This document summarizes the findings of a survey of 1,787 California farm and ranch operators about their health insurance and health care costs:
- One in five respondents reported that health care expenses contributed to their financial problems, and 31% spent more than 10% of their income on health insurance premiums and out-of-pocket medical costs. Those who purchased insurance on the individual market faced higher costs.
- Key factors in financial hardship were the percentage of income spent on health care and needing to borrow money to pay costs. Over a quarter had to use savings or go into debt to pay for care.
- The findings suggest many farm/ranch families face cost burdens from health insurance and care, despite generally
Single Payer Systems: Equity in Access to Caresoder145
Presentation by Lynn Blewett at "The True Workings of Single Payer Systems: Lessons or Warnings for U.S. Reform' conference sponsored by the Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law, May 10 2008.
Single Payer Systems: Equity in Access to Caresoder145
Presentation by Lynn Blewett at "The True Workings of Single Payer Systems: Lessons or Warnings for U.S. Reform' conference sponsored by the Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law, May 10 2008.
Effect of State Regulations on Health Insurance PremiumseHealth , Inc.
Overall, these results provide solid evidence that the state-level regulations of health insurance are correlated with higher premiums. The regression model estimates that the presence of health plan liability laws increases monthly premiums by $21.84. Laws that give subscribers direct access to specialists increase monthly premiums by $31.15. Provider due process laws increase premiums by
$16.62. Finally, each additional mandated benefit increases premiums by $0.75. All of these findings achieve statistical significance.
The Affordable Care Act fundamentally changed the landscape of the U.S. health care system. With more than five years since the law’s passage, questions remain about how to fix a system that remains broken despite recent reform efforts. Did the Affordable Care Act adequately reform a failing health system, or did that prescription only treat the symptoms of a much larger illness?
Understanding the vocabulary of health insurance helps in selecting and using coverage effectively. eHealthInsurance commissioned a national study to determine public awareness of select health insurance terminology and the specifics of health insurance coverage. Americans admit to a health insurance vocabulary deficit.
Only a fourth (23%) feel they are very sure of what the terminology used in their health insurance policy actually means.
A third are somewhat sure of what the terminology actually means (32%).
One-fourth are not very sure (13%) or have no idea (10%) what the terminology used in their health insurance policy means.
One-fifth report they don’t have health insurance (21%).
The public demonstrates its lack of familiarity with health insurance terminology by not knowing what some of the key abbreviations stand for.
Only one-third of Americans (36%) can volunteer that HMO stands for health maintenance organization.
Only one-fifth (20%) recall that PPO stands for Preferred Provider Organization.
Only one out of nine (11%) recalls that HSA stands for Health Savings Account.
When asked how sure they were with some of the specifics of their health insurance policy, most people said they were very sure of the amount of their co-payment (61%), but half or fewer were very sure they knew the amounts of other basic elements of their coverage:
Half said they were very sure of what they paid for their health insurance premiums (50%).
45% were very sure of their annual deductible.
41% were very sure of the level of their plan’s co-insurance.
35% were very sure of their maximum annual out-of-pocket costs.
For each of these items, one-fifth indicated that the questions were not relevant since they did not have health insurance (21%).
Who is impacted by the coverage gap in states that have not adopted the medic...KFF
This slideshow examines the poor uninsured adults in the coverage gap in states that have not expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and shows who is affected by the gap. Updated November 2016.
Effect of State Regulations on Health Insurance PremiumseHealth , Inc.
Overall, these results provide solid evidence that the state-level regulations of health insurance are correlated with higher premiums. The regression model estimates that the presence of health plan liability laws increases monthly premiums by $21.84. Laws that give subscribers direct access to specialists increase monthly premiums by $31.15. Provider due process laws increase premiums by
$16.62. Finally, each additional mandated benefit increases premiums by $0.75. All of these findings achieve statistical significance.
The Affordable Care Act fundamentally changed the landscape of the U.S. health care system. With more than five years since the law’s passage, questions remain about how to fix a system that remains broken despite recent reform efforts. Did the Affordable Care Act adequately reform a failing health system, or did that prescription only treat the symptoms of a much larger illness?
Understanding the vocabulary of health insurance helps in selecting and using coverage effectively. eHealthInsurance commissioned a national study to determine public awareness of select health insurance terminology and the specifics of health insurance coverage. Americans admit to a health insurance vocabulary deficit.
Only a fourth (23%) feel they are very sure of what the terminology used in their health insurance policy actually means.
A third are somewhat sure of what the terminology actually means (32%).
One-fourth are not very sure (13%) or have no idea (10%) what the terminology used in their health insurance policy means.
One-fifth report they don’t have health insurance (21%).
The public demonstrates its lack of familiarity with health insurance terminology by not knowing what some of the key abbreviations stand for.
Only one-third of Americans (36%) can volunteer that HMO stands for health maintenance organization.
Only one-fifth (20%) recall that PPO stands for Preferred Provider Organization.
Only one out of nine (11%) recalls that HSA stands for Health Savings Account.
When asked how sure they were with some of the specifics of their health insurance policy, most people said they were very sure of the amount of their co-payment (61%), but half or fewer were very sure they knew the amounts of other basic elements of their coverage:
Half said they were very sure of what they paid for their health insurance premiums (50%).
45% were very sure of their annual deductible.
41% were very sure of the level of their plan’s co-insurance.
35% were very sure of their maximum annual out-of-pocket costs.
For each of these items, one-fifth indicated that the questions were not relevant since they did not have health insurance (21%).
Who is impacted by the coverage gap in states that have not adopted the medic...KFF
This slideshow examines the poor uninsured adults in the coverage gap in states that have not expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and shows who is affected by the gap. Updated November 2016.
According to this idea that gender is socially constructed, answer.docxronak56
According to this idea that gender is socially constructed, answer the following questions:
1. What does it mean to be a man in the U.S.? What does it mean to be a woman?
2. From what institutions do we learn these gender roles?
3. How do these clips demonstrate the ways in which gender is socially constructed in the U.S.? Do the concepts discussed in the clips resonate with you? Why or why not?
In Persepolis, the main character Marji struggles to define her identity as an Iranian woman in a changing society.
· What roles are depicted for women in Iranian society in the film? How do they change over time?
· How does Persepolis demonstrate the ways in which gender and identity are influenced in many ways, by different processes across cultures? How are gender roles in Iran similar, or different to gender in the U.S.?
· What are some of the stereotypes that exist about Muslim women and how does Abu-Lughod in “Do Muslim Women Need Saving” and Persepolis complicate these stereotypes?
Answer the following questions 2 full pages
Running head: MAJOR HEALTH CARE PROBLEMS IN THE U.S. 1
Major Health Care Problems in the U.S.
Jane Doe
ID: 1212121
MAJOR HEALTH CARE PROBLEMS IN THE U.S. 2
Major Health Care Problems in the US
Problem statement: High and continuously rising cost of health care has been and still is one of
the biggest challenges affecting the Health Care system in United States.
Methods of Examining the Problem
Both qualitative and quantitative research methods should be used to fully understand the
issue of high cost of care in the US. Quantitative methods like surveys and experimentations will
aid in estimating the prevalence, magnitude and frequency of the problem in different regions.
On the other hand, qualitative methods like case studies and observation will help describe the
extent and complexity of the issue. The two approaches need to work in complementation to
obtain a clear understanding of this menace.
Surveys, as a quantitative research method, is one of the most effective in the social
research and present a more viable method of examining the cost of health in the country. They
involve asking of questions in the form of questionnaires and interviews. Questionnaires are
written questions to which the response can be open ended or multiple-choice format. This
would be used to gain information about cost within determinants that are of
disagree/neutral/agree nature. An example is if patients are contented with the cost of services
they get or they deem the cost of cover worthy. Interviews, the researcher discussing issues with
the respondents, are to be used to gain more details on already known aspects of the system. This
may include gathering information to inform policies, administration and use of technology to
minimize the cost of care.
Since health cost in the US is not a new challenge and there have been studies about it,
qualitative methods like .
Overview - Health Care IssuesHealth Care IssuesOpposing .docxgerardkortney
Overview - Health Care Issues
Health Care Issues
Opposing Viewpoints Online Collection, 2015
In recent years, the availability and affordability of health insurance in the United States has become
the subject of much debate. The United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights lists medical
care among the basic human rights to which all people are entitled. In 2011, however, about 17
percent of Americans had no health insurance at all. For many people who are insured, the cost of
coverage is a financial hardship. This situation has led some people to call for the government to
provide health insurance for all citizens. Others, however, are skeptical of government’s ability to
efficiently manage health insurance and oppose any plans that involve government. The issue is made
more urgent by rapidly rising health care costs that threaten to overwhelm the country’s current
system of health insurance, and the national economy in general. Health care reform has become one
of the most important issues in contemporary American politics.
The Basics of Health Care
In most developed countries, health care systems involve government control or sponsorship. For
instance, in Great Britain, Scandinavia, and the countries of the former Soviet Union, the government
controls almost all aspects of health care, including access and delivery. For the most part, health
services in these countries are free to everyone; the systems are financed primarily by taxes. Other
countries, such as Germany and France, guarantee health insurance for almost all their citizens, but
the government plays a smaller role in managing health care. Both systems are financed at least in
part by taxes on wages.
The US government, by contrast, does not pay for most of its citizens’ health care. Generally,
Americans receive health care through employer-sponsored insurance, or they arrange to pay for
insurance on their own. Like all forms of insurance, health insurance operates by pooling the
resources of a group of people who face similar risks. This creates a common fund that members can
draw upon when needed. Each person in the group pays a certain amount, called a premium, every
month. These premiums are used to cover the medical expenses of group members who become sick
or injured.
Health Insurance in the United States
Today, most Americans receive health insurance through their place of work. Employers typically pay
for part of the premiums. Most employer-sponsored plans are administered through payroll
contributions. People who are self-employed and those whose employers do not provide health
insurance must purchase individual health insurance. Individual plans are generally more expensive
than group plans. Certain low-income individuals and families may be eligible for Medicaid, a form of
government-sponsored health insurance. In 1997, the US government introduced the Children’s
Health Insurance Program (CHIP) to assist the children of families who do not qualify f.
While the health care reform bill is a step in the right direction, medicare for all or single payer is what is really needed to control costs and insure all.
Health Savings Accounts Case StudyThe United States has arguably .docxCristieHolcomb793
Health Savings Accounts: Case Study
The United States has arguably the most advanced health care in the world. And yet, a large proportion of Americans do not have access to this care due to its high cost. Providers, consumers, and the government have long searched for a way out of this paradoxical situation. HSAs offer one solution.
The American health care system is complex. A part of the population has access to health care through Medicare and Medicaid. Another part simply pays for care out of pocket. A substantial proportion of the population uses third-party payers to pay for care.
Payers have reacted to the rising costs of care by introducing various gatekeeper mechanisms. These have not been popular with consumers who see them as restrictive. The American population is aging and the need for care is likely to increase over the next decade.
While the earnings of health care professionals have been increasing, insurance premiums have also increased. Among hospitals, many are non-profit organizations offering substantial charity care. But for-profit and non-profit hospitals alike must show return on investment to remain viable. Providers must also factor reimbursement policies of payers into their decisions, sometimes even clinical decisions. These groups of stakeholders—patients, providers, payers, and the government—have different goals and different responses to the rising cost of care.
Based on your understanding, answer the following:
In your opinion, can HSAs be aligned to the expectations of all these groups?
Do you think HSAs can help improve health care cost, quality, and access? Why or why not?
.
Health Savings Accounts Case StudyThe United States has arguably .docxisaachwrensch
Health Savings Accounts: Case Study
The United States has arguably the most advanced health care in the world. And yet, a large proportion of Americans do not have access to this care due to its high cost. Providers, consumers, and the government have long searched for a way out of this paradoxical situation. HSAs offer one solution.
The American health care system is complex. A part of the population has access to health care through Medicare and Medicaid. Another part simply pays for care out of pocket. A substantial proportion of the population uses third-party payers to pay for care.
Payers have reacted to the rising costs of care by introducing various gatekeeper mechanisms. These have not been popular with consumers who see them as restrictive. The American population is aging and the need for care is likely to increase over the next decade.
While the earnings of health care professionals have been increasing, insurance premiums have also increased. Among hospitals, many are non-profit organizations offering substantial charity care. But for-profit and non-profit hospitals alike must show return on investment to remain viable. Providers must also factor reimbursement policies of payers into their decisions, sometimes even clinical decisions. These groups of stakeholders—patients, providers, payers, and the government—have different goals and different responses to the rising cost of care.
Based on your understanding, answer the following:
In your opinion, can HSAs be aligned to the expectations of all these groups?
Do you think HSAs can help improve health care cost, quality, and access? Why or why not?
.
Health Savings Accounts Case StudyThe United States has arguably .docxjosephineboon366
Health Savings Accounts: Case Study
The United States has arguably the most advanced health care in the world. And yet, a large proportion of Americans do not have access to this care due to its high cost. Providers, consumers, and the government have long searched for a way out of this paradoxical situation. HSAs offer one solution.
The American health care system is complex. A part of the population has access to health care through Medicare and Medicaid. Another part simply pays for care out of pocket. A substantial proportion of the population uses third-party payers to pay for care.
Payers have reacted to the rising costs of care by introducing various gatekeeper mechanisms. These have not been popular with consumers who see them as restrictive. The American population is aging and the need for care is likely to increase over the next decade.
While the earnings of health care professionals have been increasing, insurance premiums have also increased. Among hospitals, many are non-profit organizations offering substantial charity care. But for-profit and non-profit hospitals alike must show return on investment to remain viable. Providers must also factor reimbursement policies of payers into their decisions, sometimes even clinical decisions. These groups of stakeholders—patients, providers, payers, and the government—have different goals and different responses to the rising cost of care.
Based on your understanding, answer the following:
In your opinion, can HSAs be aligned to the expectations of all these groups?
Do you think HSAs can help improve health care cost, quality, and access? Why or why not?
.
Medical costs are once again rising rapidly, forcing health care .pdfAroraRajinder1
Medical costs are once again rising rapidly, forcing health care back into political prominence.
This issue direct affects you as a student, family member, employer, and/or employee. The
problem of medical costs is so pervasive that it underlies three quite different policy crises. First
is the increasingly rapid unraveling of employer-based health insurance. Second is the plight of
Medicaid. Third is the long-term problem of the federal government’s solvency which is largely
a problem of health care costs.
Write an eight page paper addressing each of these issues. Be sure to choose a position (of
which there are many) and substantiate that position with facts and economic data. Some of the
issues which need to be answered are:
Is health care spending a problem?
Is employer-based insurance unraveling?
Medicare and Medicaid
The inefficiencies of the health care.
Single-payer and beyond.
How much health care should we have?
Can we fix health care?
Solution
1. Is health care spending a problem?
In 1960 the United States spent only 5.2 percent of GDP on health care. By 2004 that number
had risen to 16 percent. At this point America spends more on health care than it does on food.
But what’s wrong with that?
The starting point for any discussion of rising health care costs has to be the realization that these
rising costs are, in an important sense, a sign of progress. Here’s how the Congressional Budget
Office puts it, in the latest edition of its annual publication The Long-Term Budget Outlook:
Growth in health care spending has outstripped economic growth regardless of the source of its
funding. The major factor associated with that growth has been the development and increasing
use of new medical technology. In the health care field, unlike in many sectors of the economy,
technological advances have generally raised costs rather than lowered them.
Notice the three points in that quote. First, health care spending is rising rapidly “regardless of
the source of its funding.” Translation: although much health care is paid for by the government,
this isn’t a simple case of runaway government spending, because private spending is rising at a
comparably fast clip. “Comparing common benefits,” says the Kaiser Family Foundation,
changes in Medicare spending in the last three decades has largely tracked the growth rate in
private health insurance premiums. Typically, Medicare increases have been lower than those of
private health insurance.
Second, “new medical technology” is the major factor in rising spending: we spend more on
medicine because there’s more that medicine can do. Third, in medical care, technological
advances have generally raised costs rather than lowered them although new technology surely
produces cost savings in medicine, as elsewhere, the additional spending that takes place as a
result of the expansion of medical possibilities outweighs those savings.
So far, this sounds like a happy story. We’ve found new ways to help people, an.
Running head: HEALTH CARE 1
HEALTH CARE 2
Healthcare
Healthcare is still a rare commodity in many households within the United States today. It might come as a surprise, but many people still cannot afford basic medical care because of the high costs. It is an expensive industry because of the intricacies that it comes with. The government has a role in making it accessible to the citizens through subsidies where it helps in footing part of the bill. An example of this is the Obamacare or the Affordable Care Act signed into law in 2010 (World Health Organization, 2014). It still reports that despite such measures taken by the government to address this issue, people still cannot afford this insurance, 18% of individuals under the age of 65 are thus unable to access healthcare. My research paper shall, therefore, address the problem of access to health care and the challenges surrounding this industry and some of the mitigations that have been taken or could be taken.
1. Access to healthcare
The introduction of Obama care in the United States meant that the health care system was not accessible to more people. The country spends close to 28 trillion dollars in the medical industry (World Health Organization, 2014). This cost the country a huge percentage of the Gross Domestic Product; it was also one of the highest amounts spent in comparison to other first world countries. People who do not have insurance with either a state-sponsored insurance, Medicare, Medicaid, State Children's Health Insurance program or a military health plan are therefore unable to receive healthcare. It is only restricted to those who have any of the above insurance covers. Because of the financial obligation that these guarantees comes with, many people are unable to afford them. As a result, they end up not getting access to healthcare whenever the need arises.
Research carried out by Agency for Healthcare Research Quality, showed that the number of people who were unable to get insured was lower than the ones who could afford. The statistics revealed that White Americans were more likely to have access to healthcare because of their ability to pay premiums. The numbers of black Americans, Native Americans, and Alaska Natives were much lower. This can be attributed to the opportunities the minorities have as opposed to their white counterparts. For one to be able to pay the premiums, one needs to have a stable source of income that allows one to spend on the necessities and on top of that pay the government for health care. The amount is subsidized but still quite high for most people who are either poor or low-income earner. Some middle-income earners also have a problem paying these premiums. Efforts, therefore, need to be under ...
Managed Care within Health Care covers a variety of information from nursing homes, policies, Medical, Medicare, out of pocket, and partial payment, management, contracts, government, and the Social Security State Fund. Within this working paper I will discuss a few of these mechanisms that are applied and utilized within ‘Managed Care’ today. A system within a system that brings in 25% of the United States debt.
Realizing Health Reform’s Potential How the Affordable Care .docxsodhi3
Realizing Health Reform’s Potential
How the Affordable Care Act Will Strengthen Primary
Care and Benefit Patients, Providers, and Payers
JANUARY 2011
Melinda Abrams, Rachel Nuzum, Stephanie Mika,
and Georgette Lawlor
Abstract: Although primary care is fundamental to health system performance, the
United States has undervalued and underinvested in primary care for decades. This brief
describes how the Affordable Care Act will begin to address the neglect of America’s
primary care system and, wherever possible, estimates the potential impact these efforts
will have on patients, providers, and payers. The health reform law includes numerous
provisions for improving primary care: temporary increases in Medicare and Medicaid
payments to primary care providers; support for innovation in the delivery of care, with
an emphasis on achieving better health outcomes and patient care experiences; enhanced
support of primary care providers; and investment in the continued development of the
primary care workforce.
OVERVIEW
Among the Affordable Care Act’s many provisions, perhaps the least discussed
are those reforms directly targeting primary care—the underpinning of efforts
to achieve a high-performing health system. This brief describes how the health
reform law will begin to address the decades-long neglect of America’s primary
care system and, wherever possible, estimates the potential impact these efforts
will have on patients, providers, and payers. The primary care reforms in the
Affordable Care Act include provisions for temporarily increasing Medicare and
Medicaid payments to primary care providers; fostering innovation in the delivery
of care, with an emphasis on care models that lead to better health outcomes and
patient care experiences; enhancing support of primary care providers; and invest-
ing in the continued development of the primary care workforce (Exhibit 1).
Together, these changes, if implemented effectively, will start the United States
on the path to a stronger and more sustainable primary care system, one that pro-
vides expanded access, superior quality, and better health outcomes for millions of
Americans while reducing future health care costs for the nation.
For more information about this study,
please contact:
Melinda Abrams, M.S.
Vice President
Patient-Centered Coordinated Care
The Commonwealth Fund
[email protected]
The mission of The Commonwealth Fund is
to promote a high performance health care
system. The Fund carries out this mandate by
supporting independent research on health
care issues and making grants to improve
health care practice and policy. Support for this
research was provided by The Commonwealth
Fund. The views presented here are those of
the authors and not necessarily those of The
Commonwealth Fund or its directors, officers,
or staff.
To learn more about new publications when
they become available, visit the Fund's Web
site and re ...
Assessing U.S. and International Experience with Health Reform and Implications for the Future by W. David Helms, Ph.D, President and CEO, Academy Health
CHAPTER IV- DATA AND ANALYSISIntroductionBased on the collecJinElias52
CHAPTER IV- DATA AND ANALYSIS
Introduction
Based on the collected data from the previous chapter, the information supports the first hypothesis that: The introduction of healthcare under the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) increased the percentage of low-income American households with health insurance by 70%. The data also support the second hypothesis that: The introduction of healthcare under the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) increased the percentage of ethnic and racial minority households in the United States with health increased by 20%. Finally, the data support the last hypothesis of the study that: The introduction of healthcare under the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) increased the percentage of ethnic and racial minority households in the United States with health insurance by 20%.
The paper examines the difference in health care coverage in the underrepresented American households before and after the implementation of the Affordable Care by analyzing the data from six different sources. The policy was enacted to primarily expand American’s access to insurance and improve the quality of health care services that American citizens get access to. As such, the reform has resulted in a significant impact regarding the health status of different groups living in America, especially among the minorities. Besides, the introduction of the reform has, over the years, been associated with a reduction in disparities in the U.S health care system.
Notably, before A.C.A, various groups of color had limited access to health insurance coverage which adversely affected their health care conditions. Similarly, individuals from low-income families also experienced this effect. In this regard, the paper aims at answering a question that: Has the introduction of healthcare under the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) increased the percentages of minority and lower-and middle-class households with health insurance significantly?
The paper implements the statistical procedure used in the articles identified and whose data have been included in the research. In this regard, the paper depends on more than one method for analyzing data that will be used in answering the research questions. Additionally, the chapter explores data presented in all the articles and analyzed them to determine whether they support, partially support, or reject the hypotheses.
Hypothesis #1
The first hypothesis that the paper is focused on is: The introduction of healthcare under the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) increased the percentage of low-income American households with health insurance by 70%.
One of the research articles that the paper uses in testing the hypothesis outlined above is the study by Sommers et al. (2017). Based on the methods used by the researchers, the study found that 72 percent of the respondents living in Kentucky were affected with chronic conditions, 69 percent in Arkansas, and 55 percent in Texas. According to the results, the disease prevalen ...
Running head: PUBLIC HEALTH
1
PUBLIC HEALTH
6
Public Health
Student’s name
University affiliation
Public Health
•
Briefly describe the public health problem and the policy that addresses the problem.
The public health problem of interest is limited accessibility of quality and affordable health care due to a rising cost of health care services. This is a major issue which has affected millions of Americans especially those who cannot afford to pay for their health care insurance or pay directly for health care services. The rising cost of health care services includes the rising prices of prescription charge, primary care, and specialized care which have limited the accessibility of quality health care. Some of the effects of rising health care cost include; i) rising insurance premiums, ii) limited access to specialized care such as breast cancer screening and maternal care for women, and iii) limited access to specialized care for different vulnerable groups such as persons who have chronic health conditions or those who are at a high risk of getting chronic illnesses.
To address this public health problem, the federal government introduced the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act which famously known as Obama Care. This policy was signed by President Barack Obama in March 2010 with the goal of bringing key reforms in the health care sector to address the problem of health care cost, quality, and access. The primary objectives of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) were to; prevent the increase in the cost of prescription drugs and health care services, ensure that all citizens could have access to affordable health insurance coverage, promote patient protection, and deliver better services (Amadeo, 2019).
• Examine the nature and magnitude of the problem and the people who are affected.
Generally, the issue of increasing health care cost affected all Americans, especially those who could not afford health insurance coverage and the vulnerable population groups. Persons who could not afford health insurance could not access quality health care services since they were very expensive and they would not afford to cater for out-of-pocket payments. Vulnerable population groups included the aging population who are the most vulnerable group to be affected by chronic illnesses. The high cost of medication limited the ability of the affected group to access quality health care thus leading to a high mortality rate. The magnitude and nature of the high cost of health care can be analyzed as follows.
Rising insurance premiums
As of 2004, the cost of health care services had increased by 4 percent. Quality health care services and prescription drugs were getting expensive forcing the healthcare insurance providers to increase their premiums. Premiums were rapidly increasing between 2000 and 2010 at a rate of 8 percent for family premiums covered by employers (Amadeo, 2018). Due to this, hundreds of tho.
Similar to 2008 Health Insurance Survey of California Farm and Ranch Operators (20)
2008 Health Insurance Survey of California Farm and Ranch Operators
1. 1
The Access Project The Access Project
ISSUE BRIEF
No. 2 • November 2008
2008 Health Insurance Survey of California Farm and Ranch Operators
Who Experiences Financial Hardship Because of Health Care Costs?
Authors:
Carol Pryor, The Access Project
Jeffrey Prottas, Brandeis University
Bill Lottero, The Access Project
Mark Rukavina, The Access Project
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The 2008 Health Insurance Survey of California Farmers and Ranchers collected information from 1,787
non-corporate farm and ranch operators in California. The vast majority of respondents had health insur-
ance, yet one in five reported that health care expenses contributed to their financial problems. This issue
brief examines which farmers and ranchers are at greatest risk of experiencing financial hardship due to
health care costs.
The brief uses two measures of financial hardship caused by health
care costs. The first is a generally employed objective measure that
defines households as experiencing financial hardship if they spend
more than ten percent of their income on health insurance premiums
and out-of-pocket medical costs. The second is a perceptual mea-
sure; it defines households as experiencing financial hardship if they
report that health care costs contribute to financial problems.
• Thirty-one percent of respondents spent more than ten
percent of their income on health insurance premiums and additional out-of-pocket medical and
prescription medication costs. Among those who said their principal occupation was farming or
ranching, this figure rose to 37 percent.
• A number of factors affected people’s likelihood of spending more than ten percent of income on
health care, but a key one was where people obtained insurance. Those who purchased insurance on
the non-group market were at much greater risk of spending more than ten percent of income rela-
tive to those who obtained insurance through government-sponsored programs or through off-farm
or ranch employment.
• The median amount that people who got insurance on the non-group market spent on premiums and
out-of-pocket costs was $8,500. This compared to a median amount of $4,630 for those who got
insurance through off-farm or ranch employment.
• One in five respondents reported that health care costs contributed to financial problems for them or
a household member; this included nearly one-quarter (22%) of those who said their principal oc-
cupation was farming or ranching.
The Access Project • 89 South Street • Suite 202 • Boston • MA • 02111
(617) 654-9911 • www.accessproject.org
2. The Access Project
2
• Respondents who reported financial problems spent on average more than one-third (37%) of
their income on insurance premiums and out-of-pocket health care costs. Among this group, nearly
two-thirds (62%) said it made it difficult to pay other bills. More than one-quarter (28%) said it
caused them to delay making needed investments in their farm or ranch. Eleven percent said it
made it hard to pay off a farm or ranch loan.
• Along with the actual percentage of income spent on health care, a key factor affecting peo-
ple’s perception that health care costs contributed to financial problems was whether they had
to borrow money to cover these costs. Borrowing included taking out loans against their farm
or ranch, taking out loans from a bank or payday lender, increasing credit card debt, or with-
drawing money from a retirement account.
Even though farmers and ranchers have higher average incomes and significantly higher net worth than
U.S. households as a whole, and are much more likely to have health insurance, these findings show that
a high percentage are seriously burdened by the costs of health coverage and care. For those who
are experiencing the burden most intensely, health care costs are eating up, on average, over a third
of their incomes. These findings reflect the disproportionately high percentage of farmers and ranch-
ers who are forced to purchase insurance on the individual, non-group market, where both premiums
and out-of-pocket costs tend to be higher. Farm and ranch families are not absorbing the costs easily.
Over a quarter (26%) had to draw on resources to pay for health care. Of these, more than two-thirds
(70%) had to dip into savings and many others had to go into debt to cover health care costs.
These findings contribute to the research documenting the growing problems of the underinsured—
those with health insurance who are still left in financial jeopardy if they get sick. Given the high rate
of respondents with insurance at risk of experiencing financial problems, it may be more appropriate
to speak of major “insurance product failure.”
The findings are relevant to a number of current policy discussions. Many states, including California,
are considering mandates requiring people to purchase insurance on the individual market if they do
not have another source of coverage. This study provides information about what constitutes affordable
coverage; it suggests that affordability must be considered in terms of the percent of income people
spend on health care, and it must take into account the overall amount they spend on health care rather
than just the cost of premiums. The findings raise concerns generally about proposals that rely on the
private non-group market as the primary or only vehicle for expanding coverage for the uninsured,
especially given the weakness of consumer protections in this market. Finally, the findings help quan-
tify the excessive burden small business people and the self-employed are now shouldering to pay for
health care and caution that these costs have the potential to threaten this important segment of our
economy. Solutions to help alleviate these problems will probably require a combination of approach-
es, including cost-sharing assistance, market controls to restrain costs and maintain quality, public/
private partnerships, and greater access to government-sponsored programs.
3. 3
The Access Project
INTRODUCTION
Research has clearly documented that unaffordable medical bills and resulting medical debt affect
significant portions of the United States population. A 2007 survey by The Commonwealth Fund found
that 41 percent of adults ages 19 to 64 had problems paying their medical bills or had accrued medi-
cal debt, up from 34 percent in 2005. Although the uninsured are most at risk of having medical bill
problems and medical debt, many people with insurance are vulnerable as well. The Commonwealth
Fund survey found that one-third of people continuously insured over the previous year had medical
bill problems or medical debt. It also estimated that 25 million Americans were underinsured—that is,
with insurance but at risk of having medical bill problems.1
In 2006 The Access Project, in collaboration with the Kansas Farmers Union, surveyed Kansas farmers
about these issues.2
The study revealed that while virtually all respondents and their family members
were insured (95%), nearly one-third (29%) of non-elderly respondents had medical debt. However,
this study did not gather information about the source, type, or characteristics of respondents’ health
insurance, nor did it gather information about the financial burden of health care expenses on farm
and ranch families more generally. The Access Project thus joined with the University of North Dakota
Center for Rural Health and Brandeis University to gather these data systematically and on a larger
scale. Data were collected through a telephone survey of over 2,000 non-corporate farm and ranch
operators in seven Great Plains states.3
This survey protocol was then used to collect similar data from
1,787 farmers and ranchers in California.
The sample was limited to farmers and ranchers with individual or partnership type operations; the
great majority were sole proprietors. The survey asked about the insurance characteristics and health
care expenditures of farmers or ranchers and their families. While some respondents may have em-
ployed workers or hired contract workers, the survey did not gather information about this population.
The first issue brief on the 2008 Health Insurance Survey of California Farm and Ranch Operators
presented an overview of the survey findings. They showed that the vast majority of respondents
had health insurance, yet one in five reported that health care expenses contributed to their financial
problems, and 13 percent had outstanding debt that resulted from medical or dental bills.4
The brief
also documented that families on average were spending $7,661 annually on health insurance premi-
ums and out-of-pocket medical costs. Those purchasing insurance on the individual, non-group market
were particularly hard hit; controlling for age, health status, and prescription coverage, on average
they spent $4,665 more than those with insurance obtained through off-farm or ranch employment and
$3,426 more than those insured through government-sponsored programs.5
In recent years, the percentage of income people spend on health care has been increasing. Research-
ers have generally considered spending more than ten percent of household income on insurance pre-
miums and out-of-pocket medical costs as a measure of financially burdensome health care costs.6
Not
surprisingly, those with lower incomes are most likely to spend more than ten percent of their income
on health care, but the rate is also rising rapidly among people with moderate incomes (200%-400%
of the Federal Poverty Level, which for a family of four today is between $41,304 and $82,608). In
1996, 15.6 percent of people in this income group spent more than ten percent of their incomes on
premiums and other health care expenses; by 2003, the percentage had risen to 22.7 percent. The
proportion of income spent on medical costs is also rising significantly among those who earn more than
4. The Access Project
4
400 percent of the Federal Poverty Level. In 2003, one in ten people in this income category spent
more than ten percent of their income on health care costs, including insurance premiums, an increase
of nearly 150 percent since 1996.7
Those who purchase insurance in the individual non-group market are much more likely to face finan-
cial strains due to medical costs than those who obtain insurance through their employment. A 2006
study found that 43 percent of adults covered by individual insurance spent more than ten percent of
their income on medical expenses and premiums, compared to 24 percent of people with employer-
sponsored insurance.8
This is significant because family farmers and ranchers are more likely to pur-
chase insurance on the individual market than the U.S. population overall. In our survey, 30 percent of
respondents purchased insurance on this market, compared to about eight percent of insured Ameri-
cans nationally.
Many studies have shown that unaffordable medical bills and medical debt significantly affect fami-
lies’ overall financial stability. Health care expenses can lead to housing problems,9
increased credit
card debt,10
ruined credit records,11
and in the worst cases bankruptcy.12
For family farmers and
ranchers, health care expenses have the potential to affect not only their families’ economic security,
but the financial viability of their farm and ranch businesses. Moreover, California family farms play
an important economic role in rural communities. They constitute about 98 percent of all farms in the
state and produce $32 billion per year in value.13
The financial impact of health care expenses on
family farms thus has the potential to negatively affect California’s rural economies overall.
ABOUT THIS ISSUE BRIEF
This brief examines which farmers and ranchers are at greatest risk of experiencing financial hard-
ship due to health care costs. It uses two measures of hardship. The first uses the percentage of income
households spend on health care. The second measure is perceptual; it defines households as experi-
encing hardship if they reported that health care costs contributed to financial problems. We also ex-
amined some of the negative financial consequences these households experienced because of health
care costs.
STUDY DATA AND METHODS
The data for this project were collected through a telephone survey of farm and ranch operators. The
survey was developed based on a review of the literature on health insurance and medical debt and
on input from an advisory group of rural health policy experts. The survey gathered information about
respondents’ and their families’ health insurance status, the amounts of their insurance premiums and
deductibles, the types of services their insurance covered, the financial burden of health care costs on
families and businesses, and the existence of medical debt. It also gathered basic demographic infor-
mation.
The sample population was drawn from the United States Department of Agriculture’s National Agri-
cultural Statistics Service current comprehensive list of farm and ranch operators in California. Respon-
dents had to be over 18 years of age and no older than 64. The sample was also limited to farmers
and ranchers with individual or partnership type operations. The list was sorted at the agricultural
district level to assure a representative geographic distribution.
5. 5
The Access Project
An initial letter explaining the importance of the project was sent to each farm and ranch operator
included in the sample. The letter was signed by Vic Tolomeo, Director of the California Field Office of
the National Agricultural Statistical Services, United States Department of Agriculture (USDA).
The survey instrument was tested with farmers and ranchers in January 2007 and revised based on the
test results. Fielding of the California survey began in September and was completed in December of
2007. The original sample of 3,598 was adjusted to reflect the 870 operators who were inaccessible
either because their phone numbers were disconnected or because surveyors were unable to reach them
after at least 13 dial attempts. A total of 1,787 farm operators responded to the survey. The response
rate, based on the adjusted sample size of 2,728, was 66 percent. Descriptive and bivariate analyses
were conducted.
All quotes in this report are from survey respondents.
FINDINGS
Respondent Characteristics
The vast majority of respondents in this survey were male (88%), Caucasian (91%), married (86%), and
over the age of 44 (89%). The largest group of respondents (42%) had incomes between $40,000
and $99,999; 20 percent had incomes below $40,000 and 38 percent had incomes of $100,000 or
more. Seventy-nine percent were sole proprietors of their farms or ranches, and 43 percent reported
that farming or ranching was their principal occupation. Over two-thirds of respondents (69%) said
they were in excellent or very good health; only eight percent reported that they were in fair or poor
health.
Almost all of the respondents—90 percent—said all members of their households had been continu-
ously insured in the previous year. Thirty percent purchased health insurance on the non-group market,
either directly or through an insurance agent.14
This is significantly higher than the national average;
nationally, only eight percent of insured Americans purchase insurance in the individual, non-group
market.15
Fifty five percent obtained health insurance through off-farm or off-ranch employment, either
their own or their spouse’s. Eleven percent obtained health insurance through government-sponsored
programs such as Medicare, Veterans Benefits, and MediCal.
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6. The Access Project
6
Measures of Financial Hardship
Researchers have defined people who are insured as having a high financial burden due to health
care expenses if they 1) have premiums plus out-of-pocket health care expenses that constitute more
than ten percent of their income, or 2) report having had problems paying medical bills in the previous
year.16
In our study, we also used both an objective and a perceptual measure of financial burden.
As an objective standard, we followed the generally accepted measure that defines people as experi-
encing a financial burden if they live in households spending more than ten percent of their income on
health insurance premiums and other medical and prescription medication expenses. For this analysis,
we assumed both premiums and incomes to be at the midpoint of the ranges respondents selected.
For example, for a respondent who reported paying between $250 and $500 a month on insurance
premiums, we calculated the monthly amount as $375. For people who reported household net incomes
between $20,000 and $39,999, we calculated annual income as $30,000. Out-of-pocket medical and
prescription expenses were based on the specific figures reported by respondents.
Our perceptual measure is based on people’s self-reports. In our survey, we asked respondents if
health care costs contributed to their or a household member’s financial problems. We define people as
experiencing financial hardship if they answered yes to this question.
Financial Hardship Defined by Percent of Income Spent on Health Care
Thirty-one percent of our respondents spent more than ten percent of their income on health insurance
premiums plus additional out-of-pocket medical and prescription medication costs; among those who said
their principal occupation was farming or ranching, this figure rose to 37 percent. (We did not include the
amount people spent on dental insurance and care, which would have increased the percentage.)
We then tested to see what factors contributed to people’s likelihood of spending more than ten per-
cent of income on health care. We looked at age, income, health status, source of insurance, insurance
status, and whether people’s principal occupation was farming or ranching as possible contributing
factors. To test for health status, we divided respondents into those who said their health was excel-
lent; those who said their health was very good; and those who said their health status was good, fair,
or poor. Sources of insurance included insurance obtained through government-sponsored programs,
off-farm or ranch employment, or purchase on the individual market. To test for insurance status, we
divided respondents into those who said that everyone in their household was continuously insured in the
previous year and those who said that they or someone in their household were uninsured for all or part
of the previous year.
“““““““‘
“ The roughly $8,000 per year we spend on minor
medical bills,health insurance premiums,and modest
dental and vision care is a major chunk of our family’s
income and the largest item in our budget.
”
7. 7
The Access Project
A logistic regression analysis indicated that the factors contributing significantly to the likelihood of
people spending more than ten percent of their income on health care included their income, their
health status, and their source of insurance. (See Table A1 in Appendix A.) Not surprisingly, the likeli-
hood of spending more than ten percent of income on health care decreased as people’s incomes rose;
those with incomes over $20,000 were less likely to spend more than ten percent of their income on
health care than those with incomes below $20,000. People who said their health was excellent or very
good were also less likely to spend more than ten percent of their income on health care compared to
those who said their health was good, fair, or poor.
Another key indicator, however, was where people
obtained insurance. Those who purchased insurance
on the individual, non-group market were at much
greater risk of spending more than ten percent of
income on health care relative to those who obtained
insurance through government-sponsored programs
or employment. The median amount per household
that people who got insurance on the non-group
market spent on premiums and out-of-pocket costs
was $8,500. This compared to a median amount of
$4,630 for those who got insurance through off-farm
or ranch employment, and $4,620 for those who got
insurance through government-sponsored programs.
Financial Hardship Based on Self-Report
One in five of our respondents (20%) said they felt that health care costs contributed to financial
problems for them or a household member. (Among those who said their principal occupation was
farming, this figure rose to 22 percent.) Figure 3 shows the types of financial problems people said they
experienced.
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“ [Ranching] is dangerous so we have to
have insurance,but it is way too expensive .
”
8. The Access Project
8
All of the respondents who said they felt that health care expenses contributed to their financial prob-
lems spent more than ten percent of their income on insurance premiums and other out-of-pocket medi-
cal and prescription costs. We wanted to know what factors led this group to feel that health care costs
created financial problems.
We conducted a logistic regression to determine which factors contributed to people reporting finan-
cial hardship resulting from health care costs. (See Table A2 in Appendix A.) We included almost all of
the same factors as in our analysis of those who spent more than ten percent of income on health care.
However, we also included two additional variables. One was the actual percentage of income spent
on health care. For those who reported health care expenses greater than their total income, the per-
centage was set at 100.17
The other variable referred to the resources people reported using to pay for health care. All respon-
dents were asked whether they had to draw on resources to cover health care costs. Over one-quar-
ter of the respondents (26%) did draw on resources. Among those who used resources, people were
asked whether they used family savings, withdrew money from a retirement account, borrowed against
their home or farm/ranch, borrowed from a bank or payday lender, borrowed from friends or family,
incurred or increased credit card debt, or borrowed from some other source. The results are shown in
Figure 4.
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“““““““‘
“ I spent three days in the hospital a year and
a half ago...and ended up with debt between
$30,000 and $40,000.
”
9. 9
The Access Project
We hypothesized that people who did not have to draw on resources or had enough savings to cover
costs might subjectively experience the burden of health care costs differently from those who had to
borrow to pay for care. All of the resources mentioned above, except using savings, involved borrow-
ing money to pay for care. We thus looked at borrowing to pay for health care as a potential factor
contributing to people’s sense that health care costs contributed to financial problems. (We considered
withdrawing money from a retirement account as a form of borrowing, since it drew on resources set
aside for other long-term needs.)
The most important predictive factor in determining whether people felt that health care costs contrib-
uted to financial problems was the sources people used to pay for health care. Those who had to bor-
row to pay their medical bills were much more likely to report hardship than those who only used their
savings or did not have to draw down resources.
The percentage of income people spent on health care was also significant. Those who reported finan-
cial hardship spent on average 37 percent of income on health care. Those who spent more than ten
percent of their income on health care but did not report hardship spent on average 28 percent of in-
come. Thus people reporting financial hardship were spending substantially more money on health care
than those spending more than ten percent of income but not reporting hardship.
Health status also played a role: those who reported their health status as good, fair or poor had a
higher likelihood of reporting that health care expenses contributed to financial problems compared
with those who reported their health as excellent or very good.
Not surprisingly, income was also a significant factor: those who earned more than $100,000 a year
were less likely to report financial hardship than those with incomes between $40,000 and $99,999.
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10. The Access Project
10
DISCUSSION AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS
In recent years, both the cost of health insurance premiums and cost-sharing in the form of deductibles,
co-payments, and co-insurance have risen rapidly. As a result of the amounts people are forced to pay
on health care expenses, growing numbers are experiencing financial hardship.
In our previous brief, we showed that the farm and
ranch families in our survey were spending on aver-
age $7,661 annually on health insurance premiums
and out-of-pocket health care costs. Further analy-
sis showed that costs were strongly correlated with
people’s source of health insurance. Controlling for
age, health status, and prescription coverage, families
who purchased insurance from an agent in the indi-
vidual market spent $3,426 more on health care than
families with insurance obtained from government-sponsored programs, and $4,665 more than those
with insurance obtained through off-farm or off-ranch employment. These findings are especially im-
portant for farm and ranch operators because 30 percent of survey respondents purchased insurance
in the individual market, compared to a national average of eight percent.
This brief looks at the percent of income these expenses represent. Based on a commonly used defini-
tion of financial burden from health care expenses, 31 percent of our sample—a population that has
higher average incomes and significantly higher net worth than U.S. households as a whole—is bur-
dened by the costs of coverage and care. This compared to 18 percent of the population younger than
65 in 2004 that spent more than ten percent of income on insurance premiums and health care.18
And
for those farmers and ranchers who are experiencing the burden most intensely (one-fifth of the sam-
ple), health care costs are eating up, on average, more than one third of their incomes.
Farm and ranch families are not absorbing these costs easily. More than two-thirds (70%) of those who
had to draw on resources to pay for health care had to dip into savings to pay for care, money that
otherwise could have been used as a buffer in years when farm incomes dip or for other long-term needs.
Many others had to go into debt to cover their health care costs. Among those experiencing the high-
est burdens, 11 percent said they were having difficulties paying off loans against their farm or ranch,
and more than one quarter (28%) delayed making needed investments in their businesses. More than
one quarter (28%) also had to take jobs off the farm or ranch, presumably at least partly to get better
health insurance coverage. These consequences have the potential to threaten people’s farming or ranch-
ing operations, and indirectly the rural economies in which they are embedded.
Policymakers are increasingly concerned with the
problems of the underinsured—those with health
insurance who are still left in financial jeopardy if
they get sick.19
Virtually all (90%) of our respon-
dents were insured, yet 31 percent suffered financial
hardship because of health care costs. These findings
raise questions about whether “underinsured” is the
appropriate term to describe their situation. The term
“underinsurance” implies that a solution is buying
“““““““‘
“ Insurance is a major expense even with
a bare bones major medical policy.I have a
family of four and our premiums are more
than a car payment.
”
“““““““‘
“ Two years ago I had a hernia operation
but it wasn’t“on the list”,so my insurance only
paid $700 of my $7,000 bill.I made a payment
plan with the hospital...but missed a payment,
so they sent the bills to collections.
”
11. 11
The Access Project
better insurance with more comprehensive coverage. However, our respondents would presumably buy
better insurance if it were available or financially within reach, and it is clear that insurance premiums
are contributing to the problem as much as the quality of the coverage. A better term for insurance that
leaves three out of ten purchasers at risk might be “product failure.”
Our findings are highly relevant to a number of important policy discussions currently taking place. This is
especially true for current debates about how to provide coverage to small businesses and self-employed
people who have to purchase insurance coverage on their own.
First, some policymakers support eliminating state-mandated benefits and allowing the sale of insurance
policies with limited coverage or high levels of cost-sharing, maintaining it will make insurance premiums
more affordable. The purpose of health insurance is to protect people financially and provide them access
to care if they get sick. The findings from this study and others clearly demonstrate that many insurance
products, particularly those sold in the individual market, are not fulfilling this function. Scaling back cover-
age to bring down the cost of premiums shifts costs but does not eliminate them. Insurance premiums are
thus not an adequate measure of affordability. Families draw on the same pool of resources to pay for
premiums and out-of-pocket costs. Policy approaches that merely change the label under which costs are
categorized—from premiums to out-of-pocket expenses—do not solve people’s real problems.
Second, many states, including California, are considering mandates requiring most uninsured people to
purchase health insurance on the individual market if they do not have another source of coverage; such
a mandate has already been enacted in Massachusetts. These proposals generally include subsidies to
make coverage “affordable” for those with fewer resources. The proposals often stipulate that people
will only be required to purchase insurance if affordable policies are available. Our study suggests that
affordability must be considered in terms of the percent of income people spend on health care, and on
the amount they spend overall on health care rather than just the cost of premiums. Without such limits,
subsidies to help people purchase insurance may be inadequate and even higher income people may
experience serious financial consequences if they have to access care.
Third, our findings raise concerns generally about proposals that rely on the private non-group market
as the primary or only vehicle for expanding coverage for the uninsured. A great deal of research has
shown that people insured on the individual market are more likely to pay higher premiums, have higher
deductibles, have fewer benefits, and pay higher percentages of their income on health care than those
with employer-sponsored coverage.20
Our previous brief confirmed these findings; it documented that
people incur significantly higher overall expenses when they have insurance purchased on this market.
Our current brief shows that those spending the highest percentages of their income on health care also
are more likely to have such coverage, and that the percentage of income consumed by health care costs
can be extraordinarily high. Self-employed people such as family farmers and ranchers are much more
likely than the population at large to have this type of coverage. Tax credits, as some have proposed, are
unlikely to make up for the large differences in health care expenditures and percent of income consumed
on health care that people with non-group coverage face, compared to those with employer or govern-
ment-sponsored insurance.
In addition, other recent research has shown that in many states, including California, consumer protections
in the individual, non-group market are extremely weak. For example California does not require insurers
to sell to all applicants (guaranteed issue) or prohibit medical underwriting (setting insurance rates based
on health status), does not review in advance proposed health insurance premium rate hikes, and does not
require insurers to spend at least three-quarters of every health care dollar paying for medical care (as
12. The Access Project
12
opposed to marketing, overhead, or executive salaries).21
Existing regulation in the individual market may
be especially unlikely to set standards for benefit design, premium costs, and limits on cost sharing that
would be required to protect people from the exorbitant costs that many are now forced to assume.
Finally, our findings help quantify the excessive burden small businesses and the self-employed are now
shouldering in order to pay for health care, and the consequences of these costs. A great deal has been
written about the drain on resources and impact on competitiveness of high health care costs on large
corporations, such as auto manufacturers. Our findings suggest that the burden of paying for health care
faced by farm and ranch operators, and others who have small businesses or are self-employed, have
the potential to threaten this segment of our economy as well. Solutions to help alleviate their problems
will probably require a combination of approaches, including cost-sharing assistance, market controls to
restrain costs and maintain quality, public/private partnerships, and greater access to government-spon-
sored programs.
13. 13
The Access Project
APPENDIX A: REGRESSION ANALYSES
Table A1 presents the results of a logistic regression analysis of financial hardship defined as spending
more than ten percent of income on insurance premiums and out-of-pocket health care costs. Significant
factors are highlighted.
Factors contributing significantly to spending more than ten percent of income on health care include
obtaining insurance through purchase on the non-group market (relative to obtaining insurance through
a government program). Those with reduced risk of spending more than ten percent of income on health
care include those with incomes greater than $20,000 per year and those having excellent or very good
health (relative to those who said their health was good, fair, or poor).
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14. The Access Project
14
Table A2 presents the results of a logistic regression analysis of financial hardship defined as reporting
that health care costs contributed to financial problems. Significant factors are highlighted.
Factors associated with a greater likelihood of feeling that health care costs contributed to financial prob-
lems included spending higher percentages of income on health care and having to borrow to pay health
care bills. Those at reduced risk of feeling that health care costs contributed to financial problems includ-
ed people in excellent or very good health (compared to those in good, fair, or poor health), and people
earning more than $100,000 a year (compared to those earning between $40,000 and $99,999).
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15. 15
The Access Project
APPENDIX B: COMPARISIONS BY AGRICULTURAL DISTRICT
The California sample was stratified to ensure geographic distribution among six agricultural districts:
North Coast, Central Coast, Sacramento Valley, San Joaquin Valley, Sierra Nevada, and Southern Califor-
nia. The map below shows the state divided into these districts. For this analysis, North Coast, North Moun-
tain, and Northeast Mountain were considered as a single district, called North Coast. The table following
the map shows key survey indicators by agricultural district.
17. 17
The Access Project
ENDNOTES
1
S. Collins et al., Losing Ground: How the Loss of Adequate Health Insurance is Burdening Working Fami-
lies, The Commonwealth Fund, August 2008.
2
W. Lottero et al., Losing Ground: Eroding Health Insurance Coverage Leaves Kansas Farmers with Medi-
cal Debt, The Access Project, August 2006.
3
The Access Project published three briefs describing and analyzing the findings from the survey in the
Great Plains states. B. Lottero, et al., The 2007 Health Insurance Survey of Farm and Ranch Opera-
tors: Overview of Findings, The Access Project, September 2007. C. Pryor et al., 2007 Health Insur-
ance Survey of Farm and Ranch Operators: How Farmers and Ranchers Get Health Insurance and What
They Spend for Health Care, The Access Project, December 2007. The 2007 Health Insurance Survey
of Farm and Ranch Operators: Who Experiences Financial Hardship Because of Healthcare Costs? The
Access Project, September 2008. The briefs can be found on The Access Project website,
www.accessproject.org.
4
C. Pryor et al., 2008 Health Insurance Survey of California Farm and Ranch Operators: Overview of
Findings, The Access Project, May 2008.
5
Ibid.
6
See for example P.J. Cunningham, Overburdened and Overwhelmed: The Struggles of Communities with
High Medical Cost Burdens, Issue Brief, The Commonwealth Fund, November 2007. Cunningham also
includes in his definition of high medical cost burden insured people with incomes below 200 percent
of the Federal Poverty Level who spend more than five percent of family income on premiums and
out-of-pocket costs. We did not include this criterion in our study as very few respondents in the sam-
ple with incomes under $40,000—just under 200 percent of the poverty level for a family of four—
spent between five and ten percent of their income on health care. Thus most people who would
have matched the five percent or more criterion are included among those who spent more than 10
percent of their income on health care. For use of the same definition to define financial burden, see
J. Banthin and D. Bernard, “Changes in Financial Burdens for Health Care: National Estimates for the
Population Younger than 65 Years, 1996 to 2003,” Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol.
296, No. 22, December 13, 2006. A similar definition has been used to define the underinsured. See
C. Schoen et al., “How Many are Underinsured? Trends Among U.S. Adults, 2003 and 2007,” Health
Affairs, June 10, 2008. Schoen excludes premiums when calculating percent of income spent on medi-
cal care. However, she found that being underinsured according to her definition was strongly corre-
lated with having insurance premiums that exceeded five percent of people’s income.
7
J.S. Banthin and D. Bernard, “Changes in Financial Burdens of Health Care: National Estimates for the
Population Younger than 65 Years, 1996-2003,” Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol.
296, No. 22, December 13, 2006.
8
S. Collins et al., Squeezed: Why Rising Exposure to Health Care Costs Threatens the Health and Finan-
cial Well-Being of American Families, The Commonwealth Fund, September 2006.
9
R. Seifert, Home Sick: How Medical Debt Undermines Housing Security, The Access Project, 2005.
10
C. Zeldin and M. Rukavina, Borrowing to Stay Healthy: How Credit Card Debt is Related to Medical
Expenses, Demos, 2007.
11
R. Seifert, The Consequences of Medical Debt: Evidence from Three Communities, The Access Project,
2003.
12
D. Himmelstein et al., “Illness and Injury as Contributors to Bankruptcy,” Health Affairs Web Exclusive,
February 2005.
18. The Access Project
18
13
National Agricultural Statistics Services, 2002 Census of Agriculture, U.S. Department of Agriculture,
2002.
14
The survey asked respondents whether they had various kinds of insurance, such as Medicare, Vet-
erans Benefits, or health insurance purchased through an off-farm job or their spouse’s job. It also
asked if they had health insurance “that you purchased from an insurance agent or company.” As the
survey sample was designed to exclude corporate farms and over 80 percent of the respondents
identified themselves as sole proprietors, we categorized people who said they purchased from an
agent or company as having individual, non-group insurance. It is possible that some of these respon-
dents had small group insurance, although it is unlikely that they constitute a significant part of the
sample.
15
S. Collins, Squeezed, op.cit.
16
See note 6.
17
About five percent of the sample reported having health care expenses greater than their income,
almost all of whom were low income. This may reflect the fact that in our analysis, incomes were set
to the mid-point of the income range selected. Thus, someone earning $19,998 would select $0 to
$19,999 as their income range, and their income would be calculated at $10,000. Rather than ex-
clude these respondents, which would have disproportionately decreased the sample population with
incomes under $20,000, we chose the more conservative option of setting their health care expenses
as a percent of income to 100. This could result in an underestimate of the percentage of income
people spent on health care.
18
Banthin et al., “Financial Burden of Health Care, 2001-2004,” Health Affairs, January/February
2008.
19
See for example C. Schoen et al., “How Many Are Underinsured? Trends Among U.S. Adults, 2003
and 2007,” Health Affairs, June 10, 2008.
20
S. Collins et al., Squeezed, op.cit.
21
E. Hushagen and C. Fish-Parcham, Failing Grades: State Consumer Protections in the Individual
Health Insurance Market, Families USA, June 2008.
20. The Access Project
20
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The Access Project developed this report with the assistance of Brandeis University. It is based on data
gathered by the United States Department of Agriculture National Agricultural Statistics Service (NASS)
under a contract with The Access Project.
We would like to thank Vic Tolomeo, Director, Sarah Hoffman, Deputy Director, and Jack Rutz, Deputy
Director of the California Field Office of NASS for their assistance, encouragement and overall manage-
ment of the survey effort. Steve Fournier at Brandeis University deserves special thanks for his assistance
with the statistical analysis and his patience with and responsiveness to our requests for data runs. We are
particularly grateful to all of the farm and ranch operators who generously gave their time and will-
ingly shared information. We hope that this report, based on their experiences, will be useful in improving
health care coverage and access for rural Americans.
We would also like to thank Sara Collins of The Commonwealth Fund and Mary Wakefield, Kyle Muus
and Garth Kruger of the Center for Rural Health for their helpful feedback on the survey instrument used
to gather these data.
At The Access Project, we would like to thank Meg Baker, who designed and produced the report, and
Nancy Kohn, who conducted follow-up interviews with respondents.
Photos courtesy of Steve Quint.
Generous financial support from The California Endowment made this project possible.
The Access Project (TAP) has served as a resource center for local communities working to improve health and
health care access since 1998. The mission of TAP is to strengthen community action, promote social change, and
improve health, especially for those who are most vulnerable. TAP conducts community action research in con-
junction with local leaders to improve the quality of relevant information needed to change the health system.
TAP’s fiscal sponsor is Third Sector New England, a nonprofit with more than 40 years of experience in public and
community health projects.
The Access Project • 89 South Street • Suite 202 • Boston • MA • 02111
www.accessproject.org