PUBLIC ADMINSTRATION Presented byDateInstitutionI.docx

PUBLIC ADMINSTRATION
Presented by:
Date
Institution
Introduction
Public administration comes with a number of advantages.
Can be used as a governance instrument
Used to develop change
Used as an instrument of welfare state.
Incident command is vital in addressing emergency tasks.
Public policies describes the activities to be executed.
Organizational theory provides insights on what need to be
done.
Public administration is defined as the ability of becoming a
multidisciplinary used in research and practical fields in the
public policy discipline. Public administration comes with a
number of advantages. Some of which include being used as an
instrument of developing change. Whenever people of a given
state think of developmental projects and formalities, public
administration is essential in governing what the members are in
a position of executing any rights which they might come across
(Greenel, 2004) For instance, development of national transport
system and communication network and channels calls for the
government intervention in addressing these matters.
2

Significance of public administration
Can be used as a governmental instrument.
Utilized as a tool of change and development.
Utilized as a tool in the welfare state.
The significance of public administration are best felt in the
following areas. First is the utilization governmental
instrument. It is the role of public administration to ensure law
and order in a given state is maintained. There is need to better
the management in addressing various aspects of its public
affairs. Secondly is using it as a change of development.
Thirdly is using it as a welfare state. The government takes care
of its citizen welfare, particularly in the modern world.
3
Incident command
Used in organizing emergency responses to various incidents.
Example of emergency tasks include hostages, school shooting
and mass causality.
Incident command is essential in organizing people.
Facilitates quick response teams towards the emergency issues
arising.
There are a number of emergency risks associated with various
states. Example of emergency tasks include hostages, school
shooting and mass causality. Incident command is essential in
organizing people. Facilitates quick response teams towards the
emergency issues arising (Greenel, 2004).

4
Public policies & Organizational theory
Involves laws and ordinances governing a given government.
Elected federal officials are the one’s who formulate these
policies.
Both levels of the government are responsible in overseeing the
entire process.
Organizational theories explain and predict the manner in which
organizations function.
. Public policies involves laws and ordinances governing a
given government. Elected federal officials are the one’s who
formulate these policies. Both levels of the government are
responsible in overseeing the entire process. Organizational
theories explain and predict the manner in which organizations
function.
5
Why the points are important
Public administration is an essential area of study.
The issues can be tackled from multiple perspectives.
When used as a government tool, it facilitates the tasks a
government need to undertake.
The modules explains the role in which instruments play in
formulating and effecting policies.
Public administration is an essential area of study.
The issues can be tackled from multiple perspectives.
When used as a government tool, it facilitates the tasks a
government need to undertake (Greenel, 2004).
The modules explains the role in which instruments play in

formulating and effecting policies.
6
Effects of points on paralegal career
Can positively impact law decisions which are being made.
Facilitates the performance of substantive decisions in the
profession.
Possession of knowledge of law depicts quality in decisions
made.
Can positively impact law decisions which are being made.
Facilitates the performance of substantive decisions in the
profession.
Possession of knowledge of law depicts quality in decisions
made.
7
Conclusion
Public administration comprises of various components.
Incident command is used by a number of agencies in tasks they
engage in.
Public administration are responsible in effecting public
policies.
Organizations being social units ensures that theories in place
in this field.
In conclusion, Public administration comprises of various
components. Incident command is used by a number of agencies
in tasks they engage in. Public administration are responsible
in effecting public policies. Organizations being social units

ensures that theories in place in this field (Greenel, 2004).
8
References
Greene, J. D. (2004). Public Administration in the New
Century: A Concise Introduction (1 edition.). Australia ;
Belmont, CA: Cengage Learning
9
Critical Resistance-Incite! Statement on Gender Violence And
the Prison-Industrial
Complex
Author(s): Critical Resistance and Incite!
Source: Social Justice, Vol. 30, No. 3 (93), The Intersection of
Ideologies of Violence (2003),
pp. 141-150
Published by: Social Justice/Global Options
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Critical Resistance-Incite!
Statement on Gender Violence
And the Prison-Industrial Complex
Critical Resistance and Incite!
WE CALL ON SOCIAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS TO
DEVELOP STRATEGIES AND ANALY?
SIS that address both state and interpersonal violence,
particularly
violence against women.1 Currently, activists/movements that
address
state violence (such as anti-prison, anti-police brutality groups)
often work in
isolation from activists/movements that address domestic and
sexual violence.

The result is that women of color, who suffer
disproportionately from both state
and interpersonal violence, have become marginalized within
these movements.
It is critical for us to develop responses to gender violence that
do not depend on
a sexist, racist, classist, and homophobic criminal justice
system. It is also
important that we develop strategies that challenge the criminal
justice system,
while providing safety for survivors of sexual and domestic
violence. To live
violence-free lives, we must develop holistic strategies for
addressing violence
that speak to the intersection of all forms of oppression.
The anti-violence movement has been critically important in
breaking the
silence around violence against women and providing much-
needed services to
survivors. However, the mainstream anti-violence movement
has increasingly
relied on the criminal justice system as the front-line approach
toward ending
violence against women of color. It is important to assess the
impact of this
strategy.
(1) Law enforcement approaches to violence against women
may deter some
acts of violence in the short term. However, as an overall
strategy for ending
violence, criminalization has not worked. In fact, mandatory
arrest laws for

domestic violence have led to decreases in the number of
battered women who kill
their partners in self-defense, but they have not led to a
decrease in the number of
batterers who kill their partners.2 Thus, the law protects
batterers more than it
protects survivors.
(2) The criminalization approach has also brought many women
into conflict
with the law, particularly women of color, poor women,
lesbians, sex workers,
Critical Resistance and Incite! Women of Color Against
Violence are U.S .-based organizations.
To sign on to the Critical Resistance-Incite statement as an
organization or individual, e-mail
[email protected] or phone (415) 553-3837.
Social Justice Vol. 30, No. 3 (2003) 141
2020 00:35:43 UTC
142 Critical Resistance and Incite!
immigrant women, women with disabilities, and other
marginalized women. For
instance, under mandatory arrest laws, there have been
numerous occasions in
which police officers called to domestic incidents have arrested

the woman being
battered.3 Many undocumented women have reported cases of
sexual and domes?
tic violence, only to find themselves deported.4 A tough law-
and-order agenda also
leads to long punitive sentences for women convicted of killing
their batterers.5
Finally, when public funding is channeled into policing and
prisons, budget cuts
for social programs, including women's shelters, welfare, and
public housing, are
the inevitable side effect.6 These cutbacks leave women less
able to escape violent
relationships.
(3) Prisons don't work. Despite an exponential increase in the
number of men
in prisons, women are not any safer and the rates of sexual
assault and domestic
violence have not decreased.7 In calling for greater police
responses to, and
harsher sentences for, perpetrators of gender violence, the anti-
violence move?
ment has fueled the proliferation of prisons. The U.S. now
locks up more people
per capita than does any other country.8 During the past 15
years, the number of
women in prison, especially women of color, has skyrocketed.9
Prisons also inflict
violence on the growing numbers of women behind bars.
Slashing, suicide, the
proliferation of HIV, strip searches, medical neglect, and rape
of prisoners has
largely been ignored by anti-violence activists.10 The criminal
justice system, an
institution of violence, domination, and control, has increased

the level of violence
in society.
(4) Reliance on state funding to support anti-violence programs
has increased
the professionalization of the anti-violence movement and
alienated it from its
community-organizing, social justice roots.11 Such reliance
has isolated the anti
violence movement from other social justice movements that
seek to eradicate
state violence, such that it acts in conflict rather than in
collaboration with these
movements.
(5) Reliance on the criminal justice system has taken power
away from
women's ability to organize collectively to stop violence and
has invested this
power within the state. The result is that women who seek
redress in the criminal
justice system feel disempowered and alienated.12 It has also
promoted an
individualistic approach toward ending violence, such that the
only way people
think they can intervene to stop violence is to call the police.
This reliance has
shifted our focus away from developing ways communities can
collectively
respond to violence.
In recent years, the mainstream anti-prison movement has
called attention to
the negative impact of criminalization and to the build-up of

the prison-industrial
complex. Because activists seeking to reverse the tide of mass
incarceration and
criminalization of poor communities and communities of color
have not consis?
tently made gender and sexuality central to their analysis or
organizing, they have
not always responded adequately to the needs of survivors of
domestic and sexual
2020 00:35:43 UTC
Gender Violence and the Prison-Industrial Complex 143
violence. We need to analyze the limitations of anti-prison and
police accountabil?
ity activism.
(1) Prison and police accountability activists have generally
organized around
and conceptualized men of color as the primary victims of state
violence. Female
prisoners and victims of police brutality have been made
invisible by a focus on
the war on our brothers and sons. This emphasis fails to
consider that state violence
affects women as severely as it does men.13 The plight of
women who are raped
by INS officers or prison guards, for instance, has not received
sufficient attention.
In addition, women carry the burden of caring for extended

family when family
and community members are criminalized and warehoused.14
Several organiza?
tions have been established to advocate for women prisoners;15
however, these
groups have frequently been marginalized within the
mainstream anti-prison
movement.
(2) The anti-prison movement has not addressed strategies for
addressing the
rampant forms of violence women face in their everyday lives,
including street
harassment, sexual harassment at work, rape, and intimate
partner abuse. Until
these strategies are developed, many women will feel
shortchanged by the
movement. In addition, the anti-prison movement's failure to
seek alliances with
the anti-violence movement has sent the message that it is
possible to liberate
communities without guaranteeing the well-being and safety of
women.
(3) The anti-prison movement has failed to sufficiently
organize around the
forms of state violence faced by Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans,
Two-spirited, and
Intersex (LGBTTI) communities. LGBTTI street youth and
trans people in general
are particularly vulnerable to police brutality and
criminalization.16 LGBTTI prison?
ers are denied basic human rights such as family visits from
same-sex partners, and
same-sex consensual relationships in prison are policed and

punished.17
(4) Although prison abolitionists have correctly noted that
rapists and serial
murderers comprise a small percentage of the prison
population, we have not
answered the question of how these cases should be
addressed.18 Many anti
violence activists interpret this inability to answer the question
as a lack of concern
for the safety of women.
(5) The various alternatives to incarceration developed by anti-
prison activists
have generally failed to provide a sufficient mechanism for
safety and accountabil?
ity for survivors of sexual and domestic violence. These
alternatives often rely on
a romanticized notion of communities, which have yet to
demonstrate their
commitment and ability to keep women and children safe or to
seriously address
the sexism and homophobia that is deeply embedded within
them.19
We call on social justice movements concerned with ending
violence in all its
forms to:
(1) Develop community-based responses to violence that do not
rely on the
criminal justice system and that have mechanisms to ensure
safety and account
2020 00:35:43 UTC

ability for survivors of sexual and domestic violence.
Transformative practices
emerging from local communities should be documented and
disseminated to
promote collective responses to violence.
(2) Critically assess the impact of state funding on social
justice organizations
and develop alternative fundraising strategies to support these
organizations.
Develop collective fundraising and organizing strategies for
anti-prison and anti
violence organizations. Develop strategies and analysis that
specifically target
state forms of sexual violence.
(3) Make connections between interpersonal violence, the
violence inflicted
by domestic state institutions (such as prisons, detention
centers, mental hospitals,
and child protective services), and international violence (such
as war, military
base prostitution, and nuclear testing).
(4) Develop analyses and strategies to end violence that do not
isolate acts of
state or individual violence from their larger contexts. These
strategies must
address how entire communities of all genders are affected in
multiple ways by

state violence and interpersonal gender violence. Battered
women prisoners
represent an intersection of state and interpersonal violence and
as such provide
and opportunity for both movements to build coalitions and
joint struggles.
(5) Place poor and working-class women of color at the center
of their analysis,
organizing practices, and leadership development. Recognize
the role of eco?
nomic oppression, welfare "reform," and attacks on women
workers' rights in
increasing women's vulnerability to all forms of violence;
locate anti-violence and
anti-prison activism alongside efforts to transform the
capitalist economic system.
(6) Center stories of state violence committed against women
of color in our
organizing efforts.
(7) Oppose legislative change that promotes prison expansion
or criminalization
of poor communities and communities of color, and thus state
violence against
women of color, even if these changes also incorporate
measures to support
victims of interpersonal gender violence.
(8) Promote holistic political education at the everyday level
within our
communities. Specifically, show how sexual violence helps to
reproduce the
colonial, racist, capitalist, heterosexist, and patriarchal society
in which we live,

as well as how state violence produces interpersonal violence
within communities.
(9) Develop strategies for mobilizing against sexism and
homophobia within
our communities to keep women safe.
(10) Challenge men of color and all men in social justice
movements to take
particular responsibility to address and organize around gender
violence in their
communities as a primary strategy for addressing violence and
colonialism. We
challenge men to address how their own histories of
victimization have hindered
their ability to establish gender justice in their communities.
(11) Link struggles for personal transformation and healing
with struggles for
social justice.
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We seek to build movements that not only end violence, but
also create a
society based on radical freedom, mutual accountability, and
passionate reciproc?
ity. In this society, safety and security will not be premised on
violence or the threat
of violence; it will be based on a collective commitment to

guaranteeing the
survival and care of all peoples.
Signatures:
Organizations
American Friends Service Committee, Arab Women's Solidarity
Association,
North America Arab Women's Solidarity Association, San
Francisco Chapter,
Arizona Prison Moratorium Coalition, Asian Women's Shelter,
Audre Lorde
Project, Black Radical Congress, California Coalition for
Women Prisoners,
Center for Human Rights Education, Center for Immigrant
Families, Center for
Law and Justice, Coalition of Women from Asia and the Middle
East, Colorado
Progressive Alliance, Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence
(New York),
Communities Against Rape and Abuse (Seattle), Direct Action
Against Refugee
Exploitation (Vancouver), East Asia-US-Puerto Rico Women's
Network Against
Militarism, Institute of Lesbian Studies, Justice Now, Korean
American Coalition
to End Domestic Abuse, Lavender Youth Recreation &
Information Center (San
Francisco), Legal Services for Prisoners with Children,
Minnesota Black Political
Action Committee, National Coalition Against Domestic
Violence, National
Coalition of Anti-Violence Projects, National Network for

Immigrant and Refu?
gee Rights, Northwest Immigrant Rights Project (Seattle),
Pennsylvania Lesbian
and Gay Task Force, Prison Activist Resource Center, Project
South San Fran?
cisco, Women Against Rape, Shimtuh Korean Domestic
Violence Program, Sista
II Sista, Southwest Youth Collaborative (Chicago), Spear and
Shield Publications,
Chicago, Women of All Red Nations, Women of Color
Resource Center, and
Youth Ministries for Peace and Justice (Bronx)
Individuals
Debra M. Akuna, Gigi Alexander, Jiro Arase, Helen Arnold,
Office of Sexual
Misconduct, Prevention & Education, Columbia University,
Molefe Asante,
Temple University, Rjoya K. Atu, Karen Baker, National
Sexual Violence
Resource Center, Rachel Baum, National Coalition of Anti-
Violence Projects,
Elham Bayour, Women's Empowerment Project (Gaza,
Palestine), Zoe Abigail
Bermet, Eulynda Toledo-Benalli, Dine' Nation, First Nations
North & South,
Diana Block, California Coalition for Women Prisoners,
Marilyn Buck, Political
Prisoner, Lee Carroll, National Coalition Against Domestic
Violence, Emma
Catague, API Women & Safety Center, Ann Caton, Young
Women United,
Mariama Changamire, Department of Communication, Univ. of
Massachusetts,
Amherst, Eunice Cho, National Network for Immigrant and

Refugee Rights,
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Sunjung Cho, KACEDA and Asian Community Mental Health
Services, Chris?
tina Chu, Dorie D. Ciskowsky, Cori Couture, BAMM, Kimberle
Crenshaw,
UCLA Law School, Gwen D'Arcangelis, Shamita Das
Dasgupta, Manavi, Inc.,
Angela Y. Davis, University of California ? Santa Cruz, Jason
Durr, University
of Hawaii School of Social Work, Michael Eric Dyson,
University of Pennsylva?
nia, Siobhan Edmondson, Michelle Erai, Santa Cruz
Commission for the Preven?
tion of Violence Against Women, Samantha Francois, Edna
Frantela, National
Coalition Against Domestic Violence, Loretta Frederick,
Battered Women's
Justice Project, Arnoldo Garcia, National Network for
Immigrant and Refugee
Rights, Dionne Grigsby, University of Hawaii Outreach
College, Lara K. Grimm,
Sarah Hoagland, Institute of Lesbian Studies, Elizabeth
Harmuth, Prison Activist
Resource Center, Katayoun Issari, Family Peace Center
(Hawaii), Desa Jacobsson,
Anti-Violence Activist (Alaska), Joy James, Brown University,
Leialoha Jenkins,

Jamie Jimenez, Northwestern Sexual Assault Education
Prevention Program,
Dorothea Kaapana, Isabel Kang, Dorean American Coalition
for Ending Domes?
tic Abuse, Valli Kanuha, Asian Pacific Islander Institute on
Domestic Violence,
Mimi Kim, Asian Pacific Islander Institute on Domestic
Violence, Erl Kimmich,
Paul Kivel, Violence Prevention Educator, M. Carmen Lane,
Anti-violence
activist, In Hui Lee, KACEDA, Meejeon Lee, Shimtuh &
KACEDA, Beckie
Masaki, Asian Women's Shelter, Ann Rhee Menzie, Shimtuh &
KACEDA, Sarah
Kim-Merchant, KACEDA, Patricia Manning, Alternatives to
Violence Project
(AVP) volunteer, Kristin Millikan, Chicago Metropolitan
Battered Women's
Network, Steven Morozumi, Programs Adviser, Univ. of
Oregon Multicultural
Center, Soniya Munshi, Manavi, Sylvia Nam, KACEDA &
KCCEB (Korean
Community Center of the East Bay), Stormy Ogden, American
Indian Movement,
Margo Okazawa-Rey, Mills College, Angela Naomi Paik, Ellen
Pence, Praxis,
Karen Porter, Trity Pourbahrami, University of Hawaii, Laura
Pulido, University
of Southern California, Bernadette Ramog, Matt Remle, Center
for Community
Justice, Monique Rhodes, Louisiana Foundation Against Sexual
Assault, Lisa
Richardson, Beth Richie, African American Institute on

Domestic Violence,
David Rider, Men Can Stop Rape, Loretta Rivera, Alissa
Rojers, Clarissa Rojas,
Latino Alianza Against Domestic Violence, Paula Rojas,
Refugio/Refuge (New
York), Tricia Rose, University of California ? Santa Cruz,
Katheryn Russell
Brown, University of Maryland, Ann Russo, Women's Studies
Program, DePaul
University, Anuradha Sharma, Asian & Pacific Islander
Institute on Domestic
Violence, David Thibault Rodriguez, South West Youth
Collaborative, Roxanna
San Miguel, Karen Shain, Legal Services for Prisoners with
Children, Proshat
Shekarloo, Oakland, Anita Sinha, attorney ? Northwest
Immigrant Rights
Project, Wendy Simonetti, Barbara Smith, founder, Kitchen
Table Press, Matthea
Little Smith, Natalie Sokoloff, John Jay College of Criminal
Justice ? CUNY,
Nan Stoops, Theresa Tevaga, Kabzuag Vaj, Hmong American
Women Associa?
tion, Cornel West, Janelle White, Leanne Knot, Violence
Against Women
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Consortium, Laura Whitehorn, former political prisoner, Sherry
Wilson, Women

of All Red Nations, Glenn Wong, Yon Soon Yoon, KACEDA,
Mieko Yoshihama,
University of Michigan School of Social Work, Tukufu Zuberi,
Center for
Africana Studies, University of Pennsylvania.
NOTES
1. Critical Resistance and Incite! Women of Color Against
Violence are U.S.-based organiza?
tions that participate in transnational networks and alliances.
Although many of the critiques of the anti
violence and anti-prison movements in the statement may be
relevant to non-U.S. contexts, the authors
do not make any claims of universality and recognize that
movements in other countries have
developed from distinct histories and political contexts.
2. In a 20-year study of 48 cities, Dugan et al. (2003) found
that greater access to criminal legal
remedies for women led to fewer men being killed by their
wives, since women who might otherwise
have killed to escape violence were offered alternatives.
However, women receiving legal support were
no less likely to be killed by their intimate partners, and were
exposed to additional retaliatory violence.
3. See McMahon (2003), Osthoff (2002), and Miller (2001).
Noting that in some cities, over
20% of those arrested for domestic violence are women, Miller
concludes: "An arrest policy intended
to protect battered women as victims is being misapplied and
used against them. Battered women have
become female offenders."

4. Women's dependent or undocumented status is often
manipulated by batterers, who use the
threat of deportation as part of a matrix of domination and
control. Although the Violence Against
Women Act (VAWA, 1994; 2000) introduced visas for battered
immigrant women, many women do
not know about the act's provisions or are unable to meet
evidentiary requirements. Since the Illegal
Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act made
domestic violence grounds for depor?
tation, women may also be reluctant to subject a legal
permanent resident spouse to potential
deportation proceedings by reporting him to the police. In
addition, women arrested under mandatory
arrest laws could themselves face deportation. See Raj and
Silverman (2002) and Jang et al. (1997).
5. For example, former California Governor Grey Davis, whose
tough law-and-order platform
included a promise that no one convicted of murder would go
free, rejected numerous parole board
recommendations on behalf of battered women incarcerated for
killing in self-defense (Vesely, 2002).
For further information and testimonies of incarcerated
survivors of domestic violence, see
www.freebatteredwomen.org.
6. Christian Parenti (1999) documents the shift in government
spending from welfare, educa?
tion, and social provision to prisons and policing.
7. The U.S. prison and jail population grew from 270,000 in
1975 to two million in 2001 as

legislators pushed "tough on crime" policies such as mandatory
minimums, three strikes and you're
out, and truth in sentencing (Tonry, 2001:17). Over 90% of
these prisoners are men, and approximately
50% are black men. Despite claims that locking more people
away would lead to a dramatic decrease
in crime, reported violent crimes against women have remained
relatively constant since annual
victimization surveys were initiated in 1973 (Bureau of Justice
Statistics, 1994).
8. In 2001, the U.S., with 686 prisoners per 100,000 residents,
surpassed the incarceration rate
of gulag-ridden Russia. The U.S. dwarfs the incarceration rate
of Western European nations like
Finland and Denmark, which incarcerate only 59 people out of
every 100,000 (Home Office
Development and Statistics Directorate, 2003).
9. The rate of increase of women's imprisonment in the U.S.
has exceeded that of men. In 1970,
there were 5,600 women in federal and state prisons; by 1996,
there were 75,000 (Currie, 1998).
2020 00:35:43 UTC
10. Amnesty International's investigation of women's prisons in
the U.S. revealed countless
cases of sexual, physical, and psychological abuse. In one case,

the Federal Bureau of Prisons paid
$500,000 to settle a lawsuit by three black women who were
sexually assaulted when guards took
money from male prisoners in exchange for taking them to the
women's cells; prisoners in Arizona
were subjected to rape, sexual fondling, and genital touching
during searches, as well as to constant
prurient viewing when using the shower and toilet; women at
Valley State Prison, California, were
treated as a "private harem to sexually abuse and harass"; in
numerous cases, women were kept in
restraints while seriously ill, dying, or in labor and women
under maximum-security conditions were
kept in isolation and sensory deprivation for long periods
(Amnesty International, 1999).
11. See Smith (2000-2001).
12. May Koss (2000) argues that the adversarial justice system
traumatizes survivors of domestic
violence. For a first-person account of a rape survivor's fight to
hold the police accountable, see Doe
(2003). Jane Doe was raped by the Toronto "Balcony rapist"
after police used women in her
neighborhood as "bait."
13. For a comprehensive account of state violence against
women in the U.S., see Bhattacharjee
(2001).
14. Added burdens on women when a loved one is incarcerated
include dealing with the arrest
and trials of family members, expensive visits and phone calls
from correctional facilities, and meeting
disruptive parole requirements (Richie, 2002).

15. In the U.S., see Justice Now; Legal Services for Prisoners
with Children, at http://
prisonerswithchildren.org; Free Battered Women, at
www.freebatteredwomen.org; California Coali?
tion for Women Prisoners, at http://womenprisoners.org; and
Chicago Legal Advocacy for Incarcer?
ated Mothers, at www.c-l-a-i-m-.org. In the U.K., see Women
in Prison, at www.womeninprison.org;
and Justice for Women, at www.jfw.org.uk. In Canada, see the
Canadian Association of Elizabeth Fry
Associations, at www.elizabethfry.ca/caefs_e.htm.
16. According to transgender activists in the Bay Area, the
police are responsible for approxi?
mately 50% of all trans abuse cases. The Transaction hotline
regularly receives reports from TG/TS
survivors of police violence who have been forced to strip to
"verify gender," or subjected to demands
for sex from undercover police officers (San Francisco
Examiner, 2002; Bay Area Reporter, 1999).
17. See Faith (1993: 211-223).
18. The response of abolitionists Thomas and Boehlfeld (1993)
to the question of what to do about
Henry, a violent rapist, is an example of this problem. The
authors conclude that this is the wrong
question since it focuses attention on a small and anomalous
subsection of the prison population and
detracts from a broader abolitionist vision.
19. Alternatives to the traditional justice system such as
Sentencing Circles are particularly
developed in Canada and Australia, where they have been
developed in partnership with indigenous
communities. However, native women have been critical of

these approaches, arguing that they fail to
address the deep-rooted sexism and misogyny engendered by
experiences of colonization and may
revictimize women (Monture-Angus, 2000). See also Hudson
(2002).
REFERENCES
Amnesty International
1999 Not Part of My Sentence: Violations of the Human Rights
of Women in
Custody. New York.
Bay Area Reporter
1999 "Another Transgender Murder." April 8: 29,14.
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Bhattacharjee, Annanya
2001 Women of Color and the Violence of Law Enforcement.
Philadelphia:
American Friends Service Committee and Committee on
Women, Population,
and the Environment.
Bramman, Donald
2002 "Families and Incarceration." Marc Mauer and Meda

Chesney-Lind (eds.),
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Contentsp. 141p. 142p. 143p. 144p. 145p. 146p. 147p. 148p.
149p. 150Issue Table of ContentsSocial Justice, Vol. 30, No. 3
(93) (2003) pp. 1-153Front MatterOverview: The Intersection
Of Ideologies of Violence [pp. 1-3]Mapping Political Violence
in a Globalized World: The Case of Hindu Nationalism [pp. 4-
16]The Imagination to Listen: Reflections on a Decade of
Zapatista Struggle [pp. 17-31]Defending the Pueblo: Indigenous
Identity and Struggles for Social Justice in Guatemala, 1970 to
1980 [pp. 32-47]The Racial Economies of Criminalization,
Immigration, And Policing in Italy [pp. 48-62]Learning to Kill
by Proxy: Colombian Paramilitaries and the Legacy of Central
American Death Squads, Contras, and Civil Patrols [pp. 63-
81]The False Allure of Security Technologies [pp. 82-93]In
Defense of Good Work: Jobs, Violence, and the Ethical
Dimension [pp. 94-107]Legitimacy and Political Violence: A
Habermasian Perspective [pp. 108-126]"Bowling for
Columbine": Critically Interrogating the Industry of Fear [pp.
127-133]Toward a Holistic Anti-Violence Agenda: Women of
Color as Radical Bridge-Builders [pp. 134-140]Critical
Resistance-Incite! Statement on Gender Violence And the
Prison-Industrial Complex [pp. 141-150]Back Matter
Running Head: PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
2

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 2
Public Administration
Public administration is defined as the ability of becoming a
multidisciplinary used in research and practical fields in the
public policy discipline. Public administration comes with a
number of advantages. Some of which include being used as an
instrument of developing change. Whenever people of a given
state think of developmental projects and formalities, public
administration is essential in governing what the members are in
a position of executing any rights which they might come across
(Greene, 2004). For instance, development of national transport
system and communication network and channels calls for the
government intervention in addressing these matters.
The significance of public administration is best felt in the
following areas. First is the utilization governmental
instrument. It is the role of public administration to ensure law
and order in a given state is maintained. There is need to better
the management in addressing various aspects of its public
affairs. Secondly is using it as a change of development.
Thirdly is using it as a welfare state. The government takes care
of its citizen welfare, particularly in the modern world.
There are a number of emergency risks associated with various
states. Example of emergency tasks include hostages, school
shooting and mass causality. Incident command is essential in
organizing people. Facilitates quick response teams towards the
emergency issues arising. Public policies involve laws and
ordinances governing a given government. Elected federal

officials are the ones who formulate these policies. Both levels
of the government are responsible in overseeing the entire
process (Greene, 2004). Organizational theories explain and
predict the manner in which organizations function.
In conclusion, Public administration comprises of various
components. Incident command is used by a number of agencies
in tasks they engage in. Public administration is responsible in
effecting public policies. Organizations being social units
ensures that theories in place in this field.
References
Greene, J. D. (2004). Public Administration in the New
Century: A Concise Introduction (1 edition.). Australia ;
Belmont, CA: Cengage Learning

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