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POPULATION GROWTH AND
POPULATION GROWTH AND
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT:
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT:
CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES, AND
CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES, AND
CONTROVERSIES
CONTROVERSIES
Presented By: Group 5
OUR TEAM
OUR TEAM
DUAMAN,
DUAMAN,
RONALYN
RONALYN
VELANTE, SARAH
VELANTE, SARAH
JOY L.
JOY L.
MERJILLA,
MERJILLA,
KYLA MAE G.
KYLA MAE G.
PRIEL,
PRIEL,
SARAH NICOLE C.
SARAH NICOLE C.
Economic development may be far from
“the best contraceptive” [that it is
sometimes described as]…. On the other
hand, social development—especially
women’s education and employment—
can be very effective indeed.
—Amartya Sen, Nobel laureate in
economics
6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE:
6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE:
POPULATION GROWTH
POPULATION GROWTH
AND THE QUALITY OF
AND THE QUALITY OF
LIFE
LIFE
In 2013, the world’s population reached about 7.2 billion
people. In that year, the United Nations Population Division
projected that population would rise to about 8.1 billion in
2025 and reach about 9.6 billion by the year 2050.
Every year, more than 75 million people are being added to
the world’s population. Almost all of this net population
increase—97%—is in developing countries. Increases of such
magnitude are unprecedented.
6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION
6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION
GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE
GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE
6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION
6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION
GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE
GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE
6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION
6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION
GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE
GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE
Positive Effects:
Access to resources
Cultural diversity
Economic growth
Demand for cost and
services
Negative Effects:
Limited resources
Increased levels of
pollution
Social problems
Pressure in natural
environment
Rapid population growth can
have serious consequences for
the well-being of all humanity.
6.2 POPULATION
6.2 POPULATION
GROWTH: PAST,
GROWTH: PAST,
PRESENT, FUTURE
PRESENT, FUTURE
6.2 World Population growth through history
For most of human existence on earth, humanity's numbers have been
few. When people first started to cultivate food through agriculture
some 12,000 years ago, the estimated world population was no more
than 5 million
Two thousand years ago, world population had grown to nearly 250
million, less than a fifth of the population of China today. From year 1 on
our calendar to the beginning of the Industrial Revolution around 1750, it
tri- pled to 728 million people, less than three-quarters of the total
number living in India today. During the next 200 years (1750-1950), an
additional 1.7 billion people were added to the planet's numbers. But in
just four decades thereafter (1950-1990), the earth's human population
more than doubled again, bringing the total figure to around 5.3 billion.
The world entered the twenty-first cen- tury with over 6 billion people.
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
Structure of the World’s Population
The world’s population is very unevenly distributed by geographic region, by fertility
and mortality levels, and by age structures.
Geographic Region
More than three-quarters of the world’s people live in the developing countries; fewer
than one person in four lives in an economically developed nation.
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
Fertility and Mortality Trends
The growth rate of a population, calculated as the natural increase after
adjusting for immigration and emigration
Rate of population increase
Natural increase The difference between the birth rate and the death rate of a given
population. The excess of births over deaths.
Net international migration The excess of persons migrating into a country over those who emigrate
from that country
Crude birth rate The number of children born alive each year per 1000 population
(often shortened to birth rate)
Death Rate The number of deaths each yer per 1000 population.
Total fertility rate
The number of children that would be born to a woman if she were to live to
the end of her childbearing years and bear children in accordance with the
prevailing age-specific fertility rates.
Life expectancy at birth The number of years a newborn child would live if subjected to the mortality
risks prevailing for the population at the time of the child’s birth.
Under-5 mortality rate Death’s among children between birth and 5 years of age per 1000 live
births.
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
Fertility and Mortality Trends
Although death rates of children and younger people are higher on average in a developing
country with rapid population growth, the fact that their populations are so youthful on
average explains why they may have an overall population-average death rate that is lower
than that of a developed country with a much older population.
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
Age Structure and Dependency Burdens
Youth dependency ratio The proportion of young people under age 15 to the
working population aged 16 to 64 in a country
Population is relatively youthful in the developing world. As of 2011, children under the age of 15 constitute
more than 40% of the total population of the low-income countries, 32% of the lower-middle income countries,
but just 17% of high-income countries. In countries with such an age structure, the youth dependency ratio--the
proportion of youths (under age 15) to economically active adults (ages 15 to 64) is very high. Thus, the
workforce in developing countries must support almost twice as many children as it does in the wealthier
countries.
The more rapid the population growth rate is, the greater the proportion of dependent children in the total
population and the more difficult it is for people who are working to support those who are not. This
phenomenon of youth dependency also leads to the hidden momentum of population growth.
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
Age Structure and Dependency Burdens
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
The Hidden Momentum of Population Growth
The phenomenon whereby population continues to increase even after a fall in birth
rates because the large existing youthful population expands the population’s base of
potential parents.
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
The Hidden Momentum of Population Growth
This momentum can persist for decades after birth rates drop. There are two basic reasons for this.
First, high birth rates cannot be altered substantially overnight. The social, economic, and institutional
forces that have influenced fertility rates over the course of centuries do not simply evaporate at the
urging of national leaders.The second and less obvious reason for this is the age structure of many
developing countries’ populations.
Population pyramid
A graphic depiction of the age structure of the population, with age cohorts plotted on the vertical
axis and either population shares or numbers of males and females in each cohort on the horizontal
axis.
Demographic Transition
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
The process by which fertility rates eventually decline to low and
stable levels has been portrayed by a famous concept in
economic demography.
It attempts to explain why all contemporary developed nations
have more or less passed through the same three or five stages
of modern population history.
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
Demographic Transition Model
Is based on historical population trends of two demographic
characteristics – birth rate and death rate – to suggest that a
country’s total population growth rate cycles through stages as
that country develops economically.
Each stage is characterized by a specific relationship between
birth rate (number of annual births per one thousand people)
and death rate (number of annual deaths per one thousand
people)
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
Stages of Demographic Transition:
Stage 1 —The Pre-Industrial Stage
Both birth rate and death rate are high
Population fluctuates due to incidence of famine, disease
and war
High infant mortality rate and very low life expectancy
Total population is low and balanced due to high birth and
death rates.
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
Stages of Demographic Transition:
Stage 2 —The Industrial Revolution
Death rate falls sharply due to improvements in health and
sanitation.
Birth rates remain high.
Total population grows very quickly.
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
Stages of Demographic Transition:
Stage 3 —Post-Industrial Revolution
Birth rate falls due to availability of contraception.
Death rate maintains a low level due to improvement of
health condition
Total population still rises rapidly due to the momentum
Gap between birth and death rates narrows down
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
Stages of Demographic Transition:
Stage 4 —Stabilization
Both birth rate and death rate are low.
Population is still high, although balanced by low birth rate
and death rate.
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
Stages of Demographic Transition:
Stage 5 —Declining Population
Low birth rate and aging population leads to a declining
population.
Death rates may remain consistently low or increase slightly
Birth rates may drop well below to replacement level
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
Demographic Transition Model
Limitations of Demographic Transition Model:
The impact of other demographic variables such as
migration are not considered.
The model does not predict how long a country will be in
each stage.
It does not consider pandemics and climate change.
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
Replacement Fertility
The number of births per woman that would result in
stable population levels.
Population Momentum
Population growth/decline, which continues despite the
falling or rising birth/fertility rate.
Positive Momentum
The propensity for a
growing population to
continue growing even
though birth rate is
declining.
Negative Momentum
Tendency for a
population to continue
falling despite the rise
in birth rate.
6.4 THE CAUSES OF
6.4 THE CAUSES OF
HIGH FERTILITY IN
HIGH FERTILITY IN
DEVELOPING
DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES: THE
COUNTRIES: THE
MALTHUSIAN AND
MALTHUSIAN AND
HOUSEHOLD MODELS
HOUSEHOLD MODELS
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS
The Malthusian Population Trap
The threshold population level anticipated by Thomas Malthus (1766-1834) at which population
increase was bound to stop because life-sustaining resources, which increase at an arithmetic rate,
would be insufficient to support human population, which would increase at a geometric rate.
Thomas Maltus- indirectly and inadvertently the father of the modern birth control movement.
The basic Malthusian Model can be illustrated by
comparing the shape and position of curves
representing population growth rates and
aggregate income growth rates when these two
curves are each plotted against levels of per
capita income.
Per capita income growth- difference between
income growth and population growth-- hence the
vertical difference between these two curves
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS
The Malthusian Population Trap
Countries or regions in such a population trap can also escape it by achieving technological
progress that shifts the income growth rate curve up at any
level of per capita income. And it may be able to achieve changes in economic
institutions and culture (“social progress”) that shifts the population growth
curve down. In this way, the population trap equilibrium is eliminated altogether, and the economy
is able to proceed with self-sustaining growth.
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS
Criticisms of the Malthusian Model
It is based on a number of simplistic assumptions and hypotheses that do not stand the test of empirical
verification. We can criticize the population trap on two major grounds.
First, the model ignores the enormous impact of technological progress in offsetting the growth-inhibiting
forces of rapid population increases. While Malthus was basically correct in assuming a limited supply of
land, he did not—and in fairness could not at that time—anticipate the manner in which technological
progress could augment the availability of land by raising its quality (its productivity) even though its quantity
might remain roughly the same.
The second basic criticism of the trap focuses on its assumption that national rates of population increase
are directly (positively) related to the level of national per capita income. According to this assumption, at
relatively low levels of per capita income, we should expect to find population growth rates increasing
with increasing per capita income. But research indicates that there appears to be no clear correlation
between population growth rates and levels of per capita income.
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS
Criticisms of the Malthusian Model
In sum, Malthusian and neo-Malthusian theories as applied to contemporary developing nations have severely
limited relevance for the following reasons:
They do not take adequate account of the role and impact of technological progress.
1.
2. They are based on a hypothesis about a macro relationship between population grwoth and
levels of per capita income that does not stand up to empirical testing of the modern period.
3. They focus on the wrong variable, per capita income, as the principal determinant of population
growth rates. A much better and more valid approach to the question of population and development
centers on the microeconomics of family size decision making in which individual, and not
aggregate. levels of living become the principal determinant of a family’s decision to have more of
fewer children.
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS
Criticisms of the Malthusian Model
We continue to study the Malthusian trap even though evidence shows that it is not currently
relevant for three main reasons:
First, because many people still believe it holds in poor countries today, despite the recent
evidence; and people working in the development field should understand the model and the
elements of it that do not currently apply so that they can engage the debate effectively.
Second, because it seems clear that such traps have occurred in the historical past and may
have been factors in population collapses, including in the pre-Columbian Americas.
Third, the fact that this model no longer applies underlines the importance of factors that can prevent
its emergence. These include efforts to continue steady and sustainable rises in agricultural
productivity; moreover, they encompass increases in women’s empowerment and freedom to choose
—along with their incomes—which reduce the old-age security motive behind high fertility
The conventional theory of consumer behavior assumes that an individual
with a given set of tastes or preferences for a range of goods (a “utility
function”) tries to maximize the satisfaction derived from consuming these
goods subject to his or her own income constraint and the relative prices
of all goods.
The Microeconomic Household Theory of Fertility
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS
Mathematical Expression:
The Microeconomic Household Theory of Fertility
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS
Mathematical Expression:
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS
COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS
Illustration:
Higher levels of living
for low-income families
in combination with an
increase in the price of
children will motivate
households to have
fewer children while
also improving their
welfare.
DEMAND FOR CHILDREN IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
DEMAND FOR CHILDREN IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
The Demand for Children in Developing Countries major determinant in fertility
trends, it is important to understand the factors involved in the demand for
children. Many of these factors can be subject to policy management, namely,
improved education, health, nutrition, and greater participation of women in the
labor force. Smaller families may become more desirable if favorable political,
economic, and social climates are instituted.
consumer goods
Additional children as
"investment goods":
Work on family farm, microenterprise .
First two or three as
DEMAND FOR CHILDREN IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
DEMAND FOR CHILDREN IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
Old age security motivation for fertility postulates that people's needs for old-
age support raise the demand for children. We exploit the extension of social
pensions in Namibia during the nineties to provide a quasi- experimental
quantification of this widespread idea.
6.5 THE CONSEQUENCES
6.5 THE CONSEQUENCES
OF HIGH FERTILITY:
OF HIGH FERTILITY:
SOME CONFLICTING
SOME CONFLICTING
PERSPECTIVES
PERSPECTIVES
6.5 The Consequences of High Fertility:
Some Conflicting Perspectives
Population growth: "It's Not a Real Problem":
The real problem is not population growth but the following,
Underdevelopment
World resource depletion and environmental destruction
Population Distribution
Subordination of women
6.5 The Consequences of High Fertility:
Some Conflicting Perspectives
"Population Growth Is a Real Problem"
Extremist arguments
Theoretical arguments
1. Economic Growth - rapid population growth lowers per capita income growth in most
developing countries, especially those that are already poor, dependent on agriculture,
and experiencing pressures on land and natural resources.
2. Poverty and Inequality - the negative consequences of rapid population growth fall
most heavily on the poor because they are the ones who are made landless, suffer first
from cuts in government health and education programs,
and bear the brunt of environmental damage.
3. Education - it is generally agreed that large family size and low incomes restrict the
opportunities of parents to educate all their children. At the national level, rapid
population growth causes educational expenditures to be spread more thinly, lowering
quality for the sake of quantity.
4. Health - High fertility harms the health of mothers and children. It increases the health
risks of pregnancy, and closely spaced births have been shown to reduce birth weight and
increase child mortality rates.
OTHER EMPIRICAL ARGUMENTS: SEVEN
OTHER EMPIRICAL ARGUMENTS: SEVEN
NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF POPULATION
NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF POPULATION
GROWTH
GROWTH
5. Food - feeding the world’s population is made more difficult by rapid population growth
—a large fraction of developing country food requirements are the result of population
increases.
6. Environment - rapid population growth contributes to environmental degradation in
the form of forest encroachment, deforestation, fuelwood depletion, soil erosion, declining
fish and animal stocks, inadequate and unsafe water, air pollution, and urban congestion.
7. International Migration - Many observers consider the increase in international
migration, both legal and illegal, to be one of the major consequences of developing
countries’ population growth.
OTHER EMPIRICAL ARGUMENTS: SEVEN
OTHER EMPIRICAL ARGUMENTS: SEVEN
NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF POPULATION
NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF POPULATION
GROWTH
GROWTH
GOALS AND OBJECTIVES: TOWARD A
GOALS AND OBJECTIVES: TOWARD A
CONSENSUS
CONSENSUS
Population growth is not the primary cause of low levels of living, extreme inequalities,
or the limited freedom of choice that characterize much of the developing world.
1.
The problem of population is not simply one of numbers but involves the quality of life
and material well-being. Thus, developing country population size must be viewed in
conjunction with developed-country affluence in relation to the quantity, distribution, and
utilization of world resources, not just in relation to developing countries’ indigenous
resources.
2.
The problem of population is not simply one of numbers but involves the quality of life
and material well-being. Thus, developing country population size must be viewed in
conjunction with developed-country affluence in relation to the quantity, distribution, and
utilization of world resources, not just in relation to developing countries’ indigenous
resources.
3.
GOALS AND OBJECTIVES: TOWARD A
GOALS AND OBJECTIVES: TOWARD A
CONSENSUS
CONSENSUS
The problem of population is not simply one of numbers but involves the quality of life and
material well-being. Thus, developing country population size must be viewed in conjunction
with developed-country affluence in relation to the quantity, distribution, and utilization of
world resources, not just in relation to developing countries’ indigenous resources.
1.
To bring about smaller families through development-induced motivations, family-planning
programs providing both the education and the technological means to regulate fertility for
people who wish to regulate it should be established.
2.
Developed countries should help developing countries achieve their lowered fertility and
mortality objectives, not only by providing contraceptives and funding family-planning clinics,
but also, even more important, by curtailing their own excessive depletion of nonrenewable
world resources through programs designed to cut back on the unnecessary consumption of
products that intensively use such resources.
3.
6.6 SOME POLICY APPROACHES
6.6 SOME POLICY APPROACHES
Three areas of policy can have important direct and indirect influences on the
well-being of present and future world populations:
1. General and specific policies that developing country governments can initiate
to influence and perhaps even control their population growth and distribution
2. General and specific policies that developed-country governments can initiate
in their own countries to lessen their disproportionate consumption of limited
world resources and promote a more equitable distribution of the benefits of
global economic progress
3. General and specific policies that developed-country governments and
international assistance agencies can initiate to help developing countries
achieve their population objectives
SOME POLICY APPROACHES
SOME POLICY APPROACHES
Persuasion through education
Family planning programs
Address incentives and disincentives for having children through the
principal variables influencing the demand for children
Coercion is not a good option
Raise the socioeconomic status of women
Increase employment opportunities for women (increases opportunity
cost of having more children, as in microeconomic household theory)
WHAT DEVELOPING COUNTRIES CAN DO
WHAT DEVELOPING COUNTRIES CAN DO
6.6 SOME POLICY APPROACHES
6.6 SOME POLICY APPROACHES
What the Developed Countries Can Do
Address resources use inequities
More open migration policies
How developed Countries Can Help Developing
Countries with Their Population Programs
Research into technology of fertility control
Financial assistance for family planning programs
THANK YOU
THANK YOU

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C6 POPULATION GROWTH (econdev)_20240306_214313_0000.pdf

  • 1. POPULATION GROWTH AND POPULATION GROWTH AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES, AND CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES, AND CONTROVERSIES CONTROVERSIES Presented By: Group 5
  • 2. OUR TEAM OUR TEAM DUAMAN, DUAMAN, RONALYN RONALYN VELANTE, SARAH VELANTE, SARAH JOY L. JOY L. MERJILLA, MERJILLA, KYLA MAE G. KYLA MAE G. PRIEL, PRIEL, SARAH NICOLE C. SARAH NICOLE C.
  • 3. Economic development may be far from “the best contraceptive” [that it is sometimes described as]…. On the other hand, social development—especially women’s education and employment— can be very effective indeed. —Amartya Sen, Nobel laureate in economics
  • 4. 6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: 6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION GROWTH POPULATION GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE LIFE
  • 5. In 2013, the world’s population reached about 7.2 billion people. In that year, the United Nations Population Division projected that population would rise to about 8.1 billion in 2025 and reach about 9.6 billion by the year 2050. Every year, more than 75 million people are being added to the world’s population. Almost all of this net population increase—97%—is in developing countries. Increases of such magnitude are unprecedented. 6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION 6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE
  • 6. 6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION 6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE
  • 7. 6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION 6.1 THE BASIC ISSUE: POPULATION GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE GROWTH AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE Positive Effects: Access to resources Cultural diversity Economic growth Demand for cost and services Negative Effects: Limited resources Increased levels of pollution Social problems Pressure in natural environment Rapid population growth can have serious consequences for the well-being of all humanity.
  • 8. 6.2 POPULATION 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE PRESENT, FUTURE
  • 9. 6.2 World Population growth through history For most of human existence on earth, humanity's numbers have been few. When people first started to cultivate food through agriculture some 12,000 years ago, the estimated world population was no more than 5 million Two thousand years ago, world population had grown to nearly 250 million, less than a fifth of the population of China today. From year 1 on our calendar to the beginning of the Industrial Revolution around 1750, it tri- pled to 728 million people, less than three-quarters of the total number living in India today. During the next 200 years (1750-1950), an additional 1.7 billion people were added to the planet's numbers. But in just four decades thereafter (1950-1990), the earth's human population more than doubled again, bringing the total figure to around 5.3 billion. The world entered the twenty-first cen- tury with over 6 billion people.
  • 10.
  • 11.
  • 12.
  • 13. 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE Structure of the World’s Population The world’s population is very unevenly distributed by geographic region, by fertility and mortality levels, and by age structures. Geographic Region More than three-quarters of the world’s people live in the developing countries; fewer than one person in four lives in an economically developed nation.
  • 14. 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE Fertility and Mortality Trends The growth rate of a population, calculated as the natural increase after adjusting for immigration and emigration Rate of population increase Natural increase The difference between the birth rate and the death rate of a given population. The excess of births over deaths. Net international migration The excess of persons migrating into a country over those who emigrate from that country Crude birth rate The number of children born alive each year per 1000 population (often shortened to birth rate) Death Rate The number of deaths each yer per 1000 population. Total fertility rate The number of children that would be born to a woman if she were to live to the end of her childbearing years and bear children in accordance with the prevailing age-specific fertility rates. Life expectancy at birth The number of years a newborn child would live if subjected to the mortality risks prevailing for the population at the time of the child’s birth. Under-5 mortality rate Death’s among children between birth and 5 years of age per 1000 live births.
  • 15. 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE Fertility and Mortality Trends Although death rates of children and younger people are higher on average in a developing country with rapid population growth, the fact that their populations are so youthful on average explains why they may have an overall population-average death rate that is lower than that of a developed country with a much older population.
  • 16. 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE Age Structure and Dependency Burdens Youth dependency ratio The proportion of young people under age 15 to the working population aged 16 to 64 in a country Population is relatively youthful in the developing world. As of 2011, children under the age of 15 constitute more than 40% of the total population of the low-income countries, 32% of the lower-middle income countries, but just 17% of high-income countries. In countries with such an age structure, the youth dependency ratio--the proportion of youths (under age 15) to economically active adults (ages 15 to 64) is very high. Thus, the workforce in developing countries must support almost twice as many children as it does in the wealthier countries. The more rapid the population growth rate is, the greater the proportion of dependent children in the total population and the more difficult it is for people who are working to support those who are not. This phenomenon of youth dependency also leads to the hidden momentum of population growth.
  • 17. 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE Age Structure and Dependency Burdens
  • 18. 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE The Hidden Momentum of Population Growth The phenomenon whereby population continues to increase even after a fall in birth rates because the large existing youthful population expands the population’s base of potential parents.
  • 19. 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE 6.2 POPULATION GROWTH: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE The Hidden Momentum of Population Growth This momentum can persist for decades after birth rates drop. There are two basic reasons for this. First, high birth rates cannot be altered substantially overnight. The social, economic, and institutional forces that have influenced fertility rates over the course of centuries do not simply evaporate at the urging of national leaders.The second and less obvious reason for this is the age structure of many developing countries’ populations. Population pyramid A graphic depiction of the age structure of the population, with age cohorts plotted on the vertical axis and either population shares or numbers of males and females in each cohort on the horizontal axis.
  • 20. Demographic Transition 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION The process by which fertility rates eventually decline to low and stable levels has been portrayed by a famous concept in economic demography. It attempts to explain why all contemporary developed nations have more or less passed through the same three or five stages of modern population history.
  • 21. 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION Demographic Transition Model Is based on historical population trends of two demographic characteristics – birth rate and death rate – to suggest that a country’s total population growth rate cycles through stages as that country develops economically. Each stage is characterized by a specific relationship between birth rate (number of annual births per one thousand people) and death rate (number of annual deaths per one thousand people)
  • 22. 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION Stages of Demographic Transition: Stage 1 —The Pre-Industrial Stage Both birth rate and death rate are high Population fluctuates due to incidence of famine, disease and war High infant mortality rate and very low life expectancy Total population is low and balanced due to high birth and death rates.
  • 23. 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION Stages of Demographic Transition: Stage 2 —The Industrial Revolution Death rate falls sharply due to improvements in health and sanitation. Birth rates remain high. Total population grows very quickly.
  • 24. 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION Stages of Demographic Transition: Stage 3 —Post-Industrial Revolution Birth rate falls due to availability of contraception. Death rate maintains a low level due to improvement of health condition Total population still rises rapidly due to the momentum Gap between birth and death rates narrows down
  • 25. 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION Stages of Demographic Transition: Stage 4 —Stabilization Both birth rate and death rate are low. Population is still high, although balanced by low birth rate and death rate.
  • 26. 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION Stages of Demographic Transition: Stage 5 —Declining Population Low birth rate and aging population leads to a declining population. Death rates may remain consistently low or increase slightly Birth rates may drop well below to replacement level
  • 27. 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION Demographic Transition Model
  • 28. Limitations of Demographic Transition Model: The impact of other demographic variables such as migration are not considered. The model does not predict how long a country will be in each stage. It does not consider pandemics and climate change. 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
  • 29. 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION 6.3 THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION Replacement Fertility The number of births per woman that would result in stable population levels. Population Momentum Population growth/decline, which continues despite the falling or rising birth/fertility rate. Positive Momentum The propensity for a growing population to continue growing even though birth rate is declining. Negative Momentum Tendency for a population to continue falling despite the rise in birth rate.
  • 30. 6.4 THE CAUSES OF 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: THE COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS HOUSEHOLD MODELS
  • 31. 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS The Malthusian Population Trap The threshold population level anticipated by Thomas Malthus (1766-1834) at which population increase was bound to stop because life-sustaining resources, which increase at an arithmetic rate, would be insufficient to support human population, which would increase at a geometric rate. Thomas Maltus- indirectly and inadvertently the father of the modern birth control movement. The basic Malthusian Model can be illustrated by comparing the shape and position of curves representing population growth rates and aggregate income growth rates when these two curves are each plotted against levels of per capita income. Per capita income growth- difference between income growth and population growth-- hence the vertical difference between these two curves
  • 32. 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS The Malthusian Population Trap Countries or regions in such a population trap can also escape it by achieving technological progress that shifts the income growth rate curve up at any level of per capita income. And it may be able to achieve changes in economic institutions and culture (“social progress”) that shifts the population growth curve down. In this way, the population trap equilibrium is eliminated altogether, and the economy is able to proceed with self-sustaining growth.
  • 33. 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS Criticisms of the Malthusian Model It is based on a number of simplistic assumptions and hypotheses that do not stand the test of empirical verification. We can criticize the population trap on two major grounds. First, the model ignores the enormous impact of technological progress in offsetting the growth-inhibiting forces of rapid population increases. While Malthus was basically correct in assuming a limited supply of land, he did not—and in fairness could not at that time—anticipate the manner in which technological progress could augment the availability of land by raising its quality (its productivity) even though its quantity might remain roughly the same. The second basic criticism of the trap focuses on its assumption that national rates of population increase are directly (positively) related to the level of national per capita income. According to this assumption, at relatively low levels of per capita income, we should expect to find population growth rates increasing with increasing per capita income. But research indicates that there appears to be no clear correlation between population growth rates and levels of per capita income.
  • 34. 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS Criticisms of the Malthusian Model In sum, Malthusian and neo-Malthusian theories as applied to contemporary developing nations have severely limited relevance for the following reasons: They do not take adequate account of the role and impact of technological progress. 1. 2. They are based on a hypothesis about a macro relationship between population grwoth and levels of per capita income that does not stand up to empirical testing of the modern period. 3. They focus on the wrong variable, per capita income, as the principal determinant of population growth rates. A much better and more valid approach to the question of population and development centers on the microeconomics of family size decision making in which individual, and not aggregate. levels of living become the principal determinant of a family’s decision to have more of fewer children.
  • 35. 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLF MODELS Criticisms of the Malthusian Model We continue to study the Malthusian trap even though evidence shows that it is not currently relevant for three main reasons: First, because many people still believe it holds in poor countries today, despite the recent evidence; and people working in the development field should understand the model and the elements of it that do not currently apply so that they can engage the debate effectively. Second, because it seems clear that such traps have occurred in the historical past and may have been factors in population collapses, including in the pre-Columbian Americas. Third, the fact that this model no longer applies underlines the importance of factors that can prevent its emergence. These include efforts to continue steady and sustainable rises in agricultural productivity; moreover, they encompass increases in women’s empowerment and freedom to choose —along with their incomes—which reduce the old-age security motive behind high fertility
  • 36. The conventional theory of consumer behavior assumes that an individual with a given set of tastes or preferences for a range of goods (a “utility function”) tries to maximize the satisfaction derived from consuming these goods subject to his or her own income constraint and the relative prices of all goods. The Microeconomic Household Theory of Fertility 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS Mathematical Expression:
  • 37. The Microeconomic Household Theory of Fertility 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS Mathematical Expression:
  • 38. 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING 6.4 THE CAUSES OF HIGH FERTILITY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS COUNTRIES: THE MALTHUSIAN AND HOUSEHOLD MODELS Illustration: Higher levels of living for low-income families in combination with an increase in the price of children will motivate households to have fewer children while also improving their welfare.
  • 39. DEMAND FOR CHILDREN IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES DEMAND FOR CHILDREN IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES The Demand for Children in Developing Countries major determinant in fertility trends, it is important to understand the factors involved in the demand for children. Many of these factors can be subject to policy management, namely, improved education, health, nutrition, and greater participation of women in the labor force. Smaller families may become more desirable if favorable political, economic, and social climates are instituted. consumer goods Additional children as "investment goods": Work on family farm, microenterprise . First two or three as
  • 40. DEMAND FOR CHILDREN IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES DEMAND FOR CHILDREN IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES Old age security motivation for fertility postulates that people's needs for old- age support raise the demand for children. We exploit the extension of social pensions in Namibia during the nineties to provide a quasi- experimental quantification of this widespread idea.
  • 41. 6.5 THE CONSEQUENCES 6.5 THE CONSEQUENCES OF HIGH FERTILITY: OF HIGH FERTILITY: SOME CONFLICTING SOME CONFLICTING PERSPECTIVES PERSPECTIVES
  • 42. 6.5 The Consequences of High Fertility: Some Conflicting Perspectives Population growth: "It's Not a Real Problem": The real problem is not population growth but the following, Underdevelopment World resource depletion and environmental destruction Population Distribution Subordination of women
  • 43. 6.5 The Consequences of High Fertility: Some Conflicting Perspectives "Population Growth Is a Real Problem" Extremist arguments Theoretical arguments
  • 44. 1. Economic Growth - rapid population growth lowers per capita income growth in most developing countries, especially those that are already poor, dependent on agriculture, and experiencing pressures on land and natural resources. 2. Poverty and Inequality - the negative consequences of rapid population growth fall most heavily on the poor because they are the ones who are made landless, suffer first from cuts in government health and education programs, and bear the brunt of environmental damage. 3. Education - it is generally agreed that large family size and low incomes restrict the opportunities of parents to educate all their children. At the national level, rapid population growth causes educational expenditures to be spread more thinly, lowering quality for the sake of quantity. 4. Health - High fertility harms the health of mothers and children. It increases the health risks of pregnancy, and closely spaced births have been shown to reduce birth weight and increase child mortality rates. OTHER EMPIRICAL ARGUMENTS: SEVEN OTHER EMPIRICAL ARGUMENTS: SEVEN NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF POPULATION NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF POPULATION GROWTH GROWTH
  • 45. 5. Food - feeding the world’s population is made more difficult by rapid population growth —a large fraction of developing country food requirements are the result of population increases. 6. Environment - rapid population growth contributes to environmental degradation in the form of forest encroachment, deforestation, fuelwood depletion, soil erosion, declining fish and animal stocks, inadequate and unsafe water, air pollution, and urban congestion. 7. International Migration - Many observers consider the increase in international migration, both legal and illegal, to be one of the major consequences of developing countries’ population growth. OTHER EMPIRICAL ARGUMENTS: SEVEN OTHER EMPIRICAL ARGUMENTS: SEVEN NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF POPULATION NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF POPULATION GROWTH GROWTH
  • 46. GOALS AND OBJECTIVES: TOWARD A GOALS AND OBJECTIVES: TOWARD A CONSENSUS CONSENSUS Population growth is not the primary cause of low levels of living, extreme inequalities, or the limited freedom of choice that characterize much of the developing world. 1. The problem of population is not simply one of numbers but involves the quality of life and material well-being. Thus, developing country population size must be viewed in conjunction with developed-country affluence in relation to the quantity, distribution, and utilization of world resources, not just in relation to developing countries’ indigenous resources. 2. The problem of population is not simply one of numbers but involves the quality of life and material well-being. Thus, developing country population size must be viewed in conjunction with developed-country affluence in relation to the quantity, distribution, and utilization of world resources, not just in relation to developing countries’ indigenous resources. 3.
  • 47. GOALS AND OBJECTIVES: TOWARD A GOALS AND OBJECTIVES: TOWARD A CONSENSUS CONSENSUS The problem of population is not simply one of numbers but involves the quality of life and material well-being. Thus, developing country population size must be viewed in conjunction with developed-country affluence in relation to the quantity, distribution, and utilization of world resources, not just in relation to developing countries’ indigenous resources. 1. To bring about smaller families through development-induced motivations, family-planning programs providing both the education and the technological means to regulate fertility for people who wish to regulate it should be established. 2. Developed countries should help developing countries achieve their lowered fertility and mortality objectives, not only by providing contraceptives and funding family-planning clinics, but also, even more important, by curtailing their own excessive depletion of nonrenewable world resources through programs designed to cut back on the unnecessary consumption of products that intensively use such resources. 3.
  • 48. 6.6 SOME POLICY APPROACHES 6.6 SOME POLICY APPROACHES
  • 49. Three areas of policy can have important direct and indirect influences on the well-being of present and future world populations: 1. General and specific policies that developing country governments can initiate to influence and perhaps even control their population growth and distribution 2. General and specific policies that developed-country governments can initiate in their own countries to lessen their disproportionate consumption of limited world resources and promote a more equitable distribution of the benefits of global economic progress 3. General and specific policies that developed-country governments and international assistance agencies can initiate to help developing countries achieve their population objectives SOME POLICY APPROACHES SOME POLICY APPROACHES
  • 50. Persuasion through education Family planning programs Address incentives and disincentives for having children through the principal variables influencing the demand for children Coercion is not a good option Raise the socioeconomic status of women Increase employment opportunities for women (increases opportunity cost of having more children, as in microeconomic household theory) WHAT DEVELOPING COUNTRIES CAN DO WHAT DEVELOPING COUNTRIES CAN DO
  • 51. 6.6 SOME POLICY APPROACHES 6.6 SOME POLICY APPROACHES What the Developed Countries Can Do Address resources use inequities More open migration policies How developed Countries Can Help Developing Countries with Their Population Programs Research into technology of fertility control Financial assistance for family planning programs