, 5-23
Magone, J M. (2009) Contemporary Spanish Politics. 2nd Ed. Oxon: Routledge.
May, S (2011), 'Language Rights: The 'Cinderella' Human Right', Journal of Human Rights,
(10) 3, 265-289

49
Newby, P (2010) Research Methods for Education. Pearson Education Limited, Essex
OECD (2014) Education policy outlook – Spain [Online] Available from:
http://www.oecd.org/edu/EDUCATION%20POLICY%20OUTLOOK%20SPAIN_EN.pdf
[Accessed 25 November 2014] [accessed on 15 November 2015]

Can Catalonian Nationalism Coexist with a Spanish Federalism. A Case Study of Catalonia.

Recommended

Recommended

More Related Content

Similar to Can Catalonian Nationalism Coexist with a Spanish Federalism. A Case Study of Catalonia.

Similar to Can Catalonian Nationalism Coexist with a Spanish Federalism. A Case Study of Catalonia. (20)

Can Catalonian Nationalism Coexist with a Spanish Federalism. A Case Study of Catalonia.