Henderson, Errol, Black Nationalism and Rap Music (1992) Bibliographic Section: African American History. Bibliographic Subject: Black Nationalism and Black Power
This document summarizes and analyzes an academic article about Aboriginal hip hop culture in Australia. It discusses three key points:
1) It examines the work of three Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australian hip hop artists (Little G, MC Wire, and Morganics) who are part of the "conscious" hip hop scene and its influence on Aboriginal youth identity formation.
2) It argues that hip hop's localization in Australia is due not just to oppositional politics but also its internal logic of sampling, representing, and flow, which allows it to be adapted while maintaining local roots.
3) It provides an overview of the artist's performances and workshops to illustrate how they represent their communities and hip hop culture
This document discusses the history and evolution of hip-hop music from its origins in Africa through its development in the United States. It covers early influential artists like the Sugarhill Gang and Grandmaster Flash, the rise of gangster rap groups like N.W.A., and the career of Tupac Shakur. It also examines the shift from early hip-hop that told stories to the more commercial gangster rap that was criticized for vulgar lyrics, and the subsequent growth of conscious rap artists with positive political and social messages.
The socio political influence of rap music as poetry in the urbanJonathan Dunnemann
This thesis examines the socio-political influence of rap music as a form of poetry in urban communities. It focuses on three seminal rap artists: Public Enemy, N.W.A., and Tupac Shakur. The thesis argues that rap music, like traditional poetry, stands as a means of creative expression for African Americans and also addresses social and political issues. It traces the roots of rap music to the black oral tradition and discusses how rap picked up where the Black Nationalist literature of the 1960s left off in using unconventional forms to challenge mainstream ideologies. The thesis analyzes the progression of Public Enemy's message from political critique to a more integrationist approach and examines how N.W.A. and T
This document provides context for understanding contemporary mainstream rap music through analyzing the influence of corporate consolidation in the music industry. It discusses how major record labels promote and market black music, including rap, through separate divisions focused on black cultural products. This structures hip hop as a commercial industry rather than an artistic expression. The document analyzes how consolidation narrowed the creative space for rap music by absorbing independent labels that drove innovation. It finds top-selling rap songs reflected this narrowing by emphasizing proven formulas of success and taking fewer artistic risks. Kendrick Lamar's music is presented as defying this trend by producing commercially successful rap that offers empowering messages and challenges to dominant ideologies.
This book analyzes certain social and musical aspects of hip hop in various African countries through contributions from thirteen international scholars. It discusses how hip hop emerged as a social movement in the 1980s through break dancing and later became a musical genre as the African hip hop industry developed in the 1990s. The chapters examine hip hop's development in individual countries, solo artists, and its fusions with other genres. While providing historical and qualitative information on African hip hop, the book does not deeply analyze issues of race and identity explored in other hip hop literature.
1. The document discusses the rise of Canadian rap and argues that African American Studies curricula should include the Afro-Canadian experience, which can be studied through rap and hip-hop culture.
2. It notes commonalities between the experiences of African Americans and Afro-Canadians, such as economic struggles. The development of Canadian rap indicates an interest in and connection to the African American community.
3. The document uses the example of Canadian rapper P. Reign to illustrate similarities between Afro-Canadian and African American rappers' biographical origins and experiences with poverty and involvement in the drug trade.
Hip-hop emerged in the 1970s in the Bronx as a way for black Americans to establish a collective identity. It grew out of the social and economic inequality experienced by black communities in urban areas like New York City. Hip-hop utilized new rhythmic styles and sampling to create a unique sound that represented the experiences of black Americans. While initially meant to unite marginalized communities, hip-hop eventually spread more broadly and capitalized on the music industry. However, it maintained its identity and message of addressing social issues through meaningful lyrics. Artists like Kendrick Lamar continue this tradition while others focus more on commercial appeal. Overall, hip-hop used its music and culture to both establish a black identity and spread awareness of racial in
Hip-hop originated in the Bronx, New York in the 1970s. It was pioneered by DJs like DJ Kool Herc who isolated instrumental breaks from funk songs to create rhythmic backing for MCs to rap over. Early MCs introduced DJs and kept crowds engaged before developing more stylized rapping. By the late 1980s, hip-hop had become a mainstream commercial genre with subgenres like gangsta rap emerging. Today, hip-hop has a diverse global audience and is one of the most popular music genres, though some perceive its influence negatively.
This document summarizes and analyzes an academic article about Aboriginal hip hop culture in Australia. It discusses three key points:
1) It examines the work of three Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australian hip hop artists (Little G, MC Wire, and Morganics) who are part of the "conscious" hip hop scene and its influence on Aboriginal youth identity formation.
2) It argues that hip hop's localization in Australia is due not just to oppositional politics but also its internal logic of sampling, representing, and flow, which allows it to be adapted while maintaining local roots.
3) It provides an overview of the artist's performances and workshops to illustrate how they represent their communities and hip hop culture
This document discusses the history and evolution of hip-hop music from its origins in Africa through its development in the United States. It covers early influential artists like the Sugarhill Gang and Grandmaster Flash, the rise of gangster rap groups like N.W.A., and the career of Tupac Shakur. It also examines the shift from early hip-hop that told stories to the more commercial gangster rap that was criticized for vulgar lyrics, and the subsequent growth of conscious rap artists with positive political and social messages.
The socio political influence of rap music as poetry in the urbanJonathan Dunnemann
This thesis examines the socio-political influence of rap music as a form of poetry in urban communities. It focuses on three seminal rap artists: Public Enemy, N.W.A., and Tupac Shakur. The thesis argues that rap music, like traditional poetry, stands as a means of creative expression for African Americans and also addresses social and political issues. It traces the roots of rap music to the black oral tradition and discusses how rap picked up where the Black Nationalist literature of the 1960s left off in using unconventional forms to challenge mainstream ideologies. The thesis analyzes the progression of Public Enemy's message from political critique to a more integrationist approach and examines how N.W.A. and T
This document provides context for understanding contemporary mainstream rap music through analyzing the influence of corporate consolidation in the music industry. It discusses how major record labels promote and market black music, including rap, through separate divisions focused on black cultural products. This structures hip hop as a commercial industry rather than an artistic expression. The document analyzes how consolidation narrowed the creative space for rap music by absorbing independent labels that drove innovation. It finds top-selling rap songs reflected this narrowing by emphasizing proven formulas of success and taking fewer artistic risks. Kendrick Lamar's music is presented as defying this trend by producing commercially successful rap that offers empowering messages and challenges to dominant ideologies.
This book analyzes certain social and musical aspects of hip hop in various African countries through contributions from thirteen international scholars. It discusses how hip hop emerged as a social movement in the 1980s through break dancing and later became a musical genre as the African hip hop industry developed in the 1990s. The chapters examine hip hop's development in individual countries, solo artists, and its fusions with other genres. While providing historical and qualitative information on African hip hop, the book does not deeply analyze issues of race and identity explored in other hip hop literature.
1. The document discusses the rise of Canadian rap and argues that African American Studies curricula should include the Afro-Canadian experience, which can be studied through rap and hip-hop culture.
2. It notes commonalities between the experiences of African Americans and Afro-Canadians, such as economic struggles. The development of Canadian rap indicates an interest in and connection to the African American community.
3. The document uses the example of Canadian rapper P. Reign to illustrate similarities between Afro-Canadian and African American rappers' biographical origins and experiences with poverty and involvement in the drug trade.
Hip-hop emerged in the 1970s in the Bronx as a way for black Americans to establish a collective identity. It grew out of the social and economic inequality experienced by black communities in urban areas like New York City. Hip-hop utilized new rhythmic styles and sampling to create a unique sound that represented the experiences of black Americans. While initially meant to unite marginalized communities, hip-hop eventually spread more broadly and capitalized on the music industry. However, it maintained its identity and message of addressing social issues through meaningful lyrics. Artists like Kendrick Lamar continue this tradition while others focus more on commercial appeal. Overall, hip-hop used its music and culture to both establish a black identity and spread awareness of racial in
Hip-hop originated in the Bronx, New York in the 1970s. It was pioneered by DJs like DJ Kool Herc who isolated instrumental breaks from funk songs to create rhythmic backing for MCs to rap over. Early MCs introduced DJs and kept crowds engaged before developing more stylized rapping. By the late 1980s, hip-hop had become a mainstream commercial genre with subgenres like gangsta rap emerging. Today, hip-hop has a diverse global audience and is one of the most popular music genres, though some perceive its influence negatively.
This document is a paper analyzing the use of language and messaging in lyrics from Outkast's album Speakerboxxx/The Love Below. It examines two songs, "Unhappy" and "War," identifying instances of African American Language features and discussing how the lyrics convey sociopolitical messages using culturally relatable language. The paper also provides background on Outkast and context for the quote Andre 3000 wore on his jumpsuit, which prompted analysis of whether and how the group continues promoting cultural uplift and positive reinforcement through their music.
This document discusses the emergence of the "race music" industry in the United States between 1945-1955. During this time, many independent record labels that specialized in "race music" or rhythm and blues were owned or co-owned by Jewish entrepreneurs. These labels exploited the market niche left by major labels in serving the black music audience. Some influential independent labels included King, Savoy, Apollo, Old Time, Atlantic, Chess, National, and others. These Jewish businessmen saw an opportunity to profit from black music, though they sometimes exploited black artists. The document examines how these Jewish entrepreneurs succeeded in this business catering to black audiences.
Throughout the past several years, many people treated hip-hop as a brilliant resurgence of women who dominate the spotlight and charts. Traditionally, women performed specific roles in hip-hop. Women have been objectified in hip-hop through various forms of media. However, the role of women has evolved over generations to acquire an almost the same state as that of men.
The Hip-Hop Association held its 2004 wrap report, summarizing its accomplishments over the previous year. It facilitated the largest Hip-Hop film festival in the world, screening 106 films from over 10 countries with over 40 youth submissions. The festival highlighted the business of Hip-Hop filmmaking and included panel discussions on top Hip-Hop films and the evolution of Hip-Hop in the film industry. Over 7,000 people attended HHA programming over the year, including members of the Hip-Hop community and industries as well as educational and community organizations from over a dozen US cities and 10 countries. The HHA was supported by various sponsors and partners.
Trap music has grown rapidly in popularity in North America in recent years. It is defined by its use of 808 bass drums and bombastic basslines. While originally associated with southern hip hop, the genre has been adopted by dubstep and electro house artists. Some key artists who have helped popularize trap include Baauer, Flosstradamus, RL Grime, and Uz. However, others argue that the new EDM version of trap appropriates and commercializes elements of underground hip hop culture without understanding the social issues it represents. The growth and mainstream popularity of trap also mirrors how dubstep became more commercially oriented in previous years.
Music34 final-African americans in country music presentationEagle2412
DeFord Bailey was one of the first African American country musicians, playing regularly on the Grand Ole Opry from the 1920s to 1940s. He was influential in the formation and naming of the Opry. Charley Pride went on to become one of the best-selling country artists of all time in the 1960s-80s, helping pave the way for artists like Darius Rucker, whose 2008 number-one single made him the first African American country artist to achieve that level of success since Pride. While African Americans have made contributions to country music since its beginnings, it remains a predominantly white genre both in terms of artists and fans.
DeFord Bailey was one of the first African American country musicians, playing regularly on the Grand Ole Opry from the 1920s to 1940s. Despite facing segregation, he gained popularity with audiences. Darius Rucker found success as the first African American country artist to have a #1 single since Charley Pride in the 1980s. While few in number, artists like Cowboy Troy and Rissi Palmer are also working to expand the genre and increase African American representation in country music.
The main genre discussed is hip-hop, which originated in the 1970s in the Bronx, New York among African American and Latino youth. DJs would isolate breaks from popular funk and soul songs to rap over, influenced by techniques in Jamaican music. Hip-hop has since evolved, reflecting social and political issues, and becoming more commercially successful, especially with the rise of gangsta rap in the 1980s and 1990s. Contemporary hip-hop artists and music videos typically portray lavish lifestyles of wealth, with references to drugs, alcohol and women, showing how the genre has changed from its roots.
The main genre discussed is hip-hop, which originated in the 1970s in the Bronx, New York among African American and Latino youth. DJs would isolate breaks from popular funk and soul songs to rap over, influenced by techniques in Jamaican music. Hip-hop has since evolved, reflecting social and political issues, and becoming more commercially successful, especially with the rise of gangsta rap in the 1980s and 1990s. Contemporary hip-hop artists and music videos commonly feature symbols of wealth, partying, and a lavish lifestyle, representing the genre's evolution from its roots in urban poverty.
This document provides background information on the founding and early history of hip hop culture and the dance form of rocking/breakdancing. It discusses how rocking emerged from "uprocking" moves in the Bronx in 1975 and the founding of the Bronx Boys Rocking Crew. It aims to correct misconceptions about the origins and pioneers of hip hop that have spread due to numerous conflicting accounts over the years. The document emphasizes that hip hop culture truly began in the Bronx in the 1970s through the work of pioneers like Kool Herc and Afrika Bambaataa.
Hip hop originated in the South Bronx in the 1970s and is characterized by four elements: rap music, turntablism, breaking, and graffiti art. It began as a reactionary outlet for expressing the violence and poverty of urban environments. Key figures like DJ Kool Herc and Afrika Bambaataa established pillars of hip hop culture. Hip hop music emerged with DJs looping breaks and was accompanied by rapping. The culture has since spread globally while retaining its ability to challenge social issues.
Hip hop originated in the Bronx in the 1970s when DJ Kool Herc started playing funk music at parties and incorporating rapping. James Brown's funk music popularized the drum beat that became common in rap. Music videos feature close-up shots of rappers looking down to imply power over audiences. Rappers wear basketball jerseys and workout to signify strength and prowess. Expensive jewelry and brands showcase wealth and status. Rapper clothing like gold chains, designer brands, and snapbacks link to wealth, gang culture, and hiding identities.
DeFord Bailey was one of the first African American country musicians, playing regularly on the Grand Ole Opry from the 1920s to 1940s. His harmonica playing was influential in the formation of the Opry. Charlie Pride went on to become one of the most successful country music artists of all time, selling over 70 million albums despite facing racism as one of the first black country singers. Darius Rucker and other contemporary African American country artists like Cowboy Troy and Rissi Palmer are helping to expand the genre and appeal to new audiences, though they remain relatively rare in the country music industry which is still predominantly white.
The document discusses the history and development of hip hop music and culture. It covers the origins of hip hop in the 1970s in New York City, the emergence of rapping and DJing, and how hip hop grew into a mainstream genre in the 1980s. The document also discusses significant artists who helped develop hip hop such as DJ Kool Herc, Run-DMC, N.W.A., and Grandmaster Flash. It notes how hip hop influenced and was influenced by other genres like pop music. Finally, it discusses how artists are portrayed in hip hop music videos and culture, including the objectification of women and glorification of wealth.
Hip hop originated in the late 1970s in the working class communities of New York City. Early pioneers like Andrew Staysblack and DJ Kool Herc would connect equipment to power lines to perform in public spaces, helping establish hip hop. Though created in the US by African Americans, hip hop has since become a global cultural phenomenon popular in countries around the world. While commercial success has led some to criticize hip hop as too commercialized, it remains an influential culture defined by pillars like DJing, rapping, graffiti, breaking, and beatboxing.
The document discusses hip hop music genre research. It provides definitions and examples of key aspects of hip hop including subgenres, significant artists, representation of artists, ideologies represented in music videos, and generic conventions of hip hop music videos. Record labels important to hip hop like Def Jam and Cash Money are also discussed. The research will help inform the production of an original hip hop music video.
Learning and communicating online: Assessment 2A Producing an online informational resource
Created by: Michael White, Katherine Hard, Howard Wu,
Linh Phan and Mohammed Khalil (Group 2).
Hip-Hop in the 80’s discusses the origins and development of hip-hop culture in the 1980s. It started in the South Bronx among Hispanics and blacks with controversial and lighthearted party themes. Fashion included items like Adidas, Lee jeans, and Nikes. The arts of hip-hop included break dancing, rapping, graffiti, scratching and mixing. Positives were the good music, success, and messages against racism, drugs and violence. Critics argued it promoted violence and had explicit lyrics.
Hip hop began in 1974 in the Bronx, New York and is comprised of four main elements: emceeing, deejaying, graffiti, and breakdancing. Some of the founding fathers of hip hop include King Tim III, Sugar Hill Gang, Big Bank Hank, and Master Gee. There are three main subgenres of hip hop: gangsta rap which reflects inner-city violence, conscience rap which creates social awareness, and commercial rap which is made for parties and promoting albums. Hip hop has evolved over time and now debates content differences between current and past female artists as well as changes in slang usage.
The document provides biographical information about several famous composers from the late 19th century including Richard Strauss, Edward Grieg, Issac Albeniz, Richard Wagner, Fredric Chopin, Vincent d'Indy, Antonin Dvorak, Alexander Borodin, Giuseppe Verdi, and Sir Edward Elgar. It discusses their backgrounds, notable works, and contributions to music with a focus on nationalism in their compositions.
1) The document discusses the role of music in developing nationalism and strengthening national discipline.
2) Studying one's own music is an effective way to develop love of country, as music acts as a strong medium to strengthen nationalism and social solidarity.
3) The document provides examples of Filipino folk songs that are familiar to both locals and foreigners, and discusses how music reflects the soul of a nation.
This document is a paper analyzing the use of language and messaging in lyrics from Outkast's album Speakerboxxx/The Love Below. It examines two songs, "Unhappy" and "War," identifying instances of African American Language features and discussing how the lyrics convey sociopolitical messages using culturally relatable language. The paper also provides background on Outkast and context for the quote Andre 3000 wore on his jumpsuit, which prompted analysis of whether and how the group continues promoting cultural uplift and positive reinforcement through their music.
This document discusses the emergence of the "race music" industry in the United States between 1945-1955. During this time, many independent record labels that specialized in "race music" or rhythm and blues were owned or co-owned by Jewish entrepreneurs. These labels exploited the market niche left by major labels in serving the black music audience. Some influential independent labels included King, Savoy, Apollo, Old Time, Atlantic, Chess, National, and others. These Jewish businessmen saw an opportunity to profit from black music, though they sometimes exploited black artists. The document examines how these Jewish entrepreneurs succeeded in this business catering to black audiences.
Throughout the past several years, many people treated hip-hop as a brilliant resurgence of women who dominate the spotlight and charts. Traditionally, women performed specific roles in hip-hop. Women have been objectified in hip-hop through various forms of media. However, the role of women has evolved over generations to acquire an almost the same state as that of men.
The Hip-Hop Association held its 2004 wrap report, summarizing its accomplishments over the previous year. It facilitated the largest Hip-Hop film festival in the world, screening 106 films from over 10 countries with over 40 youth submissions. The festival highlighted the business of Hip-Hop filmmaking and included panel discussions on top Hip-Hop films and the evolution of Hip-Hop in the film industry. Over 7,000 people attended HHA programming over the year, including members of the Hip-Hop community and industries as well as educational and community organizations from over a dozen US cities and 10 countries. The HHA was supported by various sponsors and partners.
Trap music has grown rapidly in popularity in North America in recent years. It is defined by its use of 808 bass drums and bombastic basslines. While originally associated with southern hip hop, the genre has been adopted by dubstep and electro house artists. Some key artists who have helped popularize trap include Baauer, Flosstradamus, RL Grime, and Uz. However, others argue that the new EDM version of trap appropriates and commercializes elements of underground hip hop culture without understanding the social issues it represents. The growth and mainstream popularity of trap also mirrors how dubstep became more commercially oriented in previous years.
Music34 final-African americans in country music presentationEagle2412
DeFord Bailey was one of the first African American country musicians, playing regularly on the Grand Ole Opry from the 1920s to 1940s. He was influential in the formation and naming of the Opry. Charley Pride went on to become one of the best-selling country artists of all time in the 1960s-80s, helping pave the way for artists like Darius Rucker, whose 2008 number-one single made him the first African American country artist to achieve that level of success since Pride. While African Americans have made contributions to country music since its beginnings, it remains a predominantly white genre both in terms of artists and fans.
DeFord Bailey was one of the first African American country musicians, playing regularly on the Grand Ole Opry from the 1920s to 1940s. Despite facing segregation, he gained popularity with audiences. Darius Rucker found success as the first African American country artist to have a #1 single since Charley Pride in the 1980s. While few in number, artists like Cowboy Troy and Rissi Palmer are also working to expand the genre and increase African American representation in country music.
The main genre discussed is hip-hop, which originated in the 1970s in the Bronx, New York among African American and Latino youth. DJs would isolate breaks from popular funk and soul songs to rap over, influenced by techniques in Jamaican music. Hip-hop has since evolved, reflecting social and political issues, and becoming more commercially successful, especially with the rise of gangsta rap in the 1980s and 1990s. Contemporary hip-hop artists and music videos typically portray lavish lifestyles of wealth, with references to drugs, alcohol and women, showing how the genre has changed from its roots.
The main genre discussed is hip-hop, which originated in the 1970s in the Bronx, New York among African American and Latino youth. DJs would isolate breaks from popular funk and soul songs to rap over, influenced by techniques in Jamaican music. Hip-hop has since evolved, reflecting social and political issues, and becoming more commercially successful, especially with the rise of gangsta rap in the 1980s and 1990s. Contemporary hip-hop artists and music videos commonly feature symbols of wealth, partying, and a lavish lifestyle, representing the genre's evolution from its roots in urban poverty.
This document provides background information on the founding and early history of hip hop culture and the dance form of rocking/breakdancing. It discusses how rocking emerged from "uprocking" moves in the Bronx in 1975 and the founding of the Bronx Boys Rocking Crew. It aims to correct misconceptions about the origins and pioneers of hip hop that have spread due to numerous conflicting accounts over the years. The document emphasizes that hip hop culture truly began in the Bronx in the 1970s through the work of pioneers like Kool Herc and Afrika Bambaataa.
Hip hop originated in the South Bronx in the 1970s and is characterized by four elements: rap music, turntablism, breaking, and graffiti art. It began as a reactionary outlet for expressing the violence and poverty of urban environments. Key figures like DJ Kool Herc and Afrika Bambaataa established pillars of hip hop culture. Hip hop music emerged with DJs looping breaks and was accompanied by rapping. The culture has since spread globally while retaining its ability to challenge social issues.
Hip hop originated in the Bronx in the 1970s when DJ Kool Herc started playing funk music at parties and incorporating rapping. James Brown's funk music popularized the drum beat that became common in rap. Music videos feature close-up shots of rappers looking down to imply power over audiences. Rappers wear basketball jerseys and workout to signify strength and prowess. Expensive jewelry and brands showcase wealth and status. Rapper clothing like gold chains, designer brands, and snapbacks link to wealth, gang culture, and hiding identities.
DeFord Bailey was one of the first African American country musicians, playing regularly on the Grand Ole Opry from the 1920s to 1940s. His harmonica playing was influential in the formation of the Opry. Charlie Pride went on to become one of the most successful country music artists of all time, selling over 70 million albums despite facing racism as one of the first black country singers. Darius Rucker and other contemporary African American country artists like Cowboy Troy and Rissi Palmer are helping to expand the genre and appeal to new audiences, though they remain relatively rare in the country music industry which is still predominantly white.
The document discusses the history and development of hip hop music and culture. It covers the origins of hip hop in the 1970s in New York City, the emergence of rapping and DJing, and how hip hop grew into a mainstream genre in the 1980s. The document also discusses significant artists who helped develop hip hop such as DJ Kool Herc, Run-DMC, N.W.A., and Grandmaster Flash. It notes how hip hop influenced and was influenced by other genres like pop music. Finally, it discusses how artists are portrayed in hip hop music videos and culture, including the objectification of women and glorification of wealth.
Hip hop originated in the late 1970s in the working class communities of New York City. Early pioneers like Andrew Staysblack and DJ Kool Herc would connect equipment to power lines to perform in public spaces, helping establish hip hop. Though created in the US by African Americans, hip hop has since become a global cultural phenomenon popular in countries around the world. While commercial success has led some to criticize hip hop as too commercialized, it remains an influential culture defined by pillars like DJing, rapping, graffiti, breaking, and beatboxing.
The document discusses hip hop music genre research. It provides definitions and examples of key aspects of hip hop including subgenres, significant artists, representation of artists, ideologies represented in music videos, and generic conventions of hip hop music videos. Record labels important to hip hop like Def Jam and Cash Money are also discussed. The research will help inform the production of an original hip hop music video.
Learning and communicating online: Assessment 2A Producing an online informational resource
Created by: Michael White, Katherine Hard, Howard Wu,
Linh Phan and Mohammed Khalil (Group 2).
Hip-Hop in the 80’s discusses the origins and development of hip-hop culture in the 1980s. It started in the South Bronx among Hispanics and blacks with controversial and lighthearted party themes. Fashion included items like Adidas, Lee jeans, and Nikes. The arts of hip-hop included break dancing, rapping, graffiti, scratching and mixing. Positives were the good music, success, and messages against racism, drugs and violence. Critics argued it promoted violence and had explicit lyrics.
Hip hop began in 1974 in the Bronx, New York and is comprised of four main elements: emceeing, deejaying, graffiti, and breakdancing. Some of the founding fathers of hip hop include King Tim III, Sugar Hill Gang, Big Bank Hank, and Master Gee. There are three main subgenres of hip hop: gangsta rap which reflects inner-city violence, conscience rap which creates social awareness, and commercial rap which is made for parties and promoting albums. Hip hop has evolved over time and now debates content differences between current and past female artists as well as changes in slang usage.
The document provides biographical information about several famous composers from the late 19th century including Richard Strauss, Edward Grieg, Issac Albeniz, Richard Wagner, Fredric Chopin, Vincent d'Indy, Antonin Dvorak, Alexander Borodin, Giuseppe Verdi, and Sir Edward Elgar. It discusses their backgrounds, notable works, and contributions to music with a focus on nationalism in their compositions.
1) The document discusses the role of music in developing nationalism and strengthening national discipline.
2) Studying one's own music is an effective way to develop love of country, as music acts as a strong medium to strengthen nationalism and social solidarity.
3) The document provides examples of Filipino folk songs that are familiar to both locals and foreigners, and discusses how music reflects the soul of a nation.
El documento define el sistema político como el conjunto de interacciones estables a través de las cuales se ejerce la política en un contexto limitado. Surge de la aplicación de la teoría de sistemas general a la ciencia política, proponiendo al sistema político como una nueva unidad de análisis. Se refiere a la interdependencia y procesos de toma de decisiones de los actores políticos, diferenciándose de otros conceptos como forma de gobierno u Estado.
Este documento describe la evolución de la población mundial a través de la historia. Comenzó con solo 8 millones de personas en la era Paleolítica, aumentó a 300 millones durante el Neolítico debido al desarrollo de la agricultura, y luego fluctuó entre 800 millones a 1,700 millones hasta el siglo XX debido a guerras, epidemias y hambrunas. La revolución industrial y los avances médicos en el siglo XIX llevaron a un crecimiento más rápido, y la población se duplicó desde
El documento presenta información sobre el universo y el Sistema Solar. Identifica que la Tierra forma parte de un gran espacio llamado universo y describe cómo está conformado el Sistema Solar, identificando y caracterizando cada uno de los planetas que lo constituyen, incluyendo a la Tierra. Explica los movimientos de rotación, traslación, precesión y nutación de la Tierra y su relación con los eclipses lunares y solares.
Este documento presenta el plan de área de ciencias sociales para el Colegio Técnico Microempresarial El Carmen para el año 2014. Incluye la identificación del área, la organización y estructura con las asignaturas, horas y docentes, un diagnóstico del área, el problema central del área, los objetivos y el marco conceptual y legal. También presenta las estrategias metodológicas, los ejes temáticos y contenidos por grado que conforman la ruta básica de saberes del área de ciencias sociales.
Chen 1 Jiahui Chen Anthony Vine Mus 17 Winter 2JinElias52
Chen 1
Jiahui Chen
Anthony Vine
Mus 17 Winter 2021
28 Feb 2021
Hip Hop Culture on Good Influence
Hip hop refers to rap music, a genre of popular music developed by Latin and
Afro-Americans in the United States in the 1970s. It was that time in the history of the USA
when block parties were getting popular because rap music was promoting the cultural
movement in the most influential art form. While many people have a stereotype of hip-hop
culture, they think that hip-hop culture symbolizes dark and negative elements, such as drugs,
gangs, and murder, but in fact, hip-hop is a culture with a lot of positive value and influence.
Many raps convey a positive influence, such as Drake's God's plan. Some rapper songs are also
persuading people to stay away from violence, receive school education, help others, take care of
their families and change their destiny. And hip-hop artists are a way for many underrepresented
groups to speak out. They use hip-hop music to express their social and political issues and
attitudes. And hip-hop culture brings people together in different ways.
In the context of the origin of hip hop culture, it has been observed that cultural aspects
such as break dancing and graffiti were known to be the first aspects that caught the greater
public attention. A teenage Greek American, in 1972, started a graffiti movement by signing his
name and address on the walls of the subway system throughout New York City. The same
Anthony Vine
131710000000019395
thesis
Chen 2
sparked many actions, till 1975, that rendered the names of individuals by spraying colors and
paintings on the wall, which ultimately led to influential art dealers all across Europe, the US,
and Japan to display graffiti in art galleries. Meanwhile, turntable manipulation techniques were
being developed by deejays by playing short drum brakes, which created a rhythmic effect
known as scratching. In the US, rap first came as a prominent genre of music on the national
level by the release of the song "Rappers Delight'" by Sugarhill Gang in 1979. In the context of
the timeline of the hip-hop culture, the most notable event that led to the initiation of this
movement in the incident of Kool Herc holding his hip-hop parties in 1973. In 1979, the first
recorded rap song was released, followed by Curtis Blows single "The Breaks" massive sales in
1980. The last "old school" hip hop party was held by Kool Herc in 1984, and 'The Show" was
created by Doue E. Fresh in 1985. Later in 1986, Run DMC remixes like "Walk This Way" led
to the opening of hip hop to new audiences, and gangster rap was also formed at the same time.
Furthermore, in 1992, "The Chronic" was written by Dr Dre that launched him and labeled him
as a hip-hop icon in the world of rap music. Besides, the contemporary age of hip-hop culture
has begun in the 2000s. According to Complex, 2021, Kanye West is one of the successful
hip-hop ...
Chen 1 jiahui chen anthony vine mus 17 winter 2RAJU852744
Hip hop music was originally played by live bands. However, producers like Marly Marl felt bands did not accurately capture the sound of hip hop that was popular in places like Harlem and the Bronx. That sound involved scratching, echoes, beatboxing, and breakbeats - elements that were difficult for live bands to recreate. This disconnect between the studio recordings and live hip hop events influenced producers to start using drum machines and samplers rather than bands.
This document discusses the hip hop subculture and its evolution over time. It begins by providing background on the origins of hip hop in the Bronx in the 1970s. It then discusses some of the key elements of hip hop culture, including DJing, MCing, graffiti art, and breakdancing. The document notes that hip hop music and culture have since spread widely and been adopted into mainstream society. It provides examples of how hip hop has influenced language, dress, and thinking.
This document discusses the origins and history of African American music, specifically hip hop. It notes that African American music developed both culturally and artistically over the years, with styles like spirituals, blues, jazz, R&B, and hip hop creating an incredible history. Hip hop originated in the Bronx in the 1970s and has grown to address issues like education, racism, and drug use through rhythm, beats, and lyrics. Wild Style, an early hip hop film from 1983, documented elements like emceeing, graffiti, breakdancing, and deejaying.
Rise Up Hip Hop Nation From Deconstructing Racial Politics to Build.docxkathyledlow2rr
Rise Up Hip Hop Nation: From Deconstructing Racial Politics to Building Positive
Solution
s
Kristine Wright
Posted on April 16, 2011 by
sdonline
http://sdonline.org/36/rise-up-hip-hop-nation-from-deconstructing-racial-politics-to-building-positive-solutions/
Life is your right
, so we can’t give up the fight.
—
Bob Marley
Defining Hip Hop
From society’s periphery, a generation created a cultural medium,
hip hop
, that served as both an expression of and an alternative to urban woes plaguing their lives, namely underemployment, poverty, and racial discrimination. Rap music and the associated fashion, language, and dance styles became hip hop’s modes of expression. For many African American youth, hip hop has been a part of their cultural identity since the 1970s (Rose 1994; George 1998). Today, hip hop’s influence on popular culture is undeniable. From its inception three decades ago, hip hop has grown from an urban, predominantly black and Latino youth culture into an international youth phenomenon transcending racial and ethnic lines.
The term hip hop describes urban youth culture in America (Smitherman 1997). Hazzard-Donald (1996) defines hip hop as an expressive cultural genre originating among marginalized African American youth. Forms of hip hop expression include rapping and rap music, graffiti writing, dance styles (originating with break-dancing), specific attire, and a specialized language and vocabulary. According to Smitherman, hip hop grew out of African oral tradition and other forms of black culture, as well as a long history of interaction between black and Latino urban culture, originating in the Bronx, New York (Guevara 1996). George (1998) offers this succinct description:
At its most elemental level hip hop is a product of post-civil rights era America, a set of cultural forms originally nurtured by African American, Caribbean-American, and Latin American youth in and around New York in the ’70s. Its most popular vehicle of expression has been music, though dance, painting, fashion, video, crime, and commerce are also its playing fields (viii).
Hip hop culture transcends the commercialized product sold to mainstream America through commercials and music videos. It is more than the music, fashion, and style that is now so popular among youth everywhere. Although these are its modes of expression, hip hop as a culture is rooted in the day-to-day experiences of millions of inner city teens. As Spiegler (1996) describes it, hip hop is based on real life experiences, giving it more permanence than earlier teen trends.
In the beginning, the expression of hip hop culture known as rap was the voice of the urban youth underclass. According to Smitherman, rap music was a response to conditions of poverty, joblessness, and disempowerment, which still deeply affect the lives of the majority of African American urban youth today. Not only was rap music a black expressive cultural phenomenon, it was also a discourse of resistanc.
The document discusses concerns about the negative influence of hip hop music. It notes that from 1985 to 2013, the top 5 hip hop songs each year contained a total of 31,564 curse words. It argues that hip hop promotes unhealthy behaviors like drug and alcohol use and disrespects women and minorities. It also states that the sexual and profanity-laden lyrics are inappropriate for children. The document expresses that while hip hop may address social struggles, it does so in a negative way that could encourage harmful behaviors among youth.
The document provides an overview comparing the Harlem Renaissance and hip hop movements. Both emerged from black cultural expression and brought about greater understanding of black experiences among white audiences. Key elements discussed include:
- Both involved cross-racial cultural influences through art forms like jazz, poetry, and hip hop.
- Rent parties played an important social and economic role during the Harlem Renaissance, bringing communities together through jazz music.
- The Harlem Renaissance lasted around 15 years until declining with the Great Depression, while hip hop built upon influences from bebop and artists like Quincy Jones.
Similar to Black Nationalism and Rap Music Dr. Errol A. Henderson (7)
Dr. Clarke In His Own Words_ African Education At the Crossroads. RBG Communiversity
This document provides an autobiographical account from Dr. John Henrik Clarke reflecting on his life and work as an historian, author, and activist. Some key points:
- Clarke was born in 1915 in Alabama and grew up in a sharecropping family, working various jobs from a young age to support himself and his education.
- He had a passion for history from a young age and left the South to pursue further education and a career focused on researching and teaching African history.
- Throughout his life, Clarke authored hundreds of works on African history and the African diaspora. He also founded or helped establish numerous organizations focused on African and African American studies.
- Clarke dedicated his career to
Political Report to the 7th Congress of the African People's Socialist Party USARBG Communiversity
The document is the political report from the chairman of the African People's Socialist Party to the party's Seventh Congress. It discusses the party's role as the vanguard and advanced detachment of the African revolution. It provides the party's history and achievements over its 45+ year existence. It emphasizes the party's goal of seizing state power in Africa to liberate the continent from imperialism and establish socialism under the leadership of the African working class.
Dr. Amos N. Wilson_The Battle Must Be Joined | A Revolutionary PoemRBG Communiversity
This document calls for joining the battle against racism through direct action and confrontation. It states that true change requires risking defeat, fighting "hand to hand" through institutions and traditions, and creating a new world order through rebuilding and restoring what has been destroyed. The battle must be fought through the mind, spirit, will, money, technology, and physical confrontation if needed. Ultimately, change depends on ordinary people taking up the challenge and making this new world their own.
The Revolutionary Psychology of Dr. Amos N. Wilson_text only versionRBG Communiversity
1) The passage discusses the revolutionary psychology of Dr. Amos N. Wilson and emphasizes the need to join the battle for liberation through concrete action and building new institutions.
2) It criticizes assimilationist leadership that seeks integration into white systems of power and calls for a true nationalist movement that works to replace oppressive systems with Afrocentric alternatives through entrepreneurship and future-oriented work.
3) A true nationalist educates both children and adults, builds international networks, and delegates power rather than being obsessed with the past or destroyed civilizations. Nationalism requires concrete progress.
Imperialism 101_ Chapter 1 of Against Empire by Michael ParentiRBG Communiversity
This document provides an overview and analysis of imperialism. It discusses how imperialism has shaped world history over the past few centuries through the colonization and oppression of indigenous peoples. While imperialism has had massive impacts, it is often ignored or sanitized in mainstream discourse. The document examines the economic drivers of capitalist imperialism, how it has exploited the land, labor and resources of the global south for profit. It also debunks common myths used to justify imperialism, such as the notion that colonized regions were inherently poor or culturally backward.
This document outlines standards and guidelines for members of the African People's Socialist Party. It discusses that Party members must be committed to serving the people and struggling for African liberation, unity, and socialism. The Party aims to educate the masses and lead them in struggles to solve their problems and undermine the imperialist system. The document explains the Party's revolutionary strategy and role in developing the political consciousness of the people through organizing struggles. It emphasizes the importance of discipline and subordinating individual interests to serve the Party and liberation movement.
This document contains multiple quotes from Malcolm X on a variety of topics:
1) Malcolm X criticizes those in the black community who are too comfortable with their current situation and unwilling to push for further progress and change.
2) He expresses that while he is against racism and discrimination, he does not view himself as an American due to the oppression black people face in the U.S.
3) Malcolm X emphasizes the importance of black unity before trying to unite with other groups, and calls for greater understanding between black people to overcome divisions.
This document summarizes key points from Dr. Amos Wilson's book "Blueprint for Black Power" regarding economics and Afrikan nationalism. It discusses Wilson's argument that an African American/Caribbean/Pan-African bloc could generate significant black power to counter white and Asian power networks. It also analyzes potentially powerful black institutions and advocates for greater use of financial tools and institutions to promote economic empowerment. Wilson asserts that true black power requires ownership and control over critical resources like property, wealth, and organization, rather than just political offices. The responsibility of the African American community is to ensure Africa's economic development and invest in rebuilding Africa.
The 14-Point Platform of the African People's Socialist Party outlines their core beliefs and goals. The key points are:
1) They believe African people in the US experience colonial domination and oppression, and seek peace, dignity, and self-determination.
2) They believe the capitalist system exploits African labor and want rights to economic development and jobs that benefit their people.
3) They do not believe African people have meaningful political representation, so do not want to pay taxes to the US government.
4) They want freedom of speech and association to organize for liberation without fear of imprisonment or harm.
5) They view all African people as part of a single entity, and want the
From: Chairman Omali Yeshitela , Ch. 3. The Theory of African Internationalism. In: An Uneasy Equilibrium - Commemorative Edition: The African Revolution Versus Parasitic Capitalism, Burning Spear Uhuru Publications, 2014.
Chinweizu_ Marcus Garvey and Black Power (Parts 1 through 6)RBG Communiversity
Garvey argued that the Black race will be exterminated if it does not build a Black superpower in Africa by the end of the century. He summarizes Marcus Garvey's legacy, including his institution building, profound ideas, and projects for successors. Key aspects of Garvey's legacy were his establishment of political, business, social, and paramilitary institutions through the UNIA; ideas like race first, racial autonomy, self-reliance, nation building, and industrialization; and his dramatization of Black power that inspired future leaders despite attempts to discredit him.
Decolonizing the African Mind: Further Analysis and Strategy_Dr. Uhuru HotepRBG Communiversity
This document provides an overview and framework for discussing the psychology of African liberation. It discusses how Europeans perfected methods of psychological manipulation and control over Africans through processes of colonization, deculturalization, and mis-education. These processes aim to strip Africans of their culture and replace it with European culture in order to manipulate and control them. The document outlines the history of European colonialism in Africa and how it led to the colonization of African lands, knowledge, and minds. It discusses how deculturalization and mis-education have affected African Americans and aims to brainwash them. The document concludes by discussing the need to decolonize the African mind through reversing these processes and embracing African concepts and orientations.
2017 African People's Socialist Party Plenary Putting Revolution Back On the ...RBG Communiversity
The document discusses an African People's Socialist Party plenary meeting to assess progress on implementing the goals established at the party's sixth congress five years prior. It describes the imperialist crisis exacerbating political instability in the US and challenges facing the African liberation movement. The party sees itself as providing revolutionary leadership for the African working class to achieve socialist liberation and unification against neocolonial forces promoting dependency.
This document summarizes the evolution of scholarship on the Black Power movement. It notes that early narratives portrayed Black Power negatively and dismissed its impact. However, over the past 15 years, new scholarship has provided nuanced analyses that demystify the movement and document its profound implications. The essay examines how the study of Black Power has grown from being part of civil rights historiography to becoming its own distinct field. It traces the roots of the Black Power movement in earlier 20th century radicalism and outlines some of the movement's key activities and impacts during the late 1960s and early 1970s.
African People’s Socialist Party 14-Point Platform Study-GuideRBG Communiversity
The document provides an overview of the 14-Point Platform of the African People's Socialist Party, which was adopted in 1981. It states that studying the 14 points equips members to understand the Party's theory of African Internationalism and take action to liberate Africa and African people everywhere. The 14 points are considered the basic political education course for understanding the Party's ideology and practice. The document urges members to memorize and internalize the 14 points and use them daily in organizing Africans to liberate Africa and their people.
This document contains Malcolm X's speech given at the London School of Economics in 1965. In it, he makes 3 key points:
1) American society is racist and uses the media to portray Black communities as criminal to justify police brutality and oppression.
2) Western powers manipulate the media to control the narrative around conflicts in Africa, portraying violence against Black communities as justified while ignoring mass murder.
3) Centuries of colonial rule created a negative image of Africa that caused Black people in the West to internalize racism and hate their African identity and features.
ATTICA PRISON UPRISING 101-A SHORT PRIMER By Mariame Kaba, Project NIARBG Communiversity
This document provides background information on the 1971 Attica Prison uprising in three pages. It summarizes that tensions were rising at Attica due to overcrowding, poor conditions, and racial segregation. On September 8th, 1971, two prisoners were sent to solitary confinement ("the box") after an altercation, sparking outrage among the inmate population. The next day, prisoners took control of the facility, taking guards as hostages. After four days of negotiations, state police stormed the prison, killing 39 people in the process and ending the uprising. The document aims to provide context on the conditions and circumstances that led up to the rebellion.
The Political Report to the Sixth Congress of the African People’s Socialist ...RBG Communiversity
The document provides an overview of the African People's Socialist Party and the political context surrounding its Sixth Congress. It notes that the Party was founded in 1972 in the aftermath of the defeat of the Black Revolution of the 1960s. It argues that the Party's leadership is now needed more than ever as imperialism enters a crisis period. The Party recognizes the defeat of previous revolutionary struggles and aims to complete what was started rather than accept limitations. It asserts that the Party's role is to continue providing revolutionary leadership to the African masses and lead the Final Offensive Against Imperialism.
The Black Power Movement, A State of the Field. Joseph PE, 2009.RBG Communiversity
This document summarizes the evolution of scholarship on the black power movement. It discusses how early narratives portrayed black power negatively, undermining civil rights struggles. Recent studies have provided more nuanced perspectives, establishing black power studies as a field. The black power movement fundamentally transformed racial justice struggles through uncompromising pursuit of social, political, cultural, and economic change across various areas like education, politics, and women's issues. The meaning and impact of black power remains complex with both positive and negative dimensions.
National Humanities Center Resource Toolbox
The Making of African American Identity: Vol. III, 1917-1968
Stokely Carmichael.Toward Black Liberation The Massachusetts Review Autumn 1966 Excerpt*
From Teacher to OnlyFans: Brianna Coppage's Story at 28get joys
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Sara Saffari: Turning Underweight into Fitness Success at 23get joys
Uncover the remarkable journey of Sara Saffari, whose transformation from underweight struggles to being recognized as a fitness icon at 23 underscores the importance of perseverance, discipline, and embracing a healthy lifestyle.
Taylor Swift: Conquering Fame, Feuds, and Unmatched Success | CIO Women MagazineCIOWomenMagazine
From country star to global phenomenon, delve into Taylor Swift's incredible journey. Explore chart-topping hits, feuds, & her rise to billionaire status!
Brian Peck Leonardo DiCaprio: A Unique Intersection of Lives and Legaciesgreendigital
Introduction
The world of Hollywood is vast and interconnected. filled with countless stories of collaboration, friendship, and influence. Among these tales are the notable narratives of Brian Peck and Leonardo DiCaprio. The keyword "Brian Peck Leonardo DiCaprio" might not immediately ring a bell for everyone. but the connection between these two figures in the entertainment industry is intriguing and significant. This article delves deep into their lives, careers, and the moments where their paths intersect. providing a comprehensive look at how their stories intertwine.
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Early Life and Career Beginnings
Brian Peck: The Early Years
Brian Peck was born in New York City on July 29, 1960. From a young age, Peck exhibited a passion for the performing arts. He attended the Professional Children's School. which has a history of nurturing young talent in the arts. Peck's early career marked by a series of roles in television and film that showcased his versatility as an actor.
Peck's breakthrough came with his role in the cult classic "The Return of the Living Dead" (1985). His performance as Scuz, one of the punk rockers who releases a toxic gas that reanimates the dead. earned him a place in the annals of horror cinema. This role opened doors for Peck. allowing him to explore various facets of the entertainment industry. including writing and directing.
Leonardo DiCaprio: From Child Star to Hollywood Icon
Leonardo DiCaprio was born in Los Angeles, California, on November 11, 1974. His career began at a young age with appearances in television commercials and educational films. DiCaprio's big break came when he joined the cast of the popular sitcom "Growing Pains" (1985-1992). where he played the character Luke Brower.
DiCaprio's transition from television to film was seamless. He gained recognition for his role in "This Boy's Life" (1993) alongside Robert De Niro. This performance began a series of acclaimed roles. establishing DiCaprio as one of the most talented actors of his generation. His portrayal of Jack Dawson in James Cameron's "Titanic" (1997) catapulted him to global stardom. solidifying his status as a Hollywood icon.
Brian Peck Leonardo DiCaprio: Their Paths Cross
Collaborations and Connections
The keyword "Brian Peck Leonardo DiCaprio" signifies more than two names; it represents a fascinating connection in Hollywood. While their careers took different trajectories, their paths crossed in the 1990s. Brian Peck worked with DiCaprio on the set of the 1990s sitcom "Growing Pains." where DiCaprio had a recurring role. Peck appeared in a few episodes. contributing to the comedic and dynamic environment of the show.
Their professional relationship extended beyond "Growing Pains." Peck directed DiCaprio in several educational videos for the "Disneyland Fun" series. where DiCaprio's youthful charm and energy were evident. These early collaborations offered DiCaprio valuable experience in front of the camera. he
Leonardo DiCaprio Super Bowl: Hollywood Meets America’s Favorite Gamegreendigital
Introduction
Leonardo DiCaprio is synonymous with Hollywood stardom and acclaimed performances. has a unique connection with one of America's most beloved sports events—the Super Bowl. The "Leonardo DiCaprio Super Bowl" phenomenon combines the worlds of cinema and sports. drawing attention from fans of both domains. This article delves into the multifaceted relationship between DiCaprio and the Super Bowl. exploring his appearances at the event, His involvement in Super Bowl advertisements. and his cultural impact that bridges the gap between these two massive entertainment industries.
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Leonardo DiCaprio: The Hollywood Icon
Early Life and Career Beginnings
Leonardo Wilhelm DiCaprio was born in Los Angeles, California, on November 11, 1974. His journey to stardom began at a young age with roles in television commercials and educational programs. DiCaprio's breakthrough came with his portrayal of Luke Brower in the sitcom "Growing Pains" and later as Tobias Wolff in "This Boy's Life" (1993). where he starred alongside Robert De Niro.
Rise to Stardom
DiCaprio's career skyrocketed with his performance in "What's Eating Gilbert Grape" (1993). earning him his first Academy Award nomination. He continued to gain acclaim with roles in "Romeo + Juliet" (1996) and "Titanic" (1997). the latter of which cemented his status as a global superstar. Over the years, DiCaprio has showcased his versatility in films like "The Aviator" (2004). "Start" (2010), and "The Revenant" (2015), for which he finally won an Academy Award for Best Actor.
Environmental Activism
Beyond his film career, DiCaprio is also renowned for his environmental activism. He established the Leonardo DiCaprio Foundation in 1998, focusing on global conservation efforts. His commitment to ecological issues often intersects with his public appearances. including those related to the Super Bowl.
The Super Bowl: An American Institution
History and Significance
The Super Bowl is the National Football League (NFL) championship game. is one of the most-watched sporting events in the world. First played in 1967, the Super Bowl has evolved into a cultural phenomenon. featuring high-profile halftime shows, memorable advertisements, and significant media coverage. The event attracts a diverse audience, from avid sports fans to casual viewers. making it a prime platform for celebrities to appear.
Entertainment and Advertisements
The Super Bowl is not only about football but also about entertainment. The halftime show features performances by some of the biggest names in the music industry. while the commercials are often as anticipated as the game itself. Companies invest millions in Super Bowl ads. creating iconic and sometimes controversial commercials that capture public attention.
Leonardo DiCaprio's Super Bowl Appearances
A Celebrity Among the Fans
Leonardo DiCaprio's presence at the Super Bowl has noted several times. As a high-profile celebrity. DiCaprio attracts
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The Evolution and Impact of Tom Cruise Long Hairgreendigital
Tom Cruise is one of Hollywood's most iconic figures, known for his versatility, charisma, and dedication to his craft. Over the decades, his appearance has been almost as dynamic as his filmography, with one aspect often drawing significant attention: his hair. In particular, Tom Cruise long hair has become a defining feature in various phases of his career. symbolizing different roles and adding layers to his on-screen characters. This article delves into the evolution of Tom Cruise long hair, its impact on his roles. and its influence on popular culture.
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Introduction
Tom Cruise long hair has often been more than a style choice. it has been a significant element of his persona both on and off the screen. From the tousled locks of the rebellious Maverick in "Top Gun" to the sleek, sophisticated mane in "Mission: Impossible II." Cruise's hair has played a pivotal role in shaping his image and the characters he portrays. This article explores the various stages of Tom Cruise long hair. Examining how this iconic look has evolved and influenced his career and broader fashion trends.
Early Days: The Emergence of a Style Icon
The 1980s: The Birth of a Star
In the early stages of his career during the 1980s, Tom Cruise sported a range of hairstyles. but in "Top Gun" (1986), his hair began to gain significant attention. Though not long by later standards, his hair in this film was longer than the military crew cuts associated with fighter pilots. adding a rebellious edge to his character, Pete "Maverick" Mitchell.
Risky Business: The Transition Begins
In "Risky Business" (1983). Tom Cruise's hair was short but longer than the clean-cut styles dominant at the time. This look complemented his role as a high school student stepping into adulthood. embodying a sense of youthful freedom and experimentation. It was a precursor to the more dramatic hair transformations in his career.
The 1990s: Experimentation and Iconic Roles
Far and Away: Embracing Length
One of the first films in which Tom Cruise embraced long hair was "Far and Away" (1992). Playing the role of Joseph. an Irish immigrant in 1890s America, Cruise's long, hair added authenticity to his character's rugged and determined persona. This look was a stark departure from his earlier. more polished styles and marked the beginning of a more adventurous phase in his hairstyle choices.
Interview with the Vampire: Gothic Elegance
In "Interview with the Vampire" (1994). Tom Cruise long hair reached new lengths of sophistication and elegance. Portraying the vampire Lestat. Cruise's flowing blonde locks were integral to the character's ethereal and timeless allure. This hairstyle not only suited the gothic aesthetic of the film but also showcased Cruise's ability to transform his appearance for a role.
Mission: Impossible II: The Pinnacle of Long Hair
One of the most memorable instances of Tom Cruise long hair came in "Mission: Impossible II" (2000). His character, Ethan
Enhance Your Viewing Experience with Gold IPTV- Tips and Tricks for 2024.pdfXtreame HDTV
In the ever-evolving landscape of digital entertainment, IPTV (Internet Protocol Television) has emerged as a popular alternative to traditional cable and satellite TV services. Offering unparalleled flexibility, a vast selection of channels, and affordability, IPTV services like Gold IPTV have revolutionized the way we consume television content. This comprehensive guide will delve into everything you need to know about Gold IPTV, its features, benefits, setup process, and how it can enhance your viewing experience.
The Midnight Sculptor.pdf writer by Ali alsiadali345alghlay
The city of Ravens burg was known for its gothic architecture, fog-covered streets, and an eerie silence that seemed to hang over the town like a shroud.
Morgan Freeman is Jimi Hendrix: Unveiling the Intriguing Hypothesisgreendigital
In celebrity mysteries and urban legends. Few narratives capture the imagination as the hypothesis that Morgan Freeman is Jimi Hendrix. This fascinating theory posits that the iconic actor and the legendary guitarist are, in fact, the same person. While this might seem like a far-fetched notion at first glance. a deeper exploration reveals a rich tapestry of coincidences, speculative connections. and a surprising alignment of life events fueling this captivating hypothesis.
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Introduction to the Hypothesis: Morgan Freeman is Jimi Hendrix
The idea that Morgan Freeman is Jimi Hendrix stems from a mix of historical anomalies, physical resemblances. and a penchant for myth-making that surrounds celebrities. While Jimi Hendrix's official death in 1970 is well-documented. some theorists suggest that Hendrix did not die but instead reinvented himself as Morgan Freeman. a man who would become one of Hollywood's most revered actors. This article aims to delve into the various aspects of this hypothesis. examining its origins, the supporting arguments. and the cultural impact of such a theory.
The Genesis of the Theory
Early Life Parallels
The hypothesis that Morgan Freeman is Jimi Hendrix begins by comparing their early lives. Jimi Hendrix, born Johnny Allen Hendrix in Seattle, Washington, on November 27, 1942. and Morgan Freeman, born on June 1, 1937, in Memphis, Tennessee, have lived very different lives. But, proponents of the theory suggest that the five-year age difference is negligible and point to Freeman's late start in his acting career as evidence of a life lived before under a different identity.
The Disappearance and Reappearance
Jimi Hendrix's death in 1970 at the age of 27 is a well-documented event. But, theorists argue that Hendrix's death staged. and he reemerged as Morgan Freeman. They highlight Freeman's rise to prominence in the early 1970s. coinciding with Hendrix's supposed death. Freeman's first significant acting role came in 1971 on the children's television show "The Electric Company," a mere year after Hendrix's passing.
Physical Resemblances
Facial Structure and Features
One of the most compelling arguments for the hypothesis that Morgan Freeman is Jimi Hendrix lies in the physical resemblance between the two men. Analyzing photographs, proponents point out similarities in facial structure. particularly the cheekbones and jawline. Both men have a distinctive gap between their front teeth. which is rare and often highlighted as a critical point of similarity.
Voice and Mannerisms
Supporters of the theory also draw attention to the similarities in their voices. Jimi Hendrix known for his smooth, distinctive speaking voice. which, according to some, resembles Morgan Freeman's iconic, deep, and soothing voice. Additionally, both men share certain mannerisms. such as their calm demeanor and eloquent speech patterns.
Artistic Parallels
Musical and Acting Talents
Jimi Hendrix was regarded as one of t
The Gallery of Shadows, In the heart of a bustling city
Black Nationalism and Rap Music Dr. Errol A. Henderson
1. RBG Blakademics January, 2011
Black Nationalism and Rap Music
Text written by Dr. Errol A. Henderson
RBG NU AFRIKAN HIP HOP CULTURE AND RAP MUSIC WIKIZINE
Article Hypertext Contents
The Origins of Hip-hop ........................................................................................................ 3
Hip-Hop As A Conduit For Political Culture ....................................................................... 4
The Foci of Nationalism ....................................................................................................... 5
A Nationalist Conduit: The Zulu Nation .............................................................................. 6
The Germinating Context for a More Focused Nationalism .............................................. 8
The Transformation of the Image of Hip-Hop: BDP ..........................................................10
A Challenge to Those Who Assume a Nationalist Posture ..............................................14
A Future For Nationalism in Hip-Hop.................................................................................17
References...........................................................................................................................21
Black Nationalism and Rap Music / Errol A. Henderson, Ph.D. Page 1
2. RBG Blakademics January, 2011
To take part in the African revolution it is not to write a revolutionary song; you must fashion the
revolution with the people. And if you fashion it with the people, the songs will come by
themselves, and of themselves. ... In order to achieve real action, you must yourself be a living
part of Africa and of her thought; you must be an element of that popular energy which is
entirely called for the freeing, the progress, and the happiness of Africa. There is no place
outside that fight for the artist or for the intellectual who is not himself concerned with and
completely at one with the people in the great battle of Africa and of all suffering humanity.
Sekou Touré1
In this paper, I examine some major nationalist trends in rap music (or hip-hop), its
development and the implications of its future growth. I argue that rappers should return to the
nationalistic focus of hip-hop if the industry is to become a base for African centered politico-
economic and cultural development. This Afrocentric rendering could help promote a national
culture to replace the popular (faddish) culture of violence and sexism, and both wed African
Americans to the best in their culture and allow them to more directly profit from their cultural
product.
Additionally the promotion of Afrocentric national culture may help to create a standard of
behavior and a new rites of passage away from guns, dope, sexism, and violence, and toward
more African-centered definitions of manhood and womanhood rooted in righteous behavior,
support for liberation struggles and political prisoners, Afrocentric community building, and
good entertainment. Asante (1993, p. 124) maintains that "it is only a centeredness born of
knowledge of our history and consciousness of our predicament that will lead us out of the abyss
of violence."
Further, rap must be insulated from White supremacist criticism from outside the community.
Euro-Americans cannot stand as the moral authority in this country—their hands are too bloody.
The moral vanguard of this country has always been the Black, Brown, and Red communities.
However, too many in the Black community, their White supremacy intact, simply parrot the
Euro-American condemnation of hip-hop. This is baseless, and is reminiscent of the facile
criticism of be-bop. This group of White supremacists in Black face simply wait for White
sanction of culture before giving their seal of approval. They admonish, inter alia, that rap music
causes violence. That makes about as much sense as arguing that "Love Child" by the Supremes
caused teen pregnancy. These senseless assertions are not pursued in this article.
The larger point is that the reality of the baselessness of these condemnations does not absolve
African Americans, especially Black nationalists from criticizing hip-hop. Karenga (1993)
reminds us that rap music does not have a martyrs immunity against criticism. However, we do
not condemn hip-hop, but we challenge it to rise to the level of the best of its potential. I argue
that its nationalistic focus points the direction toward, and encompasses, the best of this
potential, which is the fusion of Black popular and national culture.
Black Nationalism and Rap Music / Errol A. Henderson, Ph.D. Page 2
3. RBG Blakademics January, 2011
The Origins of Hip-hop
Rap music has had a profound impact on the African American community in the United States.
Its greatest significance, to my mind, derives from the fact that it has fostered a profound
nationalism in the youth of Black America. Arguably, hip-hop has become a conduit for African
American culture to a greater extent than even jazz. Where the latter could, though its
polyrhythmic syncopations, embrace both the nuances and jagged edges of the collective Black
experience, it could not self-consciously energize the nationalist ethos in quite the way the more
lyrically focused hip-hop does. To present these jagged edges, jazz, or be-hop, needed the
uncompromising lyric of the poet. Also, poets, with their jagged edges intact, still required the
talking drum of instrumentation to fully capture the Black ethos of struggle, resistance,
righteousness, exploitation, and creativity in Black America. Hip-hop fused the two—poetry and
jazz—in such a way as to render itself the most conductive source of the current of African
American culture.
Hip-hop, or rap music, began in the early 1970's. The first synthesis of self-conscious poetry and
music can be traced, most directly, to the Black nationalist Last Poets. Their albums The Last
Poets, Chastisements, This is Madness, and others have become classics in the African American
community. When one member who separated from the group, with the stage name "Lightning
Rod," used a musical score provided by Kool & The Gang as a backdrop to his lyrical narrative
of a day in the life of two hustlers, he had no idea he was laying the basis for an entirely new
musical genre. This album, Hustler's Convention, was a mainstay in the album collection of a
South Bronx DJ named Kool Herc.
Herc credited Lightning Rod and James Brown with providing the foundation for hip-hop, but it
was Herc who gave it life. Herc was deft at the early art of mixing and fading one record into the
next without missing a beat in the interchange. He did this mostly by ear. His vast repertoire of
music, including some reggae beats that though loved in the streets were very hard to find, and
his thundering speaker system known as "The Herculords" made his music highly danceable,
rhythmical, and unavoidable. The thundering sounds of the Herculords remains legendary.
Meanwhile, an electronic genius of a young man, J. Saddler, had developed a more accurate way
of mixing music from two turntables. Grand Master Flash, as he became known, originated the
"clock method," whereby DJs used the face of the album as a sort of reckoning tool by which one
could remember one's place on a record more exactly. This was necessary because Flash would
not simply "mix" the records, but he would "scratch" them: Using the needle in the groove as an
instrument to make the grating though rhythmical sound for which rap has become famous.
Although a hip-hop prodigy, Grand Wizard Theodore, reportedly discovered this technique while
under Flash's tutelage, it was Flash who perfected it. Flash is credited with giving hip-hop its
face—the deft, smooth and creative DJ. The battles between Flash and Herc became legendary.
But even Herc would have to admit that none were faster than the original "Grand Master."
The face of rap in its early days was definitely the DJ. The body of rap was the urban wasteland
that was the South Bronx. Here gangs of New York youth were encased in what could only be
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described as a war zone. After the Black power movement, the Vietnam War, and the FBI
COINTELPRO against positive Black community organizations, gangs were almost alone as the
one institution in the Black community offering a cogent message to Black youth. That message
was, "join and survive." The largest of these New York Black gangs was the Black Spades, and
its youthful leader would rise phoenix-like from the ashes of the South Bronx. He transformed
the Black Spades into the Zulu Nation, and he transformed himself into a hip-hop legend. Afrika
Bambataa. With the coming of Bambataa the mind of hip-hop was turned to Black nationalism,
positive creativity, vision, and healing. Some of his messages would not take root until as late as
1981 when his early rival, Flash, convinced his MC Melle Mel to co-author "The Message," the
first nationally recognized "progressive" rap statement on the condition of Black America.
Hip-Hop As A Conduit For Political Culture
Hip-hop is much more than the names and faces of individual practitioners of the genre. Inter
alia, it has the potential to fill a transitional void of cross-generational cultural transmission
within Black culture by providing a new lyric to an old tune, in some cases literally. When
Public Enemy dropped "Black Steel in the Hour of Chaos," they were not only providing an
anthem for incarcerated Black youth, but they were doing so in the context of regurgitating
"Hyperbolicsyllabicsesquedaelamistic," a 1970s Isaac Hays tune from the album Hot Buttered
Soul. It is the sampling aspect of hip-hop that allows for creative synthesis in the context of
cross-generational cultural transmission. Not only was this tying together of generations
important in the aesthetic sense, but it was more significant because the nexus was established
between a relatively apolitical generation of the 1970s and 1989s with the staunch Black
nationalist African American subculture of the 1960s. Kool Herc made the most of this potential
in hip-hop for cross-generational cultural transmission. In one sense, this was epitomized through
his early use of James Brown ("Say it Loud, I'm Black and I'm Proud"), the Black nationalist
Last Poets, and Rastafarian reggae. Reggae, especially in the hands of Bob Marley, picked up the
nationalist torch laid down with the death of jazz great John Coltrane. Black nationalism was
incubated in reggae before the coming of hip-hop, and to this day the best of reggae maintains its
Garveyite elements.
Because the early era of hip-hop (1973–1979) was dominated by the DJ, the spun records had to
speak for themselves. DJs like Herc and later Hollywood, just threw some catchy phrases over
the mix; however, there wasn't much to the actual "rap" element of hip-hop. Melle Mel,
Grandmaster Caz, The Treacherous Three, Lovebug Starski, and Hollywood were important
progenitors of the era of MC dominance in hip-hop. MCs demonstrated their verbal acrobatics
over "def" DJ mixes. This was epitomized in "Rapper's Delight," the Sugarhill Gang's
expropriation of some of Grandmaster Caz's old raps, which nonetheless made rap a national
phenomenon. The phrasing was classic hip-hop, but simplistic. Within two years, Melle Mel let
the world know that living could sometimes be "like a jungle." This was "The Message."
Although it was different from the hip-hop then in vogue, it evoked the nationalist roots of rap
better than anything before—or since. It was cutting edge. It was in the best tradition of what
KRS-ONE would later describe as "edutainment," but it was not as pretentious as the latter. This
brand of nationalism was rooted in the commonality of oppression, and "The Message" made it
plain. Later rap artists like Public Enemy and X-Clan would attempt to provide a more explicitly
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political and cultural analysis of the black condition without compromising the basic hip-hop
aspects of their raps.
The Foci of Nationalism
Karenga (1980, p.15) defines Black nationalism as the political belief and practice of African
Americans as a distinct people with a distinct historical personality who politically should
develop structures to define, defend, and develop the interests of Blacks as a people. This entails
a redefinition of reality in Black images and interests, providing a social corrective by building
institutional and organizational structures that house Black aspirations, and it provides a
collective vocation of nation building among Black people as a political end. Beyond Karenga's
definition lies the issue of the motivation, or justification, for the emergence of Black
nationalism within the African American community. There appear to be three such justifications
for the emergence of Black nationalism.
First is that brand of nationalism that emerges from identification rooted in a perceived
commonality of oppression. Another emerges from a recognition of a convergence of political
purpose, objectives, and goals. Third is that brand of nationalism that rests on the justification of
a commonality of culture. The first type, though superficially based, can be quite lasting. In the
Black community it rests on the recognition of the common caste identity of Blacks in White
supremacist America. In its vulgar, though popular, aspect, it promotes a form of skin color
nationalism that disregards the diversity within the Black community especially around issues of
class, gender, and cultural identification. In this sense, it is inherently reactive, rooted in the
specious Eurocentric concept of race under which the very people who promote this brand of
nationalism have been relegated.
In the second variant, nationalism emerges from a common agenda. This form is usually
representative of a more sophisticated analysis beyond purely skin color considerations.
However, what actually emerges is a collective agenda among those filtered into the process by
skin color considerations. Here where Black skin is viewed as necessary, though not sufficient, a
type of interest group focus or specialization occurs where the nationalist group orients itself
around a particular ideology and political program and offers itself as an appropriate vehicle for
the realization of Black aspirations. There is a wide continuum ranging from the Black
nationalist conservatism of Washington through the bourgeois nationalism of the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) to the revolutionary Black
nationalism of the Republic of New Afrika (RNA).
In the last case, where nationalism emerges from culture considerations, the reactive and purely
skin color considerations are bypassed. Nationalism that emerges from a cultural perspective
takes on self-defining aspects of the culture group itself and does not derive from reactive
definitions. Because culture is an inclusive concept, it incorporates gender, class, and other
diverse components of society within its construct. It does not rely on the Eurocentric concept of
race, however, it realizes that people of a common African culture in this society are also
primarily those we consider Black people. Also, this nationalism suggests that whereas African
Americans constitute a distinguishable culture group—a people—then that people should have a
common agenda because, historically people have developed as groups and, presently, African
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Americans have been subjugated as a group into a caste in the United States. Notice here that
though a commonality of oppression is recognized in this approach, it is not the primary for this,
an African-centered nationalism. Only this justification leads to the synthesis of nationalist
thought and practice suggested by Karenga's (1993) definition of Black nationalism. Much of the
early nationalism in hip-hop had as its justification a commonality of oppression. There later
emerged a nationalism based in the second type; a commonality of interests and agenda. It was
only later, especially with the rise of X-Clan that the third type began to develop.
It is clear that nationalism, whatever its justification, has, inter alia, political, cultural, psychic,
and economic elements. Rappers began to articulate all these perspectives in their music.
Entertainment was the raison d'être, but entertainment could be couched in nationalism and could
become Afrocentric and transformative. Asante (1987) asserted the connection between Black
aesthetics, from orature to dance, and Afrocentrism. This Afrocentrism could then infuse the best
image and interests of Black peoples into the popular culture and allow it to fuse into a liberating
national culture. 2
This was the central focus of the Black Arts Movement of the 1960s. 3 The potential for the
development of such a liberating process was all the more important because hip-hop up to the
time of Run DMC's "King of Rock" was strictly playing to a Black audience. Of course all hip-
hop was not nationalistic, or even political, for that matter. Many rap artists were as apolitical as
their counterparts in mainstream music. I would argue, however, that from its inception the
nationalist ethos has been present in hip-hop. In fact, this Black nationalism has structured hip-
hop in the past and continues to do so. It is important that we understand how and why this has
occurred.
A Nationalist Conduit: The Zulu Nation
Nationalism in hip-hop does not emerge exclusively from the lyrics of early rap music. In the
early days of hip-hop in the 1970s, this nationalism developed from the collective ethos of the
Black community that spawned this new genre. In this respect, the very framework of the hip-
hop community suggested, fostered, and allowed to flourish a collectivist nationalist praxis. This
is because hip-hop was incubated in the Black community's house parties, public parks, housing
projects, and local jams. These sites in the Black community were often under the immediate
influence of the dominant territorial gangs in the areas. The gangs made security a chief concern
for both would-be rappers and those coming to jams. For their own benefit, gangs could insure
the safe conduct of a party, at some cost, functioning as traditional security. In this some gangs
could find their own commercial success.
The presence of gangs also motivated performers to enlist their own crews for security,
especially when they performed outside of their own home base, because much of the hip-hop
scene was done through house parties. 4 One such famous crew provided security for Grand
Master Flash. The Casanova Crew, as they were called, had a reputation; according to
Grandmaster Caz: "They were kicking nigger's asses."5
The movement into different territories also facilitated the spread of hip-hop.6 This process also
moved gangs into more commercial and less territorial postures as the prospect for wealth
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beyond nickel and diming over turf presented itself in the form of commercial security
enterprises. It also suggested the transformation of crews and gangs in a manner that would
reflect the collective ethos that hip-hop, even with its famous "battles," nonetheless promoted.7
This suggested a linkage around commonality instead of differences. The most obvious
commonality within the emergent hip-hop community was the fact that it was exclusively Black.
Any commonality that emerged would have to emerge within that context. The result was a
reaffirmation of the basic aspects of Black cultural nationalism framed in the context and
aspirations of a young gifted and Black core of hip-hop talent. This was the Zulu nation.
Zulu is really a youthful expression of cultural unity. As such it does not go in and out of style.
People may be down with particular crews or not, but the unity associated with the cultural
aspects of hip-hop operate independently of folks going down with this crew or not. Caz captures
this notion when he points out that "it's [Zulu's] not a record, and it's not something that gets hot
and not hot. You might be up on it now and not hear about it later, but to people that's down it's
always there" (Eure & Spady, 1991, p. xv). Zulu brought cultural focus to the hip-hop
community because its chief leader was himself among the earliest sources of hip-hop: Afrika
Bambataa. Although Bambataa had emerged from the Black Spades, one of the largest Black
gangs in New York, the ethos that he brought forth was inclusive. In response to the question,
"Did Zulu play a part in bringing about the unity [in hip-hop]?" Grandmaster Caz responded:
Definitely, because Bambataa ... everybody was down with Zulu, even if you down with the crew, even if you
wasn't down with [Africa] Islam and the Funk Machine, and Bambataa and the Soulsonic Force, you was still down
with Zulu. You was down with Bam, you know what I'm saying. So that came from everybody just being down with
Bam. None of that shit was happening when Bam was around, it was a respect kind of thing. Like down at the Roxy,
that was Bam's shit. I mean, Bam was the first major person talking about unity, or people being together. (Eure &
Spady, 1991, pp. iv–xv)
Bambataa had an organization, a legacy as one of the early progenitors of hip-hop, and when he
and his group, the Soul Sonic Force, in 1982 scored a major hit record with "Planet Rock," the
Zulu ethos began to inundate hip-hop nationally.
Nationalism and the Nationalizing of Hip-Hop's Appeal: Run DMC
The nationalist ethos that was evident in the music of Flash and Bambataa did not dominate hip-
hop. The young genre drew even more on the diverse aspects of the creative community that had
spawned it. It was not until the middle 1980s that mega rap stars Run DMC made an overtly
Black nationalist statement in rap form with the release of "I'm Proud to Be Black." Interestingly
this recording appeared on an album, Raising Hell, where the rappers performed with White,
Aerosmith, in a rap and roll version of the rock group's "Walk This Way." What had occurred in
the interim is that hip-hop began to more overtly incorporate the flavor of New Wave, Techno,
and House music. Hip-hop had always relied on R&B, jazz, funk, reggae, and rock samples. But
not before Run DMC did hip-hop have both a national White audience and a hard rock sampling
face. Run DMC did not begin this way. They, guided by the managerial and marketing genius of
Russell Simmons, parlayed the B-boy image of hip-hop into million-dollar record sales. Their
nihilistic reflections on the hardship of ghetto life captured the ethos of urban Black youth. Their
hit, "It's Like That," became an anthem of Black youth, so much of which was isolated in the
inner cities. Isolated from the more bourgeois elements of emerging Black suburbia as well as
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the Black middle class whose aspirations were more consistent with the roles found in the Cosby
Show and the mood captured later in Bobby Mcferrin's, "Don't Worry Be Happy," DMC's
message reflected and legitimized the B-boy lifestyle, and the Fresh Fest tours that they
headlined showed major labels as well as the entire country that hip-hop was and would remain a
powerful force in music.
Run DMC's hard edge rap was coupled with guitar riffs that would put the best rock guitarists to
shame. But coupled with the uncompromising bass and talking drum of the R&B and funk
traditions, this made for an incredible rhythmical bouncing B-boy style. This wasn't Led
Zeppelin. It was more like Cream meets P-funk meets the Last Poets, with as much of a mixture
of frivolity, humor, fantasy, and conscience. But at the stage of "King of Rock," it appeared that
hip-hop was playing to a Black (and increasingly Hispanic) audience while beginning to attract
Whites. It was not, however, self-consciously crossing over to insure White appeal. That
appeared to be, at best, secondary. However, with the unheard of commercial success of "King of
Rock." the crossover appeal was so great that Run DMC appeared to cross over and out of the
mainstream of hip-hop (African American), and they have never really been accepted back, on a
national level, by their previously loyal Black rap fans. 8
The Germinating Context for a More Focused Nationalism
If we move beyond hip-hop's spatial locus (urban centers beginning in New York) and turn to its
temporal locus, we begin to understand better it's wedding to Black nationalism. The national
emergence of hip-hop is contemporaneous with the rise of reactionary republicanism in the
Reagan-Bush years that would persist for no less than 12 years. The multiple recessions of the
late 1970s and early 1980s were depressionary for Black people and especially Black youth.
From 1979 to 1981, the Black community of the United States was transfixed on the Atlanta
Child Murders, and few were convinced or assuaged by the conviction of Wayne Williams. In
the late 1970s, Louis Farrakahn split with Warith Deen Muhammad's American Muslim Mission
and reformed the Nation of Islam (NOI) under the former Black supremacist concepts abandoned
by the son of Elijah Muhammad with the death of the self-proclaimed "messenger of Allah" in
1975. Coupled with the rise of the Farrakhan led NOI was the political rise of Jesse Jackson and
his presidential runs in 1984 and 1988. Although Jackson has never espoused nationalism
beyond its expediency for realizing his integrationist aims, the attacks on Jackson by the White
media and his White coaspirants served to galvanize Black nationalist support around him and to
result in positive sentiment for his campaign even among those who did not support his populist
platform.
When Jackson received the NOI's Fruit of Islam as his own security force, the convergence of
the integrationist and nationalist hearkened back to the days of King and Malcolm. At this
volatile point, only hip-hop spoke to the times (with the constant exception of Gil-Scott Heron).
In these times, hip-hop 's sociopolitical consciousness was bared proudly for all suckers to see.
Hip-hop spoke to the realities, perceptions, misperceptions, and aspirations that for too long lay
stillborn on ghetto streets or aborted by conditions that waylaid hopes that even in death found
no audience outside of the tenement walls or the unmarked boundaries that separated where you
could go in the city and where the sun bet not set on you. George (1988) observes that in his
lyrics,
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Melle Mel would praise Jesse Jackson's run for the presidency ("Jesse") while mainstream Black acts avoided
singing about this historic event, make allusions to Hitler in discussing America's attitude toward the poor ("Beat
street Breakdown"), and anticipate by several years the antidrug movement of the mid-eighties ("White Lines"). (p.
193)
Unfortunately, nationalism also took the patriarchal focus of the 1960s and took a very
misogynist approach to Black womanhood. Although from its earliest days hip-hop has had its
female DJs and MCs, its center stage was mainly male oriented. By the time of the rise of
Sugarhill, acts like Angie B began to emerge through the hip-hop ranks. For the most part,
females would perform ancillary roles as dancers, and they were relegated, as performers, to
novelty raps such as in the case of the Real Roxanne or to response raps such as those by Shante.
The true marketing and recording potential of female acts was unheralded until the monumental
success of Salt n Pepa's "Push It." Beyond representation, from a womanist perspective, what
was as bad was and is the continued objectification of Black women as bitches and hoes or other
types of property, as male rappers pursue White supremacist patriarchal visions of Stagolee. This
is epitomized in the straight up B-boy lines of LL cool J as well as in most of the gansta rap from
early Boogie Down Productions (BDP), Ice-T, NWA, The Geto Boys, Treach, Tupac, and less
successful would-be ganstas up to the pimp daddy mack appeals of Too Short and his aspirants.
Undoubtedly the most notorious acts in this vein have emerged from the stables of Luke
Productions.
But nationalism doesn't survive simply on the articulation of sentiment. It must be wedded to at
least two other elements: image and organization. To a large extent, Russell Simmons provided
an organizational basis for Black acts through his Def Jam Productions and Rush Management.
But Simmons as a businessman, along with Tick Rubin, saw the potential of White acts as well
as Black. In fact he produced the first White rap group with national appeal, The Beastie Boys.
Interestingly he signed and produced this White group although it would be more than 5 years
before he would sign a Black female rap act (Nikki D). So the nationalism that Simmon's
activities engendered were more incidental to his overall aim of moving rap music into the
mainstream of national and international markets in terms of volume sold. However, he provided
an organizational focus for rap's Black business interests. The emergent independent Black rap
labels found it difficult to compete with the hegemonic budgets of the major labels, and many
were bought out or opted to hook up with the majors. Although the majors were late in seeing the
commercial potential of hip-hop, they nonetheless developed hip-hop arms within their
organizations to sop up the emergent talent. Under these influences, rap moved away from the
call response pairs epitomized by RUN DMC, incorporating live bands, and huge MC Hammer
stage shows.
Now the image of hip-hop has gone on to encompass much of the older elements but now
includes the consummate producers of hip-hop who have fused the best of the genre with more
traditional elements of Black music. These include but are not limited to Dr. Dre and funk, Pete
Rock and jazz, the Bomb Squad and rock and R&B, and so on. The central point is that the
image of hip-hop has been transformed to include rap's super producers and promoters, rap
movie and television stars, raptivists, emergent Black womanist artists, respected Mexican and
Caribbean American artists like Kid Frost, The Latin Alliance, and Cypress Hill,
"suckerducktricktypewannabe" acts like Serch, House of Pain, Marky Mark, Vanilla Ice, as well
as new geographic etrepôts in the West, South, and Midwest.
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The Transformation of the Image of Hip-Hop: BDP
This image of hip-hop was largely the B-boy and Fly Girl images of urban Black youth. These
images were perpetuated in the burgeoning music video industry. Getting paid, drinking forties,
rolling, stupid sex, beepers, fly gear, a dope sound system in the helluva ride—all were part of
the impulse and imitation that continued to move Black youth that flocked to hip-hop in droves.
This was the image of hip-hop. But the reality included much of the post-teen Black audience
that was turned off by the pretensions of R&B and less inspired nouveau technojazz of the
Wynton Marsalis ilk. For them, hip-hop continued the best of the funk and soul traditions that
disco failed to project beyond the dance halls and cabarets. The hip-hop sampling, the danceable
beats, and the infectious rhymes made rap attractive, but the substantive content—its focus on
gangs, drugs, community involvement, and giving something back—hit a nerve for post-teens
emerging from one type of disillusionment in the teen years and facing a new kind in the 20s and
the decreased prospects for success, not just on an individual level, but as a people. For them, the
image of hip-hop was not epitomized in the B-boy image so much as it was epitomized in the
community interest. As the White media and its Black surrogates began to paint hip-hop as
inherently violent, the unifying force of a perceived alien enemy galvanized the rap audience. It
seemed as though hip-hip would be attacked, that concerts, bookings, and dollars would be lost
under the guise of preventing the violence that hip-hop "naturally" spawned. It seemed as if, in
the final analysis, it was hip-hop against the world. And that meant Black folks against the
world.
On a national level, KRS-ONE, the rapper of martyred DJ Scott LaRock, who between them
formed BDP, promoted a different hip-hop image. The image he promoted remained, in some
respects, in the context of B-boys, but importantly he began to push the image of a politically
conscious "underclass." Here was a young gifted rapper, formerly homeless, whose DJ was
murdered, promoting a perspective akin in some ways to that proffered by the early Black
Panther Party (BPP). In this sense, the Black underclass was seen as a more lumpen proletariat
class, in the sense of Fanon, the class with the most propitious prospects for organizing and
producing revolution out of colonization. KRS-ONE's By All Means Necessary is a self-
consciously Malcolm X inspired imaging of hip-hop and its potential as a force for Black self-
determination. In this album, he implores Blacks, inter alia, that because many are educated, they
must open their mouths and speak. Later KRS-ONE used some of the Afrocentric perspectives of
Yosef ben Jochannnan in his anthem "You Must Learn" and argued for the teaching of
Afrocentric history and provided in a video positive depictions of Blacks, including Black
biblical figures such as Moses.
After imaging Minister Malcolm and invoking the Black Power Movement, he then rallied
around him some of the most potent rappers in the business to attack the violent image of rap.
The Stop the Violence Movement drew youthful Black consciousness to the impact of violence
of Black people and to a large extent remade the image of hip-hop from the ceaseless violence of
criminal gangs and stick-up kids to the responsibilities of young Black men and women intent on
breaking them off something in a society that had denied them so much. Importantly, what was
gaining play was not so much a Black nation as a "hip-hop nation." That is to say, the hip-hop
nation invoked Black nationalism in a superficial way, but practice was something different.
Hip-hop resurrected some deceased African American images, particularly Malcolm X, but it
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didn't seem to elevate those leaders present today. Politics was too often reduced to showing
Malcolm X or Martin King in a video instead of incorporating their precepts into praxis on the
part of the rappers who evoked the images of these African American leaders. Too many rappers
didn't even bother to make their lyrics, much less their actions, consistent with the philosophies
or even the sound bites of these leaders and teachers.
There is a larger requirement for the Black artist because they are asserting their creativity within
the context of their people being oppressed. Whatever they purportedly do in the community, the
music must speak to this consistently in that it is the vehicle whereby much of their philosophy
or lack of philosophy gets transmitted. What emerges from hip-hop should be a much different
lyric and different music than that which germinates from the non-oppressed elements in this
country, and because legitimate hip-hop emerges from the Black cultural context and its
conceptual and geographical landscape, and because this is almost completely foreign to
European Americans, then these White folks may not be able to produce legitimate hip-hop, to
the extent that their cultural, caste, and class foci speaks to a different reality. On the other hand,
it may be that so-called Hispanics can speak to a sentiment and agency that more consistently
parallels those processed that devolved from the Black experience and ethos. From this line of
reasoning it looks like Native American hip-hop "gonna be a @&#%$*."
The hip-hop nation, as opposed to the Black nation, promoted a "myth of action" whereby
political responsibility, knowledge, and activity was garnered by proclamation and not by
demonstration. This created a condition where people could practice one thing and preach
another. This created the prospects for disillusionment among hip-hop fans who witnessed the
stifling of their "revolutionary" performers when called to task by their primarily White bosses.
This was perceived as the case with Public Enemy on the issue of Professor Griff, and most
noticeably in the case of Ice-T and the Cop Killer dispute.
The Centrality of Public Enemy to "Nation Conscious Rap"
It is impossible to consider the Black nationalist element in hip-hop without recognizing the
seminal influence of Public Enemy. Planting nationalist seeds in their first album in the righteous
piece "Rightstarter," their second album exploded the nationalist image as they stood flanked by
their security forces, and invoking the religious and political Black nationalism of the Farrakhan
led NOI, they provided the standard for "nation conscious rap." Importantly, unlike KRS-ONE
who promoted disparate strands and strains of nationalist sentiment without a community-
grounded institution, Public Enemy broke out with one of the most heralded and respected
institutions in the Black community—the NOI. This fusion of rap and Black nationalist political
organization promoted through his lyrics the nationalist sentiment but also provided through his
community activity a distinguishable practice of communitarian responsibility.
As rallies and public interest focused on the murders of Howard Beach, the lynching of Michael
Donald, the attacks on Eleanor Bumpers, the Tawanna Brawley case, and the student uprising at
Columbia and the University of Michigan, Public Enemy focused youthful Black energy and
consciousness in a way that no rap act ever had. Overtly promoted by and promoting Louis
Farrakhan, Public Enemy helped bring thousands of young Blacks to the political philosophy of
Black nationalism. For example, in "Party for your Right to Fight," a side from their second
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album, It Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold us Back, Public Enemy transforms the title of the
party rap from the Beastie Boys ("Fight for you Right to Party") into a powerful, though cursory,
exegesis of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense (i.e., the party for you right to fight). Here
is evinced a movement away from the oppression-inspired nationalism of "The Message" toward
a more self-determination-focused nationalism.
No other rap, this side of the joint, captured the ethos of Blacks in captivity in quite the way of
"Black Steel in the Hour Chaos."9 Beyond the message to those physically incarcerated, the lyric
was reminiscent of Malcolm X's assertion that simply to be Black in America, whether one was
incarcerated of not, was to be in prison. Chuck D pushed this line of nationalism into the
heralded "Fight the Power." But the overall sentiment that emerged from the religious-based
nationalism of the NOI contrasted with the lumpen appeal of hip-hop for the young generation
who, although they respected the so-called Black Muslims, had no intention of organizing with
them. Principally, this motivation, or lack thereof, may be rooted in what Kelley (1992) refers to
as a "Ghettocentric" view that predominates in many inner city communities. 10 More to the
point, it actually reflects the subcultural locus of interests that emerge from the caste dynamic of
U.S. society where inner city African Americans find themselves cast out of mainstream national
culture and are forced to derive for themselves some requisite paradigm of interpreting a very
different world than that contained in the paradigm of the dominant culture (i.e., it ain't the
American dream).
What has emerged among the small cohort that is the hip-hop community in these urban centers
(as opposed to the more lasting institutions that African Americans have built as life-giving and
life-sustaining institutions in these same communities since the great migration) is a rather
nihilistic and self-destructive set of tenets that emerge from the drive for survivalism in these
inner city communities, which are usually not grounded in overtly African-centered dynamics or
in disciplined religious formulations like those found in the NOI program. Also, at the same
time, prior to the Dopebusters Program and the organizing of the NOI National Security as a
business institution, the NOI was not prepared to organize with groups other than Black
Muslims. Following Malcolm more than Muhammad, Farrakhan is attempting to overcome this
rigidity.
The image of Malcolm X, more a caricature at times, holding his carbine peering through a
curtained window captured the hip-hop nation and demanded less as a cost of followership than
the rigid discipline of the NOI. And with the riff between Chuck D and Professor Griff—who
was among the most vocal adherents of NOI philosophy within Public Enemy—resulting in
Griff's dismissal from the group, hip-hop followers used this cleavage to abrogate any
responsibility of followership beyond proclamations of being "down." Further, the mysticism of
NOI philosophy, the centering of Yacub's history, the making of a messiah/god out of a non-
Black Farad Muhammad, countered the more cultural-based nationalism and revolutionary black
nationalism of an emergent and philosophically thirsty Black youth.
What was missing in the Public Enemy appeal was the same elements missing in the NOI: a
cultural focus on African tradition and practice as opposed to a pseudo-Asiatic/Arab and/or
Muslim foci, as well as a transformative philosophy rooted in Black agency, action, and
representation, and not awaiting a messiah. A group centered on the stylings and flavor of the
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13. RBG Blakademics January, 2011
son of a legendary Black community activist organized around these very precepts emerged and
helped change the face of hip-hop. This was X-Clan.
X-Clan fused aspects of Karenga's (1980) Kawaida and aspects of revolutionary Black
nationalism. X-Clan grounded their Black nationalism in Black culture and in protest that was
present day and not simply hearkening back to dead heroes. The overtly Kemetic (Egyptian)
imagery and philosophy were much more studied and apparent in X-Clan was forthright in their
Black nationalism. They coupled their rap with the organizational focus of The Blackwatch
Movement, which is a Black nationalist organization seeded in several cities. With the boycott of
Korean grocers and the explosion of the Black and White communities following the murder of
Yusuf Hawkins in Bensonhurst, Blacks organized "Days of Outrage" as a form of protest. X-
Clan gave expression to both the sentiment and the activities that both fostered and resulted from
continued attacks on Black self-determination.
X-Clan not only positioned Black nationalism in its political aspect at the center of hip-hop, it
pushed nationalist rap stars, including Public Enemy, back to a more political, as opposed to a
religious, Black nationalism following what some considered a weaker almost integrationist
sentimentalizing in Public Enemy's third album, Fear of a Black Planet. In this album, although
the first release, "Welcome to the Terrordome" was vintage PE (Public Enemy), Chuck appeared
to be responding more to attacks on him from Whites, particularly European-Jewish Americans,
and was not so much pushing the nationalist position. The next album, Apocalypse 91: The
Empire Strikes Black, resurrected the politically based nationalist position of PE, especially in
what I consider to be the album's three core cuts "Can't Truss It," "By the Time I Get to
Arizona," and the exceptional "Shut Em Down."
The imagery that was portrayed in the videos of these three cuts was exceptional. In the first,
present-day conditions of African Americans, especially following the attacks on Rodney King,
are juxtaposed against the era of the Holocaust of Enslavement: slave auctions analogized to
employment lines, agricultural plantations analogized to industrial plants, rape on the plantation
to sexual harassment in the workplace, and finally lynching to the beating of Rodney King. The
video's effect is heightened by the fact that it is filmed in Black and White. "By the Time I Get to
Arizona" provides narrative for a concerted attempt to assassinate the legislative leadership of a
state that fails to officially sanction and recognize the Martin Luther King holiday.
Here PE takes the prototypic symbol of nonviolence, Martin Luther King, and depicts retribution
for the sufferings visited upon African Americans before, during, and after the movements that
he helped to lead. In so doing, PE asserts all African Americans' right to put history in our own
image and interests. They are not forced to only invoke what Martin King invoked. They are not
forced to only "dream" the way that the White media as well as the Black integrationist
"leadership" attempts to constrain thought, analysis, or interpretations of Martin King. Although
King went to his death as an apostle of nonviolence, that does not mean that all we can learn
from King is nonviolence. This is the relevance of PE. We have a duty and obligation as heirs
and custodians of a powerful legacy to both remember and interpret history, but to also cast it in
a liberating light so that we may construct vehicles and institutions to perpetuate the best of us as
a people.
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14. RBG Blakademics January, 2011
For nationalists, we can accept aspects of King's leadership and his philosophy, but even in our
analysis of him, and much more of the movement, we are not limited by this. White
supremacists, Black and White, have great difficulty with this aspect of self-determination,
primarily because it attacks their authority as the definers of truth, righteousness, historical
accuracy, and morality. The parade of integrationist Negroes that chastised PE's video stand is
testament to the prevalence and enduring nature of White supremacy.
Finally, "Shut Em Down" moved the imagery of Black nationalism beyond the simply
caricaturing of Malcolm X. In this video, also done in Black and White, PE depicts some of the
greatest heroes of the Black power movement over a pulsing bass line and Chuck D's hailing
baritone invoking the Black masses to shut down those elements and institutions that do not
provide for and promote Black community development. To my mind, in all three videos, PE
attempts to redefine and reposition Black nationalism around demystified and responsible
historical interpretation. This is most evident in "Can't Truss It" and "By the Time I Get to
Arizona." PE also shows respect and homage for the heroes of Black nationalism while
acknowledging responsible community praxis. Implicit in "Shut Em Down" is PE's admonition
to rappers to join in struggle with their communities. This was as much the result, I would argue,
from the push of X-Clan as it was from the evolving political maturity of Public Enemy.
A Challenge to Those Who Assume a Nationalist Posture
This longer treatment of PE over other acts is not to suggest that as goes PE, so goes Black
nationalist hip-hop. PE's centrality insofar as promoting Black nationalism, however, is widely
respected even among those who are not recognized for being politically conscious. 11 What is
important in the development of PE is that it parallels much of the development of Black
nationalism in hip-hop—good and bad. Much of the positive side has been stated, but on the
other side, PE has also been responsible for promoting a "politics as theater" approach to
nationalism. This aspect of the melodramatizing of political action was taken up by the White rap
group 3rd Bass, who made a parody of the precision fancy drill of PE's security forces in their
rap "Gas Face." Moreover, PE helped to promote another rather deleterious aspect of nationalist
hip-hop: the myth of action. The myth of action, a term borrowed from Maulana Karenga,
promotes proclamation over demonstration. That is, real community organizing and political
grounding are forsaken, or never undertaken. Pursued instead is a sort of fantasizing of
abstracting of action that usually is no more than hollow melodrama that nonetheless passes, in
some circles, for positive political action.
Interestingly it was PE protégéé Sister Souljah who, after earning a reputation as a community
organizer especially of community oriented hip-hop concerts, promoted the "raptivist" image of
rap star and activist. She gained national attention, not from her raps, or from her appearances in
PE's as well as her own videos, but as the brunt of Bill Clinton's attack on the Rainbow Coalition
in his attempt to further distance himself and in many ways renounce Jesse Jackson's Rainbow
Coalition and his perceived leftist populism to ensure Clinton the "Bubba" vote among the White
middle-income groups in the country. Souljah used this national attention and responded in
concert with much of the nationalist audience in repudiation of both Clinton and his right to
position himself as a moral teacher for her personally and for Black people as a whole. But the
nationalist community's last national images of PE were its video with White heavy metal rock
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group Anthrax performing "Bring The Noise." Somehow I don't think the nationalist audience
assumed that the noise PE was talking about bring was performing with a White metal band.
But this is the same course that Los Angeles gangsta rapper Ice-T pursued. Going even further,
he put together a metal band, known as Body Count, and performed at metal sites such as
CBGB's and then performed on the Lollapolluza tour. Ice-T has at one time or another promoted
an image of a pimp daddy mack, a dope peddler, a businessman, a political teacher, a gangsta,
and a revolutionary. Reality casts Ice-T in a much different light than any of these: He is a
professional performer, an entertainer, and as such he is quite interesting and even good.
However, for a revolutionary, or even a reformer, he makes for a good rapper. Ice-T is not so
much nationalist but gangsterish. Ice-T's nationalism may have emerged from his producer
Afrika Islam who is also down with the Zulu Nation and who went out west to produce Ice-T.
The gangsta posture took some of the focus off the emergent nationalism epitomized in KRS-
ONE and PE in the East. It also was the bread and butter of west coast hip-hop. This was due to
the fact that the territorial gang element in the West, especially in Los Angeles, is more defining
than that same element in the Northeast home of hip-hop. Like their East Coast predecessors
before them, the West Coast "all stars" came together with a concerted nationalist focus around
the issue of violence in hip-hop and in the Black community. This was undertaken in the track
entitled "We're All in the Same"12 Earlier, Ice-T had made a very lucid point about the use and
abuse of the term violence when it came to hip-hop. He pointed out in "Squeeze the Trigger," in
his Rhyme Pays that rap music did not cause violence any more than soccer matches, hockey
games, or nuclear peace rallies—all the sites of some form of violence. The larger and important
point was that youth live in a violent society, and at its best, the music that captured this ethos
would evoke violent images. Therefore it is foolish to assume, as many policy makers did, that
rap music was causing violence as opposed to reflecting the violence within many urban
communities.
Ice-T moved from what could be considered the petty gangsterism that was evocative of the
original Hustler's Convention to Power, which though good musically, showed more that people
who operate at the margins of power understand very little about real power. Although
attempting to promote both the gangsta and intelligent hoodlum image, as well as a nationalist
one, Ice-T instead put himself in a position to publicly admonish LL Cool J for much of what he
himself proclaimed in his first album, and in many ways in all of his albums. LL Cool J was the
biggest hip-hop act going at the time. He responded to Ice-T's dis powerfully and humorously
and Grandmaster Caz and probably Afrika Islam and the Zulu Nation mediated the dispute (Eure
& Spady, 1991, p. xv).
But the real significance of the Ice-T episode in regards to nationalism and activism is the
response he chose for the activity of the police departments against his "Cop Killer" album. For
all his proclamation, Ice-T simply succumbed to public pressure. Not only that, he went down
proclaiming his defense of Warner Brothers, a multibillion dollar enterprise. As Maulana
Karenga (1993) pointed out, When has a multibillion dollar industry needed a Black man to
defend it? Others proclaimed that Ice-T went out like a sucker. After promoting the myth of cop
killer and peeling suckers' caps back and taking out cops in defense of righteous Black peoples,
he stood up to "defend" one of the same companies that has been accused of ripping off Black
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talent, destroying Black competition in independent record companies, and stifling Black
commercial development in distribution and other nonperformance aspects of the recording
industry. He, like Ice Cube, later would proclaim all sorts of activism from the safety of nice
homes of movie sets.
Ice Cube, who, after leading the gangsta rap group NWA, hooked up with the NOI, lost his jheri
curl. and found himself in Blackness. and who almost teary eyed on national television speaking
out on the violence of the Los Angeles revolt and his personal worry about his personal loss and
his personal friends, promoted himself months later and found no remorse in proclaiming himself
and his crew as the "pride of Africa" and "Guerrillas in da Midst" and as "wicked"
revolutionaries all over south central during the burning. It's incredible the selective amnesia that
some of these rappers would want us to have. Like Souljah and her armed bands of
"revolutionaries," Ice Cube's "Lench Mob" are the urban guerrillas intent on hastening the
"revolution" that is sure to come. Souljah, one of the most community grounded among the
"raptivists," nonetheless, irresponsibly (vis-à-vis our Black liberation history) evokes images of
herself leading armed revolutionaries in urban centers because the Black nation is, by her
account, "at war," though she still finds time from the battlefield to make music videos and
promote her own image over those of people who did and are doing the actual fighting, such as
sister Assata, Jalil Muntaquin, Sekou Odinga, Fannie Lou Hamer, Ella Baker, and nameless
others who struggle determinedly, persistently. Somehow I don't think this is what Geronimo
Pratt or even brother Nat and sister Queen Mother Moore envisioned.
A corollary to the above is the major pretension of many rappers—nationalist and otherwise—
who proclaim their depictions of wanton violence and sexism are nonetheless appropriate
because they are speaking the reality that they see every day. This rationalization is vacuous on
two levels. First, despite notions of being "true to the game," many of these rappers are speaking
a "reality" that is not theirs—though it may be "real" and prevalent to others—and is constantly
exaggerated, glamorized, and hyped. There is no better example than the Detroit born rapper
"Boss," Lichelle Laws, who has to be one of the most hypocritical "voices of the street." She
reportedly grew up in a middle-class Detroit neighborhood where she attended ballet and piano
class and private schools through high school. Nonetheless, the 24-year-old was making a
handsome living spewing some of the most virulent and violent "gangsta" rap. Either ballet
classes are much more violent today than in the past or many rappers simply parrot and parley
the racist image of Black thuggery to mislead Black youths and eager White audiences ready to
consume this modern minstrel.
Another and probably deeper point is that raised by Karenga (1993). He attacks the notion that
rappers are just interpreting their reality. Notwithstanding the earlier point concerning whose
reality it is, rappers have, according to Karenga, a responsibility beyond simply mirroring
"reality." He analogizes the situation of the Black community and rappers to that of a drowning
man who is shown a mirror. He argues that the person showing the drowning man the mirror is
showing the man reality. However, Karenga maintains, that person holding the mirror has a
greater responsibility to the drowning men than that of "interpreting" his reality. There is the
added responsibility of changing that reality, in this case giving him a hand or throwing a rope.
Rappers, who are making their pockets fatter helping themselves, are not, for the most part,
transforming reality, or even understanding their responsibility to change it. And to the extent
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17. RBG Blakademics January, 2011
that the Black community is drowning, the requirement for change is not for mirror holders with
sagging pants, who tout guns, flout responsibility, and disrespect women, all the while invoking
hollow phrases of being pro Black and down with the people. Further, the nihilism in much of
rap only glamorizes further violence and sexism instead of a social practice of African-centered
liberation to transform Black communities. This is the minimum requirement for would-be
liberation, [and from] those who invoke images of Malcolm, the BPP, and King. This is far
beyond the empty rhetoric of "by any means necessary." And for those who argue that their
efforts are righteous because they get paid, we must counter that there must be some things that
we will not do for money. People were paid for the holocaust of enslavement, but that did not
make it correct. Infiltrators were paid to betray liberation struggles. It is a nihilism bordering on
inhumanity that allows both the manufacturing of misogynist products and celebration of people
dancing to their own degradation. Much of the nihilistic imaging, in reality, is promoted, if not
created, by White industry executives as well as by miseducated blacks masquerading as
chroniclers of the "Black experience."
The real shame of this is that in all their hollow theatrics is lost the lesson that there have been in
our Black community those who have righteously, when they found it necessary, taken up arms
to fight against the inhumanity and injustice that White supremacists have visited upon us. These
are among our greatest heroes in this country. They go back as far as the Seminole and maroon
warriors, Nat Turner, Gabriel Prosser, Denmark Vesey, Lucy Parsons, Ida B. Wells Barnett,
Harriet Tubman, and Sojourner Truth, and they include but are not limited to those among us
today in the person of Queen Mother Moore, Chris Alston, Mumia Abu-Jamal, Dhoruba Bin
Wahad, Geronimo Pratt, Assata Shakur, Sundiata Acole, Albert "Nuh" Washington, Ahmed
Rahman, Cicero Love, Safiya Bukhari-Alston, Jalil Muntaquin, Ruchell Magee, Sharif Willis,
Falaka Fattah, Marian Nzinga Stammps, Jamil Amin, Kwame Touré, Aneb Kgotsile, Akua Njeri,
Imari Obadele, Maulana Karenga, Chokwe Lumumba, General Baker, The BPP, RNA, US (as
opposed to them), NOI, New African People's Organization (NAPO), Black Liberation Army
(BLA), and all those who have taken up arms in revolt and otherwise risked their lives in the
name of their people. The hollow imaging of these Black rap acts does not resurrect the images
of the best of our Black community, it bastardizes it. It spits on the grave of Boyd, Brown, and
Bethune, Marx Essex, Fred Hampton, Twyman Myers, Zayd Shakur, Mark Clark, Jake Winters,
and a litany of others. These actions are self-serving and self-aggrandizing and as such should be
severely criticized if not condemned. The true potential in rap is to be discovered in the fact that
even with these shortcomings, rappers as entertainers have remained far more central and
focused than their contemporaries in R&B. Comparisons of rappers with other entertainers is
appropriate; however, the present attempt to compare their hollow theatrics with political
organization does a great disservice to the legacy of those who struggled for our liberation.
A Future For Nationalism in Hip-Hop
These rappers should be appreciated as entertainers but criticized as political leaders or
spokespersons. The media itself promotes in them man aura of leadership most of them do not
warrant and have not cultivated; however, what is promising is that many have linked up to the
positive nationalist organizational elements in the Black community and have become more
grounded in their political exegeses. The future is promising in this regard. Young rappers need
to learn, not only from the older rap counterparts and community organizers but also from the
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18. RBG Blakademics January, 2011
old jazz acts like Billie Holliday, John Coltrane, Dinah Washington, Nina Simone, McCoy
Tyner, Earl Van Dyke, and Miles Davis, Gil Scott Heron, Bilal Sunni Ali, to name just a few.
They also must ground with the community and organize with some of our veterans such as
those mentioned above, as well as those in the movements around Afrocentrism reparations, and
peace. Such grounding ensures political sophistication and proscribes this fantasy island type
nationalism surrounded by a myth of action. Rappers must continually confront the questions
Fanon (1968) posed to us as the fundamental questions that Africans must deal with every day:
(a) Who am I? (b) Am I who I think I am? and (c) Am I all that I ought to be? The real answers
to these questions may surprise them.
It is my position that it's going to be local not the national acts that resupply the nationalistic
vigor that many have either forsaken or given lip service to. This is due to the demands of big-
time groups to overfantasize and overly indulge themselves and their reputations while
decreasing their accessibility to the local community. The result is that they are no longer
grounded in anything but the superficial and faddish concerns of their (now abandoned)
community. Moreover, the effective nationalist organizers are more often grassroots members
who are in the very communities that the rap stars have since left or become out of touch with.
Remember even when acts stay in communities, it is possible to no longer be able to relate to
that community because success and money many times blind people to anything but their own
myopic misperceptions of reality. For nationalism to remain in hip-hop and become a grounding
for a more effective expression of African American national culture and institution building,
local acts with this focus should be promoted and national acts should both legitimize extant
nationalist organizations and our nationalist leaders and also promote new nationalist and Africa-
centered institutions among the hip-hop community itself.
Finally, it should be understood that the nihilism in hip-hop and the glamorization of hip-hop
"culture" really represents the absence of national culture (African-centered culture) among those
claimants. It also promotes the lumpen image, or the criminal image as the image of African
Americans. Minister Malcolm is instructive in this regard. He pointed out on one occasion that it
was not a shame to have been a criminal, but it is a shame to remain a criminal. This
glamorization of negative imaging is all the more telling in light of the fact that much of rap,
especially so-called gangsta rap, increasingly plays to a White audience (Samuels, 1991) and is
widely consumed by White youths who find little difficulty accepting the stereotypical
criminality of Black youth and the denegration of Black women.
Many African American youth are struggling around issues of manhood and womanhood. These
definitions are rooted in identity. Identities are derived from culture. Definitions of manhood and
womanhood (more specific identities) are derived from culture. If, as in the African American
community, you have people who have been denied their culture by White supremacism, and
youth who believe they have no culture, the African American community will devise one for
themselves. Therefore, you will have a "hip-hop" culture full of youth with definitions of their
identity and the rites of passage into manhood/womanhood defined by Euro-American guns,
drug retailing, foreign made gym shoes, White distributed music, 40s, sexism, and misguided
pronouncements of righteousness. Moreover, you will have the glamorization of the killing of
other African Americans. Youth will know Tupac Shakur and glamorize or rationalize his self-
destructive "thug life" but remain ignorant of Mutulu and Afeni Shakur. 13 It is not hip-hop's
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responsibility to change all of this; that burden falls upon us all. It is the responsibility of all
artists of oppressed groups to speak meaningfully in their art, sometime, someplace, to the
liberation of their people.
In the final analysis, it's up to us to educate our youth and to demand of our youth an appropriate
respect for their true heritage, legacy, and the responsibility that accompanies both. We must be
the example. And that example is best demonstrated by our everyday practice and grounding
with them in our own communities first, and in every situation that we may find ourselves.
(This paper appeared in the Journal of Black Studies/January 1996.)
______________________________
Errol A. Henderson received his doctorate (1993) from the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
He is an assistant professor of political science at the university of Florida.
NOTES
NOTE: You can click on "Back" to return to the footnote source or use the hot-link at the end of
the footnote..
1. Cited in Fanon (1968, p. 206). Return
2. On the relationship between national culture and popular culture, Cabral (1973) argued that
within culture is found the seed of opposition that leads to the fashioning of the liberation
movement. Asante (1993, p. 120) suggest the prospect in Afrocentrism is to recenter the
"decentered, dislocated, and disoriented youth." Karenga (1993, p. 414) maintains that part of the
relevance of rap music is its promotion of a sense of community among Black youth centered on
a nationalist consciousness raising. Unfortunately rap's mixed messages of positive
consciousness are often muted by its sexism, lumpen glorification, and at times hypocritical
pronouncements of Black activism. Return
3. See Madhubuti (1973, 1978). Return
4. However, for performers, having a home base did not preclude the need for security. Herc was
among the first to have his own home base whereas others were primarily restricted to house
parties. He had the Hevalo on Jerome Avenue during 1974 before moving around the block to
the Executive Playhouse, which since changed its name to Sparkle. Even with a home base, in
one infamous incident, Herc was attacked and knifed at a performance. Return
5. See interview with Grandmaster Caz in Eure and Spady's (1991) Nation Conscious Rap.
Charles Henry's (1992, p. 34) Culture and African American Politics makes the point that
Rap music developed out of local block parties in the Black ghetto. These parties, often in housing projects, were
associated with gangs who occupied their turf. To protect themselves and keep the peace at their parties, all well-
known rap crews became affiliated with "security forces." Membership in security force crews like the Casanova
Crew, the Nine Crew, and the Zulu Nation ranged from six hundred to thousands. Most rappers were forced to find
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20. RBG Blakademics January, 2011
security from local "stick up kids." Security forces themselves were largely composed of hoodlums, although their
energies were channeled into rap competition. Black gang warfare declined dramatically during this period (1978–
81). Return
6. Caz makes the point that early on there wasn't much unity in hip-hop, but then "We brought
Brooklyn to Manhattan. Cause you would never see anybody from Brooklyn nowhere but in
Brooklyn. You would never see too many people go to Brooklyn either, cause they was ...
everybody stuck to their shit. But the hip-hop movement got everybody traveling (Eure & Spady,
1991, p. xiv). Return
7. Here we mean the spirited and hyped competition between rappers and DJs. Return
8. Their recent marriage with Pete Rock and CL Smooth seemed to have allowed for renewed
acceptance of the former kings. Additionally, it could be argued that Run DMC's crossover
ambivalence was evident in the choice of title for their anthem: "King of Rock," instead of what
may have been the more apropos title of "King of Rap." Although the former, it could be argued,
rightly appropriates for African American artists the mantle of rock and roll music, which was
spawned by Black legends dating back to Big Mama Thorton, we could also make the point that
the rap artists should have promoted their own genre, explicitly, as an authentic and culturally
grounded articulation of African American music and worthy of its own, at least figuratively,
sire. Return
9. As opposed to incarceration, captivity denotes imprisonment that is primarily the result of
political activity and not explicitly criminal activity. Or, closer to the truth, it is incarceration that
is the result of the criminalization of self-determination under conditions of oppression:
Therefore, Geronimo Pratt, Ahned Rahman, Dhoruba bin-Wahad, Assata Shakur, Jalil
Muntaquin, George Jackson, Huey Newton, Maulana Karenga, Imari Obadele, Panther 21,
Wilmington 10, RNA 11, and many others were or are in captivity. Return
10. Kelly (1992, p. 39) defines Ghettocentric as "the identity in which the specific class, race and
gendered experiences in late capitalist urban centers coalesce to crate a new identity—'Nigga'."
Further, he states that "nigga is not merely another work for Black; it encompasses a specific
class, spatial, and to a large degree, gendered subject position." He goes on to make the obvious
point that "the experiences of young Black men in the inner city are not universal to all Black
people, and in fact they recognize that some African Americans play a role in perpetuating their
oppression" (p. 40). Kelly misses the point that what he calls "Ghetocentric" is only part of the
focus that emerges from the perceptions of many youth in the inner city that comes from their
disillusionment with the national culture that has designated them outcastes but appeals to them,
nonetheless, through White supremacism as a constituent, though denatured part of the American
whole. It is within this casts relationship that the African centeredness of the African American
has been incubated and through which it persists. This is not simply an urban phenomenon but is
a diasporic phenomenon (Henderson, 1995).
Nigga is nothing more than a variant of nigger with the same White supremacist connotations, it
is not deeper than that. To attempt to derive other meanings is about as useful as saying that a
"bitch" is not intended to be degrading but only implies "beautiful intelligent teachers of cultural
heritage." Rappers Bytches With Problems nonsensically maintain the assertive "positive"
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21. RBG Blakademics January, 2011
characteristic of the term. This is no more nonsensical than Tupac's assertion that nigga
represents "Never Ignorant, Getting Goals Accomplished." It is not that nigga has to have any
positive connotation at all. It obviously does not invoke a racial response among many Blacks as
between Blacks and Whites, but this is because it has, most notably, been used as a White
supremacist statement. However, when used by members of the same race, that racist motivation
is not as apparent and is in many cases ignored. What is important to understand is that this
identification is rooted in the dominance of the White supremacist culture and its infusion into all
the captured national groups in the United States (Obadele, 1986). The "Ghettocentric" hip-
hopsters are not immune to this process, and they are similarly ingrained with much of the White
supremacism that is the driving force of the dominant culture in this country, their proclamations
to the contrary notwithstanding. Return
11. On their album, Can't Hold Us Black, the self-style ghetto gangsters, the Geto Boys, present
PE an apocryphal award for being so "dam" Black. Return
12. Whereas the East Coast track ended with Chuck D's shrill lyric that called for unity and love,
the West Coast version, although theatrically more engaging, ended with the late Eazy-E's
warning to stay off the streets as well as his characterization of himself as "the violent hero."
Return
13. It ironic that Tupac Shakur, presently serving a prison sentence for a rape conviction, has
only with that conviction begun to promote favorable images of his mother's Black Panther Party
legacy in his music videos. Additionally, he has repudiated his "thug life" style. This may not
suggest any transformation on the part of the rapper but only indicate the great difficulty in
portraying that image in a prison among serious "thugs" as opposed to portraying it in the media.
Worse, though, has been the failure of many in the "hip-hop nation" to hold him accountable for
the totality of his destructive message. Only with his recent attempt to character assassinate
associates present at the incident where he was shot (see Freddy, 1995) have rappers and some
fans begun to admonish, criticize, and righteously hold accountable this would-be, and self-
proclaimed, thug/revolutionary/family man/spokesman for a generation ... and so on. Return
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