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THE NATIONAL PARKS: AMERICA’S BEST IDEA
UNTOLD STORIES DISCUSSION GUIDE
MOUNT RUSHMORE NATIONAL
MEMORIAL AND
NATIONAL PARK SUPERINTENDENT
GERARD BAKER
For more information, visit

www.pbs.org/nationalparks/for-educators/untold-stories-
discussion-guide/
Discussion Guide: Baker and Mt. Rushmore 1
Mount Rushmore National Memorial and
National Park Superintendent Gerard Baker
American Indians and the Black Hills
On June 25, 1876, more than fifteen hundred Lakota Sioux and
Northern Cheyenne Indians rode
across the Little Bighorn River. In less than thirty minutes,
General George Custer and his
group of 208 soldiers from the 7th Cavalry had been
annihilated; not a single man from the
detachment survived. Among the Lakotas were Sitting Bull—the
Hunkpapa chief and spiritual
leader who did not fight—and the Oglala war chief, Crazy
Horse, who most certainly did. “Ho-
ka hey!” Crazy Horse, it is said, called to his warriors at the
beginning of the battle. “It is a good
day to fight! It is a good day to die! Strong hearts, brave hearts,
to the front! Weak hearts and
cowards to the rear!” (Frommer 2).
The Lakotas and Cheyennes fought that day for the right to keep
their tribal lands, specifically
the Black Hills: the all-important spiritual center of the Great
Sioux Reservation, granted to the
Lakotas in the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868. Just months prior,
the US government had offered

the Lakota $6 million for the land, having discovered gold
there. When the Indians refused, the
government threatened “sell or starve” legislation, cutting off
all subsistence to the tribe if they
refused to comply. Some tribal leaders eventually caved in.
Those who did not—including
Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse—chose to fight (Nabokov 209).
The Paha Sapa (“Black Hills” in Lakota) were—and still are—a
sacred landscape for the Lakota.
The Sioux were late-comers to the area, having arrived in the
Hills at the end of the eighteenth
century, migrating from the woodlands of Minnesota and
driving out the Arikara, Kiowas, and
Crows, who—in turn—had displaced earlier groups: the
Shoshones, Poncas, Cheyennes,
Arapahoes, and others. For more than 13,000 years, American
Indians have traveled through
and hunted in the Hills. Archaeological evidence indicates that
the area has been sacred land for
centuries (Albers 14–15; Nabokov 207–208).
The Battle of Little Bighorn was a day of unmitigated victory
for the Lakotas and Cheyennes
and—as a Native woman told National Park Service
Superintendent Gerard Baker—“we’ve
been paying for it ever since.” Sensational and widely reported
tales of the defeat of Custer and
his men resulted in public outrage throughout white America.
Thousands more cavalrymen
were dispatched to the area by General Phil Sheridan and, over
the next year, the Lakota were
relentlessly pursued. By the fall of 1877, all the Lakotas and the
majority of Cheyennes were
effectively under federal control, settled on reservations
controlled by federal agents. The Black

Hills had been lost to them forever (Baker; Albers 128–130).
Mount Rushmore National Memorial
The idea for carving a colossal monument in the Black Hills
came from South Dakota state
historian Doane Robinson. In late August 1924, he proposed the
idea to sculptor Gutzon
Borglum, hoping to entice him to carve heroes of the Old
West—Redcloud, Custer, and others—
on the Needles, eroded granite pillars just south of Mount
Rushmore in what is now Custer
State Park. The Needles, it turned out, were too soft to carve,
and Borglum had different ideas
about what figures should be memorialized. He was not
interested in regional heroes, but men
who epitomized the flowering of our nation—Washington,
Jefferson, Lincoln, and Theodore
Roosevelt (Larner 90-91).
Borglum took his work seriously; he considered himself to be
“providing a formal rendering of
the philosophy of our government into granite on a mountain
peak”—a rendering that would
last for all time: Borglum carved Washington’s nose one foot
larger than scale to add another
100,000 years to the sculpture’s lifetime. The National Park
Service and the Mount Rushmore
Preservation Society are more conservative in their estimates,
guaranteeing the integrity of the

work for just 20,000 years (Larner 12; 125).
The initial dedication of the memorial was held in 1925, before
funding or workers had been
secured. Two years later, a second dedication was held on
August 10, 1927, this one officiated
by President Calvin Coolidge and including a ceremonial first
blasting of Mount Rushmore—a
rocky outcropping the Lakota had called “The Six
Grandfathers,” named for the earth, the sky,
and the four directions (Larner 241–244).
For many American Indians, the carvings on Mount Rushmore
have come to epitomize the loss
of their sacred lands and the injustices they’ve suffered under
the US government. In the
summer of 1970, members of AIM — the American Indian
Movement — mounted a “siege” of
the memorial, occupying the ledge above the presidents’ heads
for nearly a month. Although
such protests are not as common today, the Memorial can still
be a focal point for Indian protest
and contempt. At the same time, it is a monument to the best
principals of our nation—
democracy, freedom, enterprise—and each year millions of
Americans are moved to tears when
they visit (Larner 278–286; Albers 180).
Superintendent Gerard Baker
In 2004, Gerard Baker inherited this complicated situation when
he was appointed the first
American Indian superintendent of Mount Rushmore. A
Mandan-Hidatsa, Gerard grew up on
the Fort Berthold Reservation in North Dakota and was no
stranger to controversy. He’d served
as superintendent at Little Bighorn Battlefield National

Monument, arriving in the wake of the
park’s name change (from Custer Battlefield to the more neutral
Little Bighorn Battlefield) and
bringing American Indian tribes with him—as participants in
the annual battle commemoration
ceremony, as seasonal rangers in the park’s interpretive
program, and as visitors. Gerard left
the battlefield in 1998 amidst death threats from detractors and
praise from his NPS
supervisors. He considers both a measure of his success in
bringing the Indian story back to
Little Bighorn (Larner 175–176; Baker).
But taking the job at Mount Rushmore was different.
It was very challenging to accept the job here, because growing
up I understood what
Mount Rushmore meant. And for us, for Indian people, it
doesn’t mean “Success of
America.” It means the desecration of the sacred Black Hills; it
means the losing of the
Black Hills to the United States government, to white people
that came in and shoved
everybody out of here and put us on a reservation. So it meant a
lot of negative things.
—Gerard Baker
Gerard thought about the offer for four days. He consulted with
his family and the elders of his
tribe. He decided that, if they told him not to take the post, he
wouldn’t.

It was just the opposite. I’m the first American Indian here as
superintendent and the
people back home were saying, “Man, what an opportunity to
educate people. And
what a time period to educate people.” So, I took the job. —
Gerard Baker
True to form, Gerard began making changes at Mount
Rushmore, bringing the Indian
perspective to the interpretive program and bringing more
Natives into the park—as visitors
and employees.
Coming here was a challenge in that Mount Rushmore’s
enabling legislation has us only
tell the first centuries of America and these four presidents. And
this is a challenge for
me because I believe that we should go back before that time. I
want to show what life
was like before George Custer found gold in the Black Hills,
before Borglum came in
and started carving the sculptures here. —Gerard Baker
As at Little Bighorn, Gerard met with resistance to his
changes—particularly given Mount
Rushmore’s prominent place as a symbol of American
patriotism.

This is a very big challenge, especially after 9/11. When I first
came here, I’d go out in
the park and I would watch people. They would look at those
four presidents and
they’d get teary-eyed. This place draws emotion. And it should!
But again, we were only
telling half the story.
What we’re doing now is we’re telling all the story. But the
challenge is: I don’t want
to make those four guys look bad, but I want to be real. How do
you tell the real story?
That’s my challenge here.
Well, the way you tell it is: You tell it. —Gerard Baker
Baker began by erecting one teepee, simply to remind visitors
of the ancient and ongoing
presence of American Indians in the Hills.
I remember one day I went out there and there were like 20, 30
people gathered, and so I
said, “What the heck, I'll just start talking about this.” So I
started and when I got
through there were about 200 people there. And so that made me
think, “Let's do
something else. Let's start talking about this.” —Gerard Baker
In 2008, the park opened its “Heritage Village,” a place where
Sioux interpreters, hired as
seasonal rangers, interface directly with the public, educating
visitors about Sioux culture and
history and about their understanding of the Black Hills.

We have stories that are very hard to tell; we have stories that
are very hard to listen to.
Primarily the reactions have been very positive but there are
always those few that
condemn; they didn't want to hear about the American Indian
plight, or they don't want
to hear about the breaking of treaties. Because it happened a
long time ago, it doesn't
affect us today. And I believe it still affects us today. —Gerard
Baker
The addition of Native voices in the interpretive program has
imparted a more complex and
complete understanding of the National Parks and the legacies
they protect and has brought
more Indian visitors to the park. The park now offers its popular
audio tour not only in
European languages, but also in Lakota. And Gerard has
expanded his vision to embrace not
just Native stories and traditions, but the vast diversity of
cultural traditions and stories that
make up our national heritage.
It’s not just a teepee here. We’re promoting all cultures of
America…. That’s what this
place is! For goodness sake, this is Mount Rushmore! It’s
America! —Gerard Baker

The new interpretive policy at Mount Rushmore encourages
programs reflective of all cultures
in America. The park sponsors a “Roots of American Music”
series, with performances ranging
from Rapid City’s Faith Temple Choir to rockabilly-inspired
Gail and the Tricksters to a
German “oompah” band. And throughout the year, cultural
groups like the Sons of Norway
demonstrate traditional dancing and crafts. According to
Gerard, encouraging this sort of
resurgence is critical to our cultural survival.
We’re losing who we are culturally. The Germans don’t share
their stories with their
children anymore. The Irish don’t share their stories; the
Norwegians; everybody. We
have all these cultures that come and make up America. But
we’re losing it really
quickly. America’s losing it. And in 200 years, if everybody
looks the same, everybody
speaks the same, we’ve failed as a human race.
And we’re getting to that point. When people say to me, “Well,
I don’t know what I
am. I’m Heinz 57,” I tell them, “Well, pick one then! And
concentrate on that.”
—Gerard Baker
Pride in who we are, no matter what our backgrounds, is what
Gerard believes Mount
Rushmore is all about, and is the message he wants visitors to
leave with.

What that does is it helps everybody understand, “Hey, I’ve got
a culture, too. How
come I don’t know about my culture? It’s about time I start
learning about it! Because
I’m proud of being Welsh; I’m proud of being British; I’m
proud of—“ whoever you are.
This is what makes up America! Everybody’s something
different here. We’re all
different. We’re human beings, is what that says.
And so what we want is to have people open their eyes when
they come in here—
especially young kids open their eyes. And maybe go back to
the idea that we need to
start sitting down at our tables again in the evenings—turning
off the TV, turning off the
computer—and start telling stories again. Maybe a kid asks,
“Who were those four
presidents on the hill?” And Mom and Dad have to answer that,
right?
And just maybe it gets us talking again as human beings, as
Americans.
—Gerard Baker
* * * * *
Works Cited and Consulted
Albers, Patricia. The Home of the Bison: An Ethnographic and
Ethnohistorical Study of Traditional
Cultural Affiliations to Wind Cave National Park. National Park
Service, Department of the
Interior. 29 Sept. 2003.

Baker, Gerard. Interviews with author. 13 Sept 2006; 17 Aug
2008.
Duncan, Dayton. Out West. New York: Viking, 1987.
Frommer, Frederic. “Black Hills Are Beyond Price to Sioux;
Despite economic hardship, tribe
resists U.S. efforts to dissolve an 1868 treaty for $570 million.”
Los Angeles Times 19 Aug.
2001. The 2004 American Indian Film Festival, Bellevue
Community College. 8 Oct. 2007
<http://bellevuecollege.edu/diversitycaucus/AIFF/CBE.htm.>
Larner, Jesse. Mount Rushmore: An Icon Reconsidered. New
York, NY: Thunder’s Mouth
Press/Nation Books, 2002.
Nabokov, Peter. “The Heart of Everything.” Where the
Lightning Strikes: The Lives of American
Indian Sacred Places. New York, NY: Penguin, 2006.

UNTOLD STORIES DISCUSSION GUIDE
SUE KUNITOMI EMBREY AND
MANZANAR NATIONAL HISTORIC
SITE
For more information, visit
www.pbs.org/nationalparks/for-educators/untold-stories-
discussion-guide/
Discussion Guide: Sue Embrey and Manzanar 1

Sue Kunitomi Embrey and
Manzanar National Historic Site
On December 7, 1941, the Japanese Air Force attacked the
American Naval base in Pearl Harbor.
Sue Kunitomi, a Japanese American teenager living in Los
Angeles, heard the news on the
radio.
It was around lunchtime when the radio announced the bombing
of Pearl Harbor. My
mother was making lunch next door and // she said, “That’s not
true. They can’t do
that.” She was very, very upset. And she said, “What’s gonna
happen to us? They’re
gonna take us all away.” She felt that right away, because she
was not a citizen.
Then she said, “They’ll take ALL of us away.” And my brother
said, “No, WE’RE
American citizens. They won’t take US.” And she said, “You
don’t know that.”—Sue
Kunitomi Embrey (Shumaker)
Mrs. Kunitomi’s worst fears were soon realized. By nightfall,
2,192 Japanese had been arrested.
A series of proclamations issued later in December 1941
declared non-citizen Japanese,
Germans, and Italians “alien enemies” and laid down
regulations governing their behavior
(Tours 2; Daniels 87; Burton 29–30).
Anti-Japanese sentiment grew rapidly, typified by an editorial

in the Los Angeles Times: “A viper
is nonetheless a viper wherever the eggs are hatched—so a
Japanese American, born of
Japanese parents—grows up to be a Japanese, not an American.”
On January 2, 1942, Henry
McLemore, a Hearst syndicated columnist, wrote:
I’m for the immediate removal of every Japanese on the West
Coast to a point deep in
the interior . . . let ‘em be pinched, hurt, hungry . . . let us have
no more patience with
the enemy or with anyone who carry his blood. Personally, I
hate the Japanese. — Henry
McLemore (Tours 3)
Executive Order 9066
On February 19, 1942, President Roosevelt signed Executive
Order 9066, authorizing the
Secretary of War to “prescribe military areas . . . from which
any or all persons may be
excluded” and to “provide for residents of any such area who
are excluded therefrom, such
transportation, food, shelter, and other accommodations as may
be necessary . . .” On March 2,
Washington, Oregon, California, and Arizona were divided into
two such military areas. Within
a few months, Japanese American immigrants living on the west
coast and their American-born
children—citizens of the United States—had been removed from
their homes and relocated to
internment centers, known informally as “camps.” They lost
their homes, their businesses, their
pets, their friends, and most of their belongings. (Burton 30–33;
Shumaker).

In April we were told to start packing; that we had to be
evacuated. And I thought, “Oh,
my gosh, we have this grocery store, and we have our house
with all our furniture, and
we have our cars.” We just left everything behind. . . .
Overnight we were completely
impoverished, not just in terms of money, but in our whole life.
—Sue Kunitomi
Embrey (Shumaker; Levine 23)
In all, more than 120,000 Japanese Americans, over two-thirds
of whom were American citizens,
were incarcerated in ten camps, located throughout the western
United States. The only cabinet-
level officials in the Roosevelt administration to oppose the
camps were Interior Secretary
Harold Ickes, who sought to end them as soon as possible, and
Attorney General Francis Biddle
(Daniels 88; Armor xviii).
Manzanar
The camp to which Sue’s family had been assigned was
Manzanar, located 212 miles northeast
of Los Angeles on the site of a former Spanish settlement in
Inyo County. At its peak, Manzanar
housed a population of over 10,000 evacuees, held within a one-

mile-square enclosure. The
camp was surrounded by barbed wire fencing and overlooked by
eight guard towers. Its layout
was based on a modified military “theater of operations” plan,
with families housed in 36
blocks of 20' X 100' barracks, separated into four to six units,
depending upon family size.
Construction was minimal, designed to meet the requirements of
low cost and rapid fabrication,
and conditions were harsh. Even in late spring, the nighttime
temperatures routinely dropped
below freezing. In the summer, temperatures rose above 110
degrees. And, as one internee
described it, “The main thing you remembered was the dust,
always the dust,” created by a
land that was artificially made barren (Tours 6, 15–16; Armor
xi, xiii).
Eventually, the people of Manzanar made the camp into a
home—gardening, organizing
dances, and going to school. They held citizenship ceremonies,
never forsaking their new
country, despite feeling forsaken themselves. Their young men
enlisted in the army, joining an
all-Japanese regiment, the 242nd, which would become the most
highly decorated unit in the
history of our nation. And, late at night, a few of them crawled
under the fence to fish the trout
streams of the High Sierra.
We never had permission to go, we just snuck out of camp by
ourselves (and tried) to
avoid the guard towers. It was pretty exciting to get out of the
camp. To be sneaky to get
out of the camp was one challenge, and then to go fishing was

another challenge! —Sets
Tomita, Former Internee†
Leaving Camp
Following a Supreme Court decision in December of 1944,
detained Japanese Americans were
free to return to their West Coast homes. Internees had to leave
on their own and those with
assets of less than $600 were given one-way train or bus fare,
associated meals, and $25.00 for
expenses. Many evacuees found their boarded up homes
vandalized and their goods stolen.
When the Kunitomi family returned to Los Angeles, they found
their home and grocery store
demolished (Last Witnesses 175).
For years, Sue didn’t spend much time thinking about camp. She
worked as a political activist,
married, had two children, and went back to school for
bachelor’s and master’s degrees in
education. Then, in late 1969, a student driving Sue home from
class at UCLA’s Asian American
Studies Center invited her to join a group on a pilgrimage to
Manzanar, nearly 27 years after
she’d left. The invitation came in the midst of anti-Vietnam war
demonstrations and the Free
Speech movement, and Sue—although she was an activist on
campus—had never confronted
her memories and experience in the camp. She accepted. Thus in
December 1969—on the
coldest day of the year in Inyo county—Sue began what would
become a lifelong journey to
† Unless otherwise noted, all interviews conducted by Roger
Sherman, 26 Apr 2008.

understand what happened at Manzanar and to bring public
attention and recognition to the
site.
After the pilgrimage, Sue and a group of others established the
Manzanar Committee. The
committee began in 1971 as a small ad hoc group under the
auspices of the Japanese American
Citizens League (JACL) and was formed with a two-fold
purpose: to raise public awareness
regarding the significance of the Manzanar site and to establish
Manzanar as a state historic
landmark. Pilgrimages to the site became an annual event,
sponsored by the committee, and
since 1973 have been held on the last Saturday of each April
(Levine 190; Unrau 821).
Sue very rapidly became the powerhouse behind the Manzanar
Committee and its activities.
Her home was the committee’s official address and her
telephone the official committee
number.
Sue Kunitomi Embrey was really the driving force behind the
creation of Manzanar
Historic Site. She was very patriotic—not someone whose
patriotism was mindless
nationalism, but making your country stand for what its

constitution says it stands for.
—Alisa Lynch, Manzanar Chief of Interpretation
National Recognition for Manzanar and a National Campaign
for Redress
Throughout the ensuing decades, Sue Embrey, attorney Rose
Ochi, and many others fought to
have the Manzanar site recognized—first by the state of
California and then by the United
States as a whole—as a place that should never be forgotten,
and a violation of citizens’ rights
that should never be repeated.
On February 19, 1992, the fiftieth anniversary of the signing of
Executive Order 9066, the
bill was brought forward in the House and got a roll-call vote of
400 to 13—a
resoundingly supportive endorsement and, for us, the
maraschino cherry to top the
whipped cream. All that we had struggled for since the 1970s
had been won—an
impossible dream. —Sue Kunitomi Embrey (Last Witnesses
183)
President George H. W. Bush signed the bill into law on March
3, 1992. The 23rd annual
pilgrimage, held on April 25th, brought more than 2,200
participants to celebrate the designation
(Tours 36).
At the same time, the community began to discuss more actively
how to deal with the violation
of their rights as citizens and legal residents. The National

Coalition for Redress/Reparations
began campaigning for Congressional legislation that would
mandate an apology from the U.S.
government and monetary compensation. The lengthy and
arduous campaign for redress was
eventually successful, resulting in 1988 legislation that required
a $20,000 tax-free payment and
a formal governmental apology to each of the 80,000 surviving
victims (Tours 12; Daniels 161).
Manzanar National Historic Site
The inclusion of Manzanar in the National Park Service system
was, in the beginning,
somewhat controversial, both locally and nationally. Shortly
after the designation of Manzanar,
Yale historian Robin Winks weighed in on the debate.
With the recent addition of Manzanar National Historic Site to
the National Park
System, the public has been introduced more dramatically than
ever before to a
fundamental debate. Should the national parks commemorate
and protect only places
and events in which we take pride, or should the parks strive to
mark events and places
that many agree represent shameful episodes in our national
experience? . . . The
question is, should we commemorate or should we strive to
forget, indeed should we

bury from the national consciousness, these fearful times in our
history?
. . . Education is best done with examples. These examples
must include that
which we regret, that which is to be avoided, as well as that for
which we strive. No
effective system of education can be based on unqualified
praise, for all education
instructs people of the difference between moral and wanton
acts and how to
distinguish between the desirable and the undesirable. If this
premise is correct, we
cannot omit the negative lessons of history. —Robin Winks
(22)
In order to bring the lessons of Manzanar into sharp relief for a
younger generation, the
Manzanar Committee launched a new program, Manzanar at
Dusk (MAD), begun in 1997 and
now held directly following the pilgrimage program each year.
MAD was the brainchild of
Jenni Kuida, a young, politically active student who’d been
inspired by a similar program at
Tule Lake interment camp and by Sue.
Sue was a big role model for me. She was passionate about
Manzanar. She was
supportive of young people getting the story and, from her early
years, she was
involved in progressive politics. There’s a lot of talk about
Nissei who were silent. The
word they used is gaman, which means, “We are resilient; we
can withstand anything—
and remain silent about it.” Sue was the opposite of gaman! She

said, “I don’t care about
what you think. This needs to be remembered!” She was a
leader. —Jenni Kuida
(Shumaker)
As part of the MAD program, participants break up into small
groups, each including a former
internee. During the discussions that ensue, Japanese American
youth hear first hand—and
often for the first time—about the injustices suffered by their
grandparents’ generation.
Americans from other minority groups also participate, sharing
their own experiences of being
marginalized and stereotyped. Former Superintendent Tom
Leatherman encouraged such
exchanges. “How the Government treats its citizens—that's our
story,” he says. “So if we don't
have that conversation, we're not doing what we should be
doing here at Manzanar.”
Alisa Lynch concurs.
A lot of people think of the national parks as the great natural
areas and the great
recreational areas and we all love the National Parks for those
reasons. But I think one of
the really neat things about the National Park System is that we
also preserve our
history and not just the glowing parts of our history, but in
some of the newer parks like
Manzanar, like some of the civil rights sites, we are actually
talking about some of the
not so wonderful parts of our history. —Alisa Lynch

For the Manzanar Committee and all who worked to create the
site, it has always been about
protecting our citizens’ rights, especially in times of national
crisis.
I wanted people fifty years from now to remember what was
there. Although it was a
negative place, we wanted to turn it around to be positive, so
that people will always
remember that America is a democracy. We want to shout to the
world that we are a
great nation, willing to say that we’re sorry about what we did;
that we are willing to
make the change.
And not only that we are a democracy but that we work at it.
We work very hard
at being a democracy—for all of us, for everybody who lives
here. The working at it is
the important part. —Sue Kunitomi Embrey (Shumaker)
* * * * *
Works Cited and Consulted
Armor, John, and Peter Wright. Manzanar. New York: Times
Books, 1988.

Bahr, Diana. Excerpts from unpublished interviews with Sue
Kunitomi Embrey.
---. The Unquiet Nisei. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
Burton, Jeffrey F., Mary M. Farrell, Florence B. Lord, and
Richard W. Lord. Confinement and
Ethnicity: An Overview of World War II Japanese American
Relocation Sites. Tucson, AZ:
Western Archeological and Conservation Center, 1999.
Daniels, Roger. Guarding the Golden Door: American
Immigration Policy and Immigrants Since 1882.
New York: Hill and Wang, 2004.
Embrey, Sue Kunitomi. “From Manzanar to the Present: A
Personal Journey.” Last Witnesses:
Reflections on the Wartime Internment of Japanese Americans.
Ed. Erica Harth. New York:
Palgrave, 2001. 167–186.
---. Interview by author. 2 Sept 2005.
---. Three Self-Guided Tours of Manzanar. Los Angeles:
Manzanar Committee, 1998.
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