1 EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS OF THE PLAGUE 1. Gabriele d.docx

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EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS OF THE PLAGUE
1. Gabriele de Mussi: Istoria de Morbo or History of the
Pestilence (1348)
Gabriele de Mussi (1280-1356) was an Italian notary from
Piacenza, who either travelled himself to
Caffa (a Genoese trading post in the Crimea), or, more
plausibly, acquired his detailed information
on the spread of the Black Death from eye witnesses of the
Mongols’ siege against Caffa. According
to de Mussi, the plague was transmitted intentionally by the
Mongols, who hurled cadavers of
people infected with the disease into the besieged city-port. The
Genoese fleeing from Caffa brought
the disease to Italy. If accurate, this is one of the earliest
recorded instances of biological warfare.
In 1346, in the countries of the East, countless numbers of
Tartars [Mongols] and Saracens
[Muslim Turks] were struck down by a mysterious illness which
brought sudden death. Within
these countries broad regions, far-spreading provinces,
magnificent kingdoms, cities, towns and

settlements, ground down by illness and devoured by dreadful
death, were soon stripped of their
inhabitants. An eastern settlement under the rule of the Tartars
called Tana, which lay to the
north of Constantinople and was much frequented by Italian
merchants, was totally abandoned
after an incident there which led to its being besieged and
attacked by hordes of Tartars who
gathered in a short space of time. The Christian merchants, who
had been driven out by force,
were so terrified of the power of the Tartars that, to save
themselves and their belongings, they
fled in an armed ship to Caffa, a settlement in the same part of
the world which had been
founded long ago by the Genoese.
Oh God! See how the heathen Tartar races, pouring together
from all sides, suddenly advanced
upon the city of Caffa and besieged the trapped Christians there
for almost three years. There,
hemmed in by an immense army, they [the Christians] could
hardly draw breath, although food
could be shipped in, which offered them some hope. But behold,
the whole army was affected by

a disease which overran the Tartars and killed thousands upon
thousands every day. It was as
though arrows were raining down from heaven to strike and
crush the Tartars’ arrogance. All
medical advice and attention was useless; the Tartars died as
soon as the signs of disease
appeared on their bodies: swellings in the armpit or groin
caused by coagulating humors,
followed by a putrid fever.
The dying Tartars, stunned and stupefied by the immensity of
the disaster brought about by the
disease, and realizing that they had no hope of escape, lost
interest in the siege. But they ordered
corpses to be placed in catapults and lobbed into the city in the
hope that the intolerable stench
would kill everyone inside. What seemed like mountains of dead
were thrown into the city, and
the Christians could not hide or flee or escape from them,
although they dumped as many of the
bodies as they could in the sea. And soon the rotting corpses
tainted the air and poisoned the
water supply, and the stench was so overwhelming that hardly
one in several thousand was in a

position to flee the remains of the Tartar army. Moreover one
infected man could carry the
poison to others, and infect people and places with the disease
by look alone. No one knew, or
could discover, a means of defense.
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Thus almost everyone who had been in the East, or in the
regions to the south and north, fell
victim to sudden death after contracting this pestilential
disease, as if struck by a lethal arrow
which raised a tumor on their bodies. The scale of the mortality
and the form which it took
persuaded those who lived, weeping and lamenting, through the
bitter events of 1346 to 1348—
the Chinese, Indians, Persians, Medes, Kurds, Armenians,
Cilicians, Georgians, Mesopotamians,
Nubians, Ethiopians, Turks, Egyptians, Arabs, Saracens and
Greeks (for almost all the East has
been affected)—that the last judgement had come.
…As it happened, among those who escaped from Caffa by boat
were a few sailors who had

been infected with the poisonous disease. Some boats were
bound for Genoa, others went to
Venice and to other Christian areas. When the sailors reached
these places and mixed with the
people there, it was as if they had brought evil spirits with
them: every city, every settlement,
every place was poisoned by the contagious pestilence, and
their inhabitants, both men and
women, died suddenly. And when one person had contracted the
illness, he poisoned his whole
family even as he fell and died, so that those preparing to bury
his body were seized by death in
the same way. Thus death entered through the windows, and as
cities and towns were
depopulated their inhabitants mourned their dead neighbors.
But as an inhabitant I am asked to write more of Piacenza so
that it may be known what
happened there in the year 1348. Some Genoese who fled from
the plague raging in their city
betook themselves hither. They rested at Bobbio, and there sold
the merchandise they had
brought with them. The purchaser and their host, together with
all his family and many
neighbors, were quickly stricken with disease and died. One of

these, wishing to make his will,
called a notary, his confessor, and the necessary witnesses. The
next day all these were buried
together. So greatly did the calamity increase that nearly all the
inhabitants of Bobbio soon fell a
prey to the sickness, and there remained in the town only the
dead.
In the spring of 1348 another Genoese infected with the plague
came to Piacenza. He sought out
his friend Fulchino della Croce, who took him into his house.
Almost immediately afterwards he
died, and the said Fulchino was also quickly carried off with his
entire family and many of his
neighbors. In a brief space the plague was rife throughout the
city. I know not where to begin;
everywhere there was weeping and mourning. So great was the
mortality that men hardly dared
to breathe. The dead were without number, and those who still
lived gave themselves up as lost,
and prepared for the tomb.
George Deaux ed., The Black Death 1347 (New York 1969) pp.
75ff

***
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2. Giovanni Bocaccio, The Decameron (1348)
The Italian writer Giovanni Boccaccio (1313-1375) lived in
Florence while the city was being
devastated by the plague. The experience inspired him to write
The Decameron, a story of seven
women and three men who fled the diseased city seeking refuge
in a countryside villa. In his
introduction to the book, Boccaccio gives a graphic description
of the effects of the plague on his
city. He depicts the outbreak with its high mortality rates, and
how that was a catalyst for many
social and cultural changes. He also describes the shattering
effects of the fast and painful death

on the bodies but also on the mental, emotional and spiritual
states of those affected.
The onset and spread of the plague
In the year of our Lord 1348, there happened at Florence, the
finest city in all Italy, a most
terrible plague - whether owing to the influence of the planets,
or perhaps it was sent by God as a
just punishment for our sins. It had broken out some years
before in the Levant, and after passing
from place to place, and making incredible havoc all the way,
reached the west; where, in spite
of all the means that knowledge and human foresight could
suggest as to keeping the city clear
from filth, including the exclusion of all suspected persons;
notwithstanding frequent
consultations what else needs to be done; nor omitting prayers
to God and frequent processions;
in the spring of that year, it began to show itself in a sad and
terrible manner. And, different from
what it had been in the east, where bleeding from the nose was
the fatal prognostic, here there
appeared certain tumors in the groin, or under the armpits, some
as big as a small apple, others as

an egg; and afterwards purple spots in most parts of the body: in
some cases large but few in
number, in others cases smaller but more numerous, however
both sorts the usual messengers of
death.
To cure the malady, neither medical knowledge nor the power
of drugs was of any effect;
whether because the disease was in its own nature mortal, or
that the physicians (the number of
whom, taking quacks and women pretenders into the account,
had grown very much) could form
no just idea of the cause, nor consequently ground a true
method of cure; whichever was the
reason, few or none escaped; but they generally died the third
day from the first appearance of
the symptoms, without a fever or other bad circumstance
attending.
And the disease, by being communicated from the sick to the
well, seemed daily to get ahead,
and to rage the more, as fire will do by laying on fresh
combustibles. It spread not only by
conversing with, or coming near the sick, but even by touching
their clothes, or anything that

they had before touched. Such, I say, was the quality of the
pestilential matter, as to pass not only
from man to man, but, what is more strange and has been often
known, that anything belonging
to the infected, if touched by any other creature, would
certainly infect, and even kill that
creature in a short space of time.
Common reactions
This occasioned various fears and devices amongst those people
who survived, all tending to the
same uncharitable and cruel end; which was to avoid the sick,
and everything that had been near
them; expecting by that means to save themselves.
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Other held it best to live temperately, and to avoid excesses of
all kinds, shut themselves up from
the rest of the world; eating and drinking moderately of the
best, and diverting themselves with
music, and such other entertainments as they might have within
doors.

Still others maintained free living to be a better preservative,
and would draw back from no
passion or appetite they wished to gratify, drinking and reveling
incessantly from tavern to
tavern, or in private houses; which were frequently found
deserted by the owners, and therefore
common to everyone; yet avoiding, with all this irregularity, to
come near the infected.
And such at that time was the public distress that the laws,
human and divine, were not regarded:
for the officers to enforce them were either dead or sick or in
want of persons to assist them;
everyone did just as he pleased.
Another sort of people chose a method between these two; not
confining themselves to rules of
diet like the former, and yet avoiding the intemperance of the
latter; but eating and drinking what
their appetites required, they walked everywhere with perfumes
and sprays to smell; as holding it
best to corroborate the brain: for they supposed the whole
atmosphere to be tainted with the stink

of dead bodies, arising partly from the distemper itself, and
partly from the fermenting of the
medicines within them.
Others of a crueler disposition deemed it safer to avoid the
plague altogether: men and women in
great numbers left the city, their houses, relations, and effects,
and fled into the country (as if the
wrath of God had been restrained to visit those only within the
walls of the city).
Traditional customs overlooked
I pass over the little regard that citizens and relations showed to
each other- for their terror was
such that a brother even fled from his brother, a wife from her
husband, and, what is more
uncommon, a parent from his own child. On which account the
numbers that fell sick could have
no help but what the charity of friends, who were very few.
From this desertion of friends, and
the scarcity of servants, an unheard-of custom prevailed: no
lady, however young or handsome,
would disdain being attended by a man-servant, whether young
or old it mattered not; and to

expose herself naked to him, the necessity of the distemper
requiring it, as though it was to a
woman; which might make those who recovered less modest for
the time to come. And many
lost their lives who might have escaped had they been looked
after at all.
From mere necessity, many customs were introduced, different
from what had been before
known in the city. It had been usual, as it now is, for the women
who were friends and neighbors
to the deceased, to meet together at his house, and to lament
with his relations; at the same time
the men would get together at the door, with a number of
clergy, according to the person's
circumstances; and the corpse was carried by people of his own
rank, with the solemnity of
candles and singing, to that church where the person had desired
to be buried. This custom was
now laid aside; far from having a crowd of women to lament
over them, great numbers passed
out of the world without a single person by their bed; few had
the tears of their friends at their
departure; for even the women had learned to postpone every
other concern to that of their own

lives. Nor was a corpse attended by more than ten or a dozen,
nor were those citizens of credit,
but fellows hired for the purpose; who would put themselves
under the bier, and carry it with all
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possible haste to the nearest church; and the corpse was
interred, without any great ceremony,
wherever they could find room.
Mass burials
With regard to the lower sort, and many of a middling rank, the
scene was still more affecting;
for they staying at home either through poverty, or hopes of
succor in distress, fell sick daily by
thousands, and, having nobody to attend them, generally died.
Some breathed their last in the
streets, and others shut up in their own houses, and only the
stench that came from them made
their deaths known to the neighborhood. And, indeed, every
place was filled with the dead. A
method now was adopted by the neighbors, as pity for the dead,

to clear all the houses, and lay
the dead bodies at the doors; and every morning great numbers
might be seen brought out in this
manner; from whence they were carried away on biers, or
tables, two or three at a time; and
sometimes it has happened that a wife and her husband, two or
three brothers, and a father and
son, have been laid on together. There was no one to follow and
shed a few tears over them; for
things were come to that pass, that men's lives were no more
regarded than the lives of so many
beasts. The consecrated ground no longer containing the
numbers which were continually
brought thither, especially as they were desirous of laying
everyone in the parts allotted to their
families; they were forced to dig trenches and to put them in by
hundreds, piling them up in
rows, as goods are stowed in a ship, and throwing in little earth
till they were filled to the top.
What more can I say? That between March and July, it is pretty
certain that upwards of a
hundred thousand souls perished in the city only. What
magnificent dwellings, what noble

palaces were then depopulated to the last person! What families
extinct! What riches and vast
possessions left, and no known heir to inherit! What members of
both sexes in the prime and
vigor of youth, who in the morning were in perfect health, after
dining heartily with their friends
here, have supped with their departed friends in the other world!
“The Black Death, 1348,” Eye Witnesses to History,
www.eyewitnesstohistory.com (2001)
***
3. Robert of Avesbury, (1349)
One reaction to the pestilence ravaging Europe in the late 1340s
came from the Brotherhood of
Flagellants (a group which also included women). These men
and women thought that public self-
whipping performed as a penitential rite might lessen God’s
wrath against the sinful world and thus
put an end to the untold suffering of the multitudes. Flagellation
had been practiced in monasteries
as a method of spiritual discipline, but had never before been
turned into a public spectacle. The
movement was active especially in the German-speaking areas.
The Flagellants were not popular in
England, but a large contingent of these public penitents did
cross the English Channel in 1349 and
came to London. Sir Robert of Avesbury witnessed their ritual

and left a vivid description of it.
The pestilence which had first broken out in the land occupied
by the Saracens became so much
stronger that, sparing no dominion, it visited with the scourge
of sudden death the various parts
of all the kingdoms. […] It began in England in Dorsetshire,
and immediately advanced from
http://www.eyewitnesstohistory.com/
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place to place, attacking people without warning. Very many of
those who were attacked in the
morning were carried out of human affairs before noon. And no
one whom it [the pestilence]
willed to die did it permit to live longer than three or four days.
[…] And reaching London, it
deprived many of their life daily, and increased to so great an
extent that from the feast of the
Purification [February 2
nd
, 1349] till after Easter [April 12
th

, 1349] there were more than two
hundred bodies of those who had died buried daily in the
cemetery which had been then recently
made near Smithfield, besides the bodies which were in other
graveyards.
In that same year of 1349, about Michaelmas [September 29],
over six hundred men came to
London from Flanders, mostly of Flemish origin. Sometimes at
St Paul’s and sometimes at other
points in the city, they made two daily public appearances
wearing clothes from the thighs to the
ankles, but otherwise stripped bare. Each wore a cap marked
with a red cross in front and behind.
Each had in his right hand a scourge with three tails. Each tail
had a knot and through the middle
of it there were sometimes sharp nails fixed. They marched
naked in a file one behind the other
and whipped themselves with these scourges on their naked and
bleeding bodies.
Four of them would chant in their native tongue and, another
four would chant in response like a
litany. Thrice they would all cast themselves on the ground in

this sort of procession, stretching
out their hands like the arms of a cross. The singing would go
on and, the one who was in the
rear of those thus prostrate acting first, each of them in turn
would step over the others and give
one stroke with his scourge to the man lying under him.
This went on from the first to the last until each of them had
observed the ritual to the full tale of
those on the ground. Then each put on his customary garments
and always wearing their caps
and carrying their whips in their hands they retired to their
lodgings. It is said that every night
they performed the same penance.
Norman Cohn ed., The Pursuit of the Millennium:
Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists
of the Middle Ages (1970)

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