Please choose TWO of the documents below.  Write four paragraphs that adhere to the following guidelines.  Your first paragraph should briefly describe each document.  You may describe the main points, the authors, the movements that the document are associated with, etc.  The second paragraph should compare the two documents.  The third paragraph should contrast the two documents.  The fourth paragraph should describe your personal opinions about each document.  You may select documents from the same category or documents from different categories- the choice is yours!  For example, you may choose two documents that deal with Black Power or you may choose one document that deals with Black Power and one that deals with the Mexican American Protest Movement. Be creative with your choices!  It is easy, for example, to compare Martin Luther King with Malcolm X.  Think outside of the box! Your assignment should be typed, in Times New Roman 12 point font.  It should follow standard grammatical rules (each paragraph needs at least 4 sentences, you should have topic sentences, etc.)  Your paper should also be spell checked.  I will deduct points for incorrect format or for grammatical/spelling mistakes!  STAPLE YOUR PAPERS BEFORE CLASS The two Articles The Gay Liberation Front, Come Out (1970) The Stonewall riot was a turning point for gay and lesbian Americans. In June 1979, police raided the Stonewall Bar in New York. The raid itself was not an uncommon occurrence, but when gay patrons fought back, the incident became a rallying point for a new era in gay rights. Gay communities in large cities such as New York and San Francisco had organized years before, but this new militancy was the hallmark of a younger generation. One result of Stonewall was the establishment of the Gay Liberation Front (GLF), an organization that stressed the importance of “coming out,” or publicly and proudly announcing one's homosexuality. The interview excerpted below provides evidence of the connections between the gay rights movement and other movements of the era. Note: The American Psychiatric Association categorized homosexuality as a mental disorder until 1973. Pat: The first question I would like to ask you to discuss is what is your concept of the movement? Kay: People are always asking me what the movement means, I am always asking other people what the movement means, and I don't quite know myself. For 9 or 10 years, the movement has meant to me personally the peace movement. Bernard: Kay, the movement means something a little bit wider than you have expressed. Movements have developed all over the world, and the movement has meant to me-I've been in the movement over 50 years-any attempt to change. Whether it be political change, social change, or economic change. The movement, as I understand it, means that people organize or even work privately and individually to make changes in the country. Historically there are times when you work individually, a.

1. Please choose
TWO
of the documents below. Write four paragraphs that adhere to
the following guidelines. Your first paragraph should briefly
describe each document. You may describe the main points, the
authors, the movements that the document are associated with,
etc. The second paragraph should compare the two documents.
The third paragraph should contrast the two documents. The
fourth paragraph should describe your personal opinions about
each document.
You may select documents from the same category or
documents from different categories- the choice is yours! For
example, you may choose two documents that deal with Black
Power or you may choose one document that deals with Black
Power and one that deals with the Mexican American Protest
Movement.
Be creative with your choices! It is easy, for example, to
compare Martin Luther King with Malcolm X. Think outside of
the box!
Your assignment should be typed, in Times New Roman 12
point font. It should follow standard grammatical rules (each
paragraph needs at least 4 sentences, you should have topic
sentences, etc.) Your paper should also be spell checked. I will
deduct points for incorrect format or for grammatical/spelling
mistakes!
STAPLE YOUR PAPERS BEFORE CLASS
The two Articles
The Gay Liberation Front, Come Out (1970)
The Stonewall riot was a turning point for gay and lesbian
Americans. In June 1979, police raided the Stonewall Bar in
New York. The raid itself was not an uncommon occurrence, but
when gay patrons fought back, the incident became a rallying
point for a new era in gay rights. Gay communities in large

2. cities such as New York and San Francisco had organized years
before, but this new militancy was the hallmark of a younger
generation. One result of Stonewall was the establishment of the
Gay Liberation Front (GLF), an organization that stressed the
importance of “coming out,” or publicly and proudly
announcing one's homosexuality. The interview excerpted below
provides evidence of the connections between the gay rights
movement and other movements of the era.
Note: The American Psychiatric Association categorized
homosexuality as a mental disorder until 1973.
Pat: The first question I would like to ask you to discuss is what
is your concept of the movement?
Kay: People are always asking me what the movement means, I
am always asking other people what the movement means, and I
don't quite know myself. For 9 or 10 years, the movement has
meant to me personally the peace movement.
Bernard: Kay, the movement means something a little bit wider
than you have expressed. Movements have developed all over
the world, and the movement has meant to me-I've been in the
movement over 50 years-any attempt to change. Whether it be
political change, social change, or economic change. The
movement, as I understand it, means that people organize or
even work privately and individually to make changes in the
country. Historically there are times when you work
individually, and there have been times when the movement
catches up masses of people as it did in Russia before the
revolution. Now the movement includes people who want to
make changes whether they be Panthers who are changing the
system for black people, or Woman's Liberation who are
concerned with changes for women, or socialists who are
concerned with changes in the system. Or whether it be an
organization like the Gay Liberation Front concerned with
fighting against the oppression of homosexuals, but fighting
within the framework of the wider movement. These problems
are not isolated, but within the context of the oppression of the
system against us all.

3. Bob: The movement today gets me a little up-tight. I find
people saying I am the movement. The movement can be 5
people who refuse to pay the subway fare. During the Christmas
week vigil there was a little old lady marching with me and she
had on her Dove button. She was terribly non-violent and
marching for what she believed was right: she wanted political
prisoners freed. A cop hassled us and I was very angry. I called
him a pig. She said, "Let me do it." She was sort of a hooker
type-sort of a tough old broad, and she charmed him. She came
back and said, "You have your way, and I have mine." That's
true. This woman is as much a part of the movement as I, even
though we are working in different ways.
Pat: I would like to ask you specifically-what ways have you
found to get involved in the movement?
Bernard: Well, my first activity was when I was 5 years old. My
parents had organized the first Student Friends of the Russian
Revolution. I had a tray of little red flags and I put them on
people and got money from them. When I was about 13 lots of
us were arrested for picketing and handing out leaflets and
demonstrating. We were helping the workers who were locked
out, we were protesting the war budgets, we were protesting
growing unemployment. At college, I helped organize the first
NSL-The National Student League-which is the granddaddy of
all student organizations. Also the John Reed Club. As time
went on I got more and more involved but always from a
political end because I was convinced that nothing but a change
in the system could change the oppressions against blacks,
against women, against children who were being unfairly
employed at the time. Also against homosexuals. Now I'm
working with homosexuals in the movement because I'm
convinced that only in getting our rightful place in the
movement and demanding an end to our own oppression can we
ever really make changes for homosexuals.
Bob: I was instrumental in forming the 7 Arts chapters of CORE
[Congress of Racial Equality]. Most of my past work has been
with non-whites. In this chapter we demanded rights for Black

4. people in show business. The first thing we did was break down
the industrial shows. No non-caucasian had ever been hired. We
threw a picket line around 8th Ave. and 57th St. where most of
the Auto show rooms are. We also got off to the World's Fair-
that was one of the times I was busted.
Kay: It seems that we had been arrested together. I was arrested
at the World's Fair too. Politics make strange cell mates. I think
I got into the movement first as a Quaker. As a Quaker I looked
out my window in the West Village and noticed a lot of children
smashing things. I thought in a few years they'll be big enough
to push the button and, you know, somebody ought to do
something now. I sort of got kidnapped by the children and
started a thing called Workshop of Children which I ran for
three years. During this time the civil rights thing was building
up but since I was working with these children who had a great
deal of trouble with the law, I felt I couldn't be arrested. I
thought they couldn't distinguish between civil disobedience
and crime exactly. However, as soon as that thing folded I was
delighted to go to jail at the CORE demonstration you referred
to, Bob.
Bob: I wasn't delighted.
Kay: I volunteered to be arrested and the Pinkerton men were so
new and so non-violent it was really difficult. I finally had to
dance on the bar at the Schaffer Pavillion. Then I worked with
the Survivors of Nagasaki Hiroshima who were traveling around
the world. I worked with the people at New England Committee
for Non-violent Action. We participated in the blockade at the
missile base of Lamakaza, in Canada, at the white house, at
prisons, and at submarine bases. And I went into the Peace
Corps. I can't think of any other exciting things to brag about.
Bob: I went south after the civil rights bill was signed. We went
to a public swimming pool in one demonstration. Myself, a very
big black girl, and a black boy. We had a big hassle getting in;
but finally we demanded in, and we got in. We joined hands and
jumped into the water. There were about 50 people when we got
there and in one or two seconds there were three. . . .

5. Bernard: In the early days of demonstrations the thing we had to
fear the most were the mounted police. Most of us were under
the hooves of police horses all the time. Young children, men,
women-even old people. What I found was that this kind of
reaction to us brought a stronger commitment from us. And also
brought more and more people to the movement. I wonder if the
powers that be are aware that they build the movement
themselves with their actions.
Pat: It seems here as you talk about your own experiences and
some of the thoughts and feelings which have come to you from
those experiences we're getting a fuller meaning of the word
oppression. So we might tie it up here by saying the movement
is making changes in the establishment where it oppresses us.
Your experiences seem to have been radicalizing. If you are in a
situation where you see the extreme degrees of the
establishment oppression-you see the actual physical effects on
people-you become radicalized. Like you were saying, Bernard-
about-
Bernard: -about the system being it's worst enemy.
Pat: I would like to ask you how you see the Gay Liberation
Movement.
Bernard: I see the Gay Liberation Movement as a process which
will help liberate gay people by making them fully part of the
whole liberation movement. The movement for change in the
system that will eventually annihilate any form of oppression.
Before GLF I was active in these movements, but anonymously-
nobody was conscious of the fact that I was homosexual. I think
the only way we can gain respect for ourselves and any of the
help that we need from everyone else in overcoming our
oppression is by showing that we participate even though they
don't understand why we participate. I think even among a lot of
our own people we have to fight for the right to participate as
homosexuals.
Bob: I've always been active as a homosexual. Openly, but
never publicly. In the past six or seven months I have suddenly
found myself living the life of a public homosexual. I find

6. resentment in many parts of the movement. When I find it, I
confront it. This is very healthy for me; and it's very healthy for
the movement. We can't hold the movement up as being any
better or any worse than the rest of us. Gay Liberation to me is
seeing 35 or 40 homosexuals marching as homosexuals in a
vigil to free political prisoners. We have been political
prisoners, and we will be political prisoners. Homosexuals are
beginning to see themselves as an oppressed minority. I don't
think homosexuality is a magic tie that binds us all but in a
sense there is something. It's being proud of ourselves. And I
think that's what liberation will help us find-a pride that we can
just stand up and be proud of ourselves as human beings.
Bernard: I want to bring up the past in one way. When I was
among young people, we had no way of expressing this. I never
felt sick, although the attitude then was that we were a sickness.
I could only fight this when I talked to individuals. We had no
public way of fighting it. And it's exciting to be able to do it
now, and the fight must be a very conscious fight.
Bob: Kay, do you have anything to say? Say something, we'll
have Women's Liberation after us if you don't.
Kay: I'm very new in GLF and I don't have a great deal to say to
people who want to know what it is. I see half of the gay
liberation as a sort of attempt to try to change other people
outside of ourselves-to try to make them stop oppressing us. But
the half that interests me most now, at the beginning of my gay
liberation, is self liberation. I was never open or public. I
always felt that I had to be a secret homosexual, and I was
terrified. Indeed I am now. This article is the first time I have
ever come out in a public way, and I find that a great deal of the
oppression is built into myself-is built into us. So I still expect
when I come out, people are going to dislike me because I am
homosexual. People do dislike homosexuals. On the other hand,
I myself have disliked my own homosexuality, so perhaps it's
not going to be as bad as I thought.
Bernard: Although I haven't been a public homosexual, among
my friends, it was always known. What interests me now is that,

7. although I was completely loved, for me, being a homosexual, I
find that now that I'm getting active in GLF there's a
resentment. People wonder why I have to work as a homosexual
in the movement. Why I can't take it up wherever I am in the
movement. I don't think you can take it up wherever you are in
the movement. It's only possible when we are working as a
homosexual to take it up. I think that we should-those of us who
can-be public as well as open.
Article
One Volunteer's Freedom Summer, 1964 9 of 25
Freedom Summer volunteer Terri Shaw traveled south to
Mississippi to work at the Council of Federated Organizations
(COFO) office in Hattiesburg. COFO was the coalition of
workers from SNCC, SCLC, CORE, and the NAACP.
Her days in the nerve center of local operations put her in the
perfect position to observe voter registration and education
activities; responses from local people, black and white; and the
birth of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. Her
account, written in 1964 but not published, forms a part of the
Civil Rights in Mississippi Archive at the University of
Southern Mississippi.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
Orientation
... the weeklong orientation session at Western College for
Women in Oxford, Ohio, should have prepared us for everything
that happened this summer. We were exposed to every
possibility and given guidelines for behavior in almost any
contingency...
... lessons were given in how to protect your vital organs while
being beaten and what happens when a mob gets out of hand. In
an auditorium more often used for assemblies and class days,
stories were told of beatings and shootings and bombings, by
the witnesses themselves...
...The battle scarred veterans who tried to prepare us for what

8. we might meet in Mississippi were mostly young field
secretaries of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
(SNCC)...
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
Heading South
...Traveling through the South in an integrated car is an
experience every white American should have. The full impact
of what segregation in public accommodations has meant to
Negro Americans is a sobering experience. No matter how hot
and dusty it gets, you have to think twice about stopping for a
drink, and usually there is no place you can stop at all. No
matter how tired you are, the motels "owned and operated by
colored" are few and far between. And with a white girl in the
car, you have to keep driving fast, and choose the places to buy
gas with extreme caution...
...[In] Meridian... I heard my first Mississippi news broadcast:
"The so-called Council of Federated Organizations announced
this morning that three so-called civil rights workers have been
missing since last night when they went to Philadelphia to
investigate a so-called church burning..."
... We knew right away that there was little hope for the three if
they had been missing overnight. We had all been trained to call
the office at regular intervals if we were away and never to stay
away overnight without letting someone know about it...
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
Where Shaw Worked and Lived
...Palmers Crossing, a rural area about 3 miles from
Hattiesburg, looked... like Guatemala. There is no mail delivery
there. Very few families have running water or plumbing of any
kind. Few stores are owned by whites and law enforcement is
handled by whites...
...My job was called "communications." ... My duties included,
handling the press, FBI, Justice Dept. and local law
enforcement officers; keeping a daily log; handling telephone

9. communications with the Jackson, Greenwood and Atlanta
offices; sending a daily written report to Jackson and weekly
reports to the Justice Dept., Atlanta and Greenwood; and an
infinite variety of other duties stemming from answering the
constantly ringing telephone. The office was hot, hectic, noisy
and nerve-wracking, and sometimes I spent as many as 15 hours
a day in it. Therefore it was always a great pleasure to come
home to the wonderful family that had consented to take me in.
It was pure luck that I was assigned to the Longs....
...Mr. [John Gould] Long had built up his own business on
Mobile St., and had also done many different sorts of work to
provide his family with a comfortable home and financial
security. Unlike other volunteers, I made no sacrifice as far as
living conditions were concerned. My roommate, a freedom
school teacher, and I shared a large, comfortable room. Mr.
Long, now retired, is a college graduate who tried to register to
vote and to form a Negro Voters League, back in the 40's. He is
well-read and informed, especially in national, state and local
politics. However, because the local registrar, who never went
beyond sixth grade, failed him every time he took the voter
registration test, Mr. Long was not able to vote until his case
figured in a Justice Dept. suit.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
Mixed Reception from the Locals
...The ladies of the Negro community pitched in immediately to
see that we were well taken care of. During the first few weeks
of the summer they served huge lunches to all 60 volunteers
every day in the office. Later, when the freedom schools were
set up, equally huge lunches were served in four separate
churches every weekday. Several ladies took in washing and one
made her bathtub available to the volunteers who lived in
Palmers Crossing and other areas without running water.
Our reception from the white community was not so warm.
After the first meeting, held the day we arrived, two cars drove
past the office tossing out handfuls of most scurrilous hate

10. literature I have ever seen.
Another night a caravan of about a dozen cars drove slowly past
the office. White men in cars, some carrying guns, followed the
voter registration workers as they canvassed in the Negro
neighborhoods. Other carloads of whites drove up and down in
front of the office. Quite often these cars did not have license
plates although we never heard of anyone being arrested for
failure to have a plate on a car...
... There were a couple of small-time "bombings" which caused
no damage but added to the atmosphere of fear. A few local
supporters received anonymous telephone calls and threats of
assassination. Many more were fired from their jobs or taken off
welfare, although this supposedly is illegal. The welfare
workers especially delighted in dropping "subtle" hints to Negro
welfare recipients. One woman who had nothing to do with the
movement was told that she might be taken off the rolls because
they had to "cut off some good niggers as well as the bad
niggers so it won't look so bad."
Local police soon came to know our cars and stopped them
frequently. Payment of traffic fines -- many undeserved and
others for violations which would have gone undetected if
committed by anyone else -- took an important chunk out of the
weekly budget....
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
Obstacles to Voter Registration
...Thanks to the Justice Department [JD] case, the registration
test had been simplified somewhat. Although it still included
interpretation of a section of the Mississippi constitution, the
registrar had to choose from 14 sections selected by the JD
rather than the entire 286. However, it is still up to the registrar
to decide whether the interpretation is correct or not, and the
JD's brief has page after page showing tests carelessly written
by almost illiterate whites who "passed" contrasted with
meticulously accurate interpretations by educated Negroes who,
of course, "failed." The names of all those who take the test are

11. published in the local newspaper for 2 weeks, leaving them
open to reprisals.
But even against these formidable odds, many Negroes have
gone to the courthouse time and time again, determined to take
the test until they pass. Some have tried as many as a dozen
times...
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
Educational Activities
... Hattiesburg was a beehive of educational activity. In fact we
had less violence and harassment than almost any other
projects, especially those in the Southwest and the Delta, both
areas with much larger Negro populations and therefore more
intense fears among the whites.
The freedom schools were the most impressive part of the
program. They were directed by Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Reese,
Negro secondary school teachers from Detroit. The schools
were established in six churches for an initial enrollment of 585
persons. (We had expected about 75).
The oldest student was an 85-year-old man who had taught
himself to read, but wanted to learn more in order to take the
registration test...
...The community center staff was small, but talented, and a
varied program was developed -- day care for younger children
in the morning, recreation for the older ones in the afternoon,
and classes in first aid, sewing and literacy in the evening.
Mary Sue Gellatly, white, of Portland, Ore., taught eight
persons to read and write and another eight to teach literacy.
Phyllis Cunningham, white, RN, of Chicago, got a medical care
program going and taught, hygiene and first aid. Both plan to
stay in Mississippi indefinitely. A library was set up next door
to the office with homemade shelves and handwritten catalogue
cards...
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
Registering Voters and Forming a Party

12. Voter registration was hot, dusty work. The less than 20
workers were divided into four teams working in three city
areas and Palmers Crossing. In Palmers it was particularly
difficult to keep records as there were no street names or house
numbers. So the workers made their own map and their own
street names. The main intersection became the corner of
Freedom St. and Now Rd., and other streets were named after
famous Negroes and civil rights workers. Three short roads in a
corner of the settlement became, poignantly, Schwerner, Chaney
and Goodman Sts...
...During the last few weeks of the summer, teams of four
ventured into rural counties near Hattiesburg, where both fear
among Negroes and harassment on the part of whites, were
heavier.
An important part of the work of the voter registration workers
was local organization of the Freedom Democratic Party (FDP).
Any resident of Forrest County over 21 -- literate or illiterate --
was eligible to fill out a "freedom registration form," patterned
after the official registration application, but much simpler, and
thus become a member of the FDP. One of the purposes of
freedom registration, was to disprove the Southern contention
that Negroes don't register to vote simply because they don't
want to.
The next step in the campaign was to elect delegates to the
Democratic convention in Atlantic City with a procedure as
closely parallel as possible to the procedure used by the MDP.
We held four precinct meetings, advertised by legal notices in
the newspaper and spot announcements on the one radio station
which would accept them. These were followed by a county
meeting, a caucus of all the delegations from the sixth
congressional district and state convention.
The FDP meetings were very successful in Forrest County. The
local people took over the leadership right away, which was one
of the main purposes of the program. People like Mr. Long
[John Gould] who had been interested observers of the political
process for years were delighted at the opportunity to actually

13. participate.
From the precinct meetings, local civic associations also grew,
with a minimum of prodding from the voter registration
workers. One of the FDP leaders also began to work on a Voters
League for those Negroes who finally did get registered.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
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Violence Against Volunteers
...The... most serious incidents concerning volunteers were
beatings. The first occurred on July 10 when the Rabbi Arthur
Lelyveld of Cleveland, (a Ministers Project volunteer) and two
white male college students were beaten while on their way to
one of the churches where lunch was served after a morning of
canvassing. They were attacked by two white men who had been
following them in a pickup truck without license plates.
Shouting "white nigger" and "nigger lover" they beat the rabbi
and one of the students with an iron bar. The other student was
kicked down an embankment, pummeled and kicked, and
finally, his assailant shoved his canvassing notes into his
mouth, shouting "eat this... nigger lover." All three were treated
at a hospital and the rabbi was hospitalized over night.
For a city whose white population continually expresses its
shock and righteous indignation at the "lawlessness" of New
York City, Hattiesburg didn't do too well that day. White people
watched the beating from their porches and front lawns, but no
one called the police until other volunteers returned to the scene
to look for the rabbi's glasses.
Both the police chief and the mayor issued strong statements,
saying the assailants would be sought and prosecuted for
"assault and battery with intent to kill," a felony. The FBI
investigated and a week later, one of the assailants turned
himself in. The two were charged with "assault and battery with
intent to maim, also a felony, but the grand jury refused to
indict them. The district attorney then charged them with simple
assault and battery (a misdemeanor) and they each paid a $500
fine. Each also received a suspended sentence of 90 days.

14. ...The civil rights act, signed on July 2, brought little change in
Hattiesburg. Some local Negroes tested the lunch counters and
were served at Woolworths's and Kress's both of which
immediately became the objects of Citizens' Council boycotts.
(Mississippi's anti-boycott law is enforced only against civil
rights groups.) Walgreens took the coward's way out and closed
the lunch counter...
Source: Shaw, Terri. "Freedom Summer Recollections." Civil
Rights in Mississippi Digital Archive, The University of
Southern Mississippi.
http://anna.lib.usm.edu/%7Espcol/crda/shaw/ts001.htm