FINAL EXAM INSTRUCTIONS 1.Berger and Luckmann state that we ar.docx

FINAL EXAM INSTRUCTIONS
1.
Berger and Luckmann state that we are born into an 'objective
social structure' and that we have only a limited ability to
subjectively appropriate and interpret it for ourselves. Discuss
how the categories of race, gender, and class predate any one
individual, and how we are bound to identify ourselves in
relation to them. To what extent can an individual redefine
themselves in relation to these categories, and what are the
possible social sanctions they may face for doing so?
Try to make your answer around 500 words, and cite any
pertinent sources from the course.
2.
Though Sociologists have long
studied race, class, gender, and other categories of identity,
those who argue for the merits of Intersectional Theory claim
that it offers a distinct advantage in understanding the power of
such categories. What do you believe is that advantage? Put in
terms of this course, how would studying diversity through the
lens of Intersectional Theory give you a better understanding
than studying diversity without it?
Try to make your answer around 500 words, and cite any
pertinent sources from the course.
3.
Matters of race, ethnicity, class, gender, and sexuality are often
in the public eye, and tend to be at the center of many
passionate (and unfortunately even violent) conflicts. While
discussing diversity in the context of institutions
and organizations remains important, it is as important to ask to

what extent we accept diversity and difference as a society.
One such case occurred August 11th, 2017 when a white
nationalist group marched in protest of the potential removal of
a statue of Robert E. Lee from the campus of the University of
Virginia. Local organizations such as the NAACP and citizens
of the town had argued that the statue (erected in 1924) needed
to be removed as it was a symbol of the enslavement and
oppression faced by blacks in the South. You may read more
details of the case at the following link:
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/13/us/charlottesville-rally-
protest-statue.html
Using the knowledge you've accumulated in this course, write a
short letter to the editor of your local newspaper arguing why or
why not you believe the removal of the statue from public view
is in the interest of cultivating a more diverse society. Make
sure to use the concept of microaggression and standpoint
theory, including definitions. Do not use quotes to explain; use
your own words. Try to make your response between 750-1000
words, and cite at least two scholarly sources from course
readings or your own research to support your argument.
9/28/2017 Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought in the
Matrix of Domination
http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/45a/252.html 1/11
Documents menu
http://www.runet.edu/~lridener/courses/BLKFEM.HTML
Black Feminist Thought in the Matrix of
Domination
From Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought:

Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of
Empowerment (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1990), pp. 221–
238
Black feminist thought demonstrates Black women's emerging
power as agents of
knowledge. By portraying African-American women as self-
defined, selt-reliant individuals
confronting race, gender, and class oppression, Afrocentric
feminist thought speaks to the
importance that oppression, Afrocentric feminist thought speaks
to the importance that
knowledge plays in empowering oppressed people. One
distinguishing feature of Black
feminist thought is its insistence that both the changed
consciousness of individuals and the
social transformation of political and economic institutions
constitute essential ingredients
for social change. New knowledge is important for both
dimensions ot change.
Knowledge is a vitally important part of the social relations of
domination and resistance.
By objectifying African-American women and recasting our
experiences to serve the
interests of elite white men, much of the Eurocentric
masculinist worldview fosters Black
women's subordination. But placing Black women's experiences
at the center of analysis
offers fresh insights on the prevailing concepts, paradigms, and
epistemologies of this
worldview and on its feminist and Afrocentric critiques.
Viewing the world through a
both/and conceptual lens of the simultaneity of race, class, and
gender oppression and of the
need for a humanist vision of community creates new
possibilities for an empowering

Afrocentric feminist knowledge. Many Black feminist
intellectuals have long thought about
the world in this way because this is the way we experience the
world.
Afrocentric feminist thought offers two significant
contributions toward turthering our
understanding of the important connections among knowledge,
consciousness, and the
politics of empowerment. First, Black feminist thought fosters a
fundamental paradigmatic
shift in how we think about oppression. By embracing a
paradigm of race, class, and gender
as interlocking systems of oppression, Black feminist thought
reconceptualizes the social
relations of dommation and resistance. Second, Black feminist
thought addresses ongoing
epistemological debates in feminist theory and in the sociology
of knowledge concerning
ways of assessing "truth." Offering subordinate groups new
knowledge about their own
experiences can be empowering. But revealing new ways of
knowing that allow subordinate
groups to define their own reality has far greater implications.
Reconceptualizing Race, Class, and Gender as Interlocking
Systems of
Oppression
http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/45a/index-cf.html

"What I really feel is radical is trying to make coalitions with
people who are different from
you," maintains Barbara Smith. "I feel it is radical to be dealing
with race and sex and class
and sexual identity all at one time. I think that is really radical
because it has never been
done before." Black feminist thought fosters a fundamental
paradigmatic shift that rejects
additive approaches to oppression. Instead of starting with
gender and then adding in other
variables such as age, sexual orientation, race, social class, and
religion, Black feminist
thought sees these distinctive systems of oppression as bemg
part of one overarching
structure of domination. Viewing relations of domination for
Black women for any given
sociohistorical context as being structured via a system of
interlocking race, class, and
gender oppression expands the focus of analysis from merely
describing the similarities and
differences distinguishing these systems of oppression and
focuses greater attention on how
they interconnect. Assummg that each system needs the others
in order to function creates a
distinct theoretical stance that stimulates the rethinking of basic
social science concepts.
Afrocentric feminist notions of family reflect this
reconceptualization process. Black
women's experiences as bloodmothers, othermothers, and
community othermothers reveal
that the mythical norm of a heterosexual, married couple,
nuclear family with a nonworking
spouse and a husband earning a "family wage" is far from being
natural, universal and

preferred but instead is deeply embedded in specific race and
class formations. Placmg
African-American women in the center of analysis not only
reveals much-needed
information about Black women's experiences but also questions
Eurocentric masculinist
perspectives on family
Black women's experiences and the Afrocentric feminist thought
rearticulating them also
challenge prevailing definitions of community. Black women's
actions in the struggle or
group survival suggest a vision of community that stands in
opposition to that extant in the
dominant culture. The definition of community implicit in the
market model sees
community as arbitrary and fragile, structured fundamentally by
competition and
domination. In contrast, Afrocentric models of community
stress connections, caring, and
personal accountability. As cultural workers African-American
women have rejected the
generalized ideology of domination advanced by the dominant
group in order to conserve
Afrocentric conceptualizations of community. Denied access to
the podium, Black women
have been unable to spend time theorizing about alternative
conceptualizations of
community. Instead, through daily actions African-American
women have created
alternative communities that empower.
This vision of community sustained by African-American
women in conjunction with
African-American men addresses the larger issue of
reconceptualizing power. The type of

Black women's power discussed here does resemble feminist
theories of power which
emphasize energy and community. However, in contrast to this
body of literature whose
celebration of women's power is often accompanied by a lack of
attention to the importance
of power as domination, Black women's experiences as mothers,
community othermothers,
educators, church leaders, labor union center-women, and
community leaders seem to
suggest that power as energy can be fostered by creative acts of
resistance.
The spheres of influence created and sustained by African-
American women are not meant
solely to provide a respite from oppressive situations or a
retreat from their effects. Rather,
these Black female spheres of influence constitute potential
sanctuaries where individual
Black women and men are nurtured in order to confront
oppressive social institutions.
Power from this perspective is a creative power used for the
good of the community,
whether that community is conceptualized as one's family,
church community, or the next
generation of the community's children. By making the
community stronger, Atrican-
American women become empowered, and that same community
can serve as a source of
support when Black women encounter race, gender, and class
oppression. . . .

Approaches that assume that race, gender, and class are
interconnected have immediate
practical applications. For example, African-American women
continue to be inadequately
protected by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The
primary purpose of the statute is
to eradicate all aspects of discrimination. But judicial treatment
of Black women's
employment discrimination claims has encouraged Black women
to identify race or sex as
the so-called primary discrimination. "To resolve the inequities
that confront Black women,"
counsels Scarborough, the courts must first correctly
conceptualize them as 'Black women,'
a distinct class protected by Title VII." Such a shift, from
protected categories to protected
classes of people whose Title VII claims might be based on
more than two discriminations,
would work to alter the entire basis of current
antidiscrimination efforts.
Reconceptualizing phenomena such as the rapid growth of
female-headed households in
African-American communities would also benefit from a race-,
class-, and gender-inclusive
analysis. Case studies of Black women heading households must
be attentive to racially
segmented local labor markets and community patterns, to
changes in local political
economies specific to a given city or region, and to established
racial and gender ideology
for a given location. This approach would go far to deconstruct
Eurocentric, masculinist

analyses that implicitly rely on controlling images of the
matriarch or the welfare mother as
guiding conceptual premises. . . . Black feminist thought that
rearticulates experiences such
as these fosters an enhanced theoretical understanding of how
race, gender, and class
oppression are part of a single, historically created system.
The Matrix of Domination
Additive models of oppression are firmly rooted in the either/or
dichotomous thinking of
Eurocentric, masculinist thought. One must be either Black or
white in such thought
systems--persons of ambiguous racial and ethnic identity
constantly battle with questions
such as "what are your, anyway?" This emphasis on
quantification and categorization occurs
in conjunction with the belief that either/or categories must be
ranked. The search for
certainty of this sort requires that one side of a dichotomy be
privileged while its other is
denigrated. Privilege becomes defined in relation to its other.
Replacing additive models of oppression with interlocking ones
creates possibilities for new
paradigms. The significance of seeing race, class, and gender as
interlocking systems of
oppression is that such an approach fosters a paradigmatic shift
of thinking inclusively about
other oppressions, such as age, sexual orientation, religion, and
ethnicity. Race, class, and
gender represent the three systems of oppression that most
heavily affect African-American
women. But these systems and the economic, political, and
ideological conditions that

support them may not be the most fundamental oppressions, and
they certainly affect many
more groups than Black women. Other people of color, Jews,
the poor white women, and
gays and lesbians have all had similar ideological justifications
offered for their
subordination. All categories of humans labeled Others have
been equated to one another, to
animals, and to nature.
Placing African-American women and other excluded groups in
the center of analysis opens
up possibilities for a both/and conceptual stance, one in which
all groups possess varying
amounts of penalty and privilege in one historically created
system. In this system, for
example, white women are penalized by their gender but
privileged by their race. Depending
on the context, an individual may be an oppressor, a member of
an oppressed group, or
simultaneously oppressor and oppressed.
Adhering to a both/and conceptual stance does not mean that
race, class, and gender
oppression are interchangeable. For example, whereas race,
class, and gender oppression
operate on the social structural level of institutions, gender
oppression seems better able to

annex the basic power of the erotic and intrude in personal
relationships via family
dynamics and within individual consciousness. This may be
because racial oppression has
fostered historically concrete communities among African-
Americans and other
racial/ethnic groups. These communities have stimulated
cultures of resistance. While these
communities segregate Blacks from whites, they simultaneously
provide counter-
institutional buffers that subordinate groups such as African-
Americans use to resist the
ideas and institutions of dominant groups. Social class may be
similarly structured.
Traditionally conceptualized as a relationship of individual
employees to their employers,
social class might be better viewed as a relationship of
communities to capitalist political
economies. Moreover, significant overlap exists between racial
and social class oppression
when viewing them through the collective lens of family and
community. Existing
community structures provide a primary line of resistance
against racial and class
oppression. But because gender cross-cuts these structures, it
finds fewer comparable
institutional bases to foster resistance.
Embracing a both/and conceptual stance moves us from
additive, separate systems
approaches to oppression and toward what I now see as the
more fundamental issue of the
social relations of domination. Race, class, and gender
constitute axes of oppression that
characterize Black women's experiences within a more
generalized matrix of domination.

Other groups may encounter different dimensions of the matrix,
such as sexual orientation,
religion, and age, but the overarching relationship is one of
domination and the types of
activism it generates.
Bell Hooks labels this matrix a "politic of domination" and
describes how it operates along
interlocking axes of race, class, and gender oppression. This
politic of domination
refers to the ideological ground that they share, which is a
belief in domination,
and a belief in the notions of superior and inferior, which are
components of all
of those systems. For me it's like a house, they share the
foundation, but the
foundation is the ideological beliefs around which notions of
domination are
constructed.
Johnella Butler claims that new methodologies growing from
this new paradigm would be
"non-hierarchical" and would "refuse primacy to either race,
class, gender, or ethnicity,
demanding instead a recognition of their matrix-like
interaction." Race, class, and gender
may not be the most fundamental or important systems of
oppression, but they have most
profoundly affected African-American women. One significant
dimension of Black feminist
thought is its potential to reveal insights about the social
relations of domination organized
along other axes such as religion, ethnicity, sexual orientation,
and age. Investigating Black
women's particular experiences thus promises to reveal much

about the more universal
process of domination.
Multiple Levels of Domination
In addition to being structured along axes such as race, gender,
and social class, the matrix
of domination is structured on several levels. People experience
and resist oppression on
three levels: the level of personal biography; the group or
community level of the cultural
context created by race, class, and gender; and the systemic
level of social institutions.
Black feminist thought emphasizes all three levels as sites of
domination and as potential
sites of resistance.
Each individual has a unique personal biography made up of
concrete experiences, values,
motivations, and emotions. No two individuals occupy the same
social space; thus no two
biographies are identical. Human ties can be freeing and
empowering, as is the case with
Black women's heterosexual love relationships or in the power
of motherhood in African-
American families and communities. Human ties can also be
confining and oppressive.
Situations of domestic violence and abuse or cases in which

controlling images foster Black
women's internalized oppression represent domination on the
personal level. The same
situation can look quite different depending on the
consciousness one brings to interpret it.
This level of individual consciousness is a fundamental area
where new knowledge can
generate change. Traditional accounts assume that power as
domination operates from the
top down by forcing and controlling unwilling victims to bend
to the will of more powerful
superiors. But these accounts fail to account for questions
concerning why, for example,
women stay with abusive men even with ample opportunity to
leave or why slaves did not
kill their owners more often. The willingness of the victim to
collude in her or his own
victimization becomes lost. They also fail to account for
sustained resistance by victims,
even when chances for victory appear remote. By emphasizing
the power of self-definition
and the necessity of a free mind, Black feminist thought speaks
to the importance African-
American women thinkers place on consciousness as a sphere of
freedom. Black women
intellectuals realize that domination operates not only by
structuring power from the top
down but by simultaneously annexing the power as energy of
those on the bottom for its
own ends. In their efforts to rearticulate the standpoint of
African-American women as a
group, Black feminist thinkers offer individual African-
American women the conceptual
tools to resist oppression.

The cultural context formed by those experiences and ideas that
are shared with other
members of a group or community which give meaning to
individual biographies constitutes
a second level at which domination is experienced and resisted.
Each individual biography
is rooted in several overlapping cultural contexts--for example,
groups defined by race,
social class, age, gender, religion, and sexual orientation. The
cultural component
contributes, among other things, the concepts used in thinking
and acting, group validation
of an individual's interpretation of concepts, the "thought
models" used in the acquisition of
knowledge, and standards used to evaluate individual thought
and behavior. The most
cohesive cultural contexts are those with identifiable histories,
geographic locations, and
social institutions. For Black women African-American
communities have provided the
location for an Afrocentric group perspective to endure.
Subjugated knowledges, such as a Black women's culture of
resistance, develop in cultural
contexts controlled by oppressed groups. Dominant groups aim
to replace subjugated
knowledge with their own specialized thought because they
realize that gaining control over
this dimension of subordinate groups' lives simplifies control.
While efforts to influence this
dimension of an oppressed group's experiences can be partially
successful, this level is more
difficult to control than dominant groups would have us believe.
For example, adhering to
externally derived standards of beauty leads many African-
American women to dislike their

skin color or hair texture. Similarly, internalizing Eurocentric
gender ideology leads some
Black men to abuse Black women. These are cases of the
successful infusion of the
dominant group's specialized thought into the everyday cultural
context of African-
Americans. But the long-standing existence of a Black women's
culture of resistance as
expressed through Black women's relationships with one
another, the Black women's blues
tradition, and the voices of contemporary African-American
women writers all attest to the
difficulty of eliminating the cultural context as a fundamental
site of resistance.
Domination is also experienced and resisted on the third level
of social institutions
controlled by the dominant group: namely, schools, churches,
the media, and other formal
organizations. These institutions expose individuals to the
specialized thought representing
the dominant group's standpoint and interests. While such
institutions offer the promise of
both literacy and other skills that can be used for individual
empowerment and social
transformation, they simultaneously require docility and
passivity. Such institutions would
have us believe that the theorizing of elites constitutes the

whole of theory. The existence of
African-American women thinkers such as Maria Stewart,
Sojourner Truth, Zora Neale
Hurston, and Fannie Lou Hamer who, though excluded from
and/or marginalized within
such institutions, continued to produce theory effectively
opposes this hegemonic view.
Moreover, the more recent resurgence of Black feminist thought
within these institutions,
the case of the outpouring of contemporary Black feminist
thought in history and literature,
directly challenges the Eurocentric masculinist thought
pervading these institutions.
Resisting the Matrix of Domination
Domination operates by seducing, pressuring, or forcing
African-American women and
members of subordinated groups to replace individual and
cultural ways of knowing with
the dominant group's specialized thought. As a result, suggests
Audre Lorde, "the true focus
of revolutionary change is never merely the oppressive
situations which we seek to escape,
but that piece of the oppressor which is planted deep within
each of us." Or as Toni Cade
Bambara succinctly states, "revolution begins with the self, in
the self."
Lorde and Bambara's suppositions raise an important issue for
Black feminist intellectuals
and for all scholars and activists working for social change.
Although most individuals have
little difficulty identifying their own victimization within some
major system of oppression--
whether it be by race, social class, religion, physical ability,

sexual orientation, ethnicity, age
or gender--they typically fail to see how their thoughts and
actions uphold someone else's
subordination. Thus white feminists routinely point with
confidence to their oppression as
women but resist seeing how much their white skin privileges
them. African-Americans
who possess eloquent analyses of racism often persist in
viewing poor white women as
symbols of white power. The radical left fares little better. "If
only people of color and
women could see their true class interests," they argue, "class
solidarity would eliminate
racism and sexism." In essence, each group identifies the
oppression with which it feels
most comfortable as being fundamental and classifies all others
as being of lesser
importance. Oppression is filled with such contradictions
because these approaches fail to
recognize that a matrix of domination contains few pure victims
or oppressors. Each
individual derives varying amounts of penalty and privilege
from the multiple systems of
oppression which frame everyone's lives.
A broader focus stresses the interlocking nature of oppressions
that are structured on
multiple levels, from the individual to the social structural, and
which are part of a larger
matrix of domination. Adhering to this inclusive model provides
the conceptual space
needed for each individual to see that she or he is both a
member of multiple dominant
groups and a member of multiple subordinate groups. Shifting
the analysis to investigating
how the matrix of domination is structured along certain axes--

race, gender, and class being
the axes of investigation for AfricanAmerican women--reveals
that different systems of
oppression may rely in varying degrees on systemic versus
interpersonal mechanisms of
domination.
Empowerment involves rejecting the dimensions of knowledge,
whether personal, cultural,
or institutional, that perpetuate objectification and
dehumanization. African-American
women and other individuals in subordinate groups become
empowered when we
understand and use those dimensions of our individual, group,
and disciplinary ways of
knowing that foster our humanity as fully human subjects. This
is the case when Black
women value our self-definitions, participate in a Black
women's activist tradition, invoke
an Afrocentric feminist epistemology as central to our
worldview, and view the skills gained
in schools as part of a focused education for Black community
development. C. Wright
Mills identifies this holistic epistemology as the "sociological
imagination" and identifies its
task and its promise as a way of knowing that enables
individuals to grasp the relations
between history and biography within society. Using one's

standpoint to engage the
sociological imagination can empower the individual. "My
fullest concentration of energy is
available to me," Audre Lorde maintains, "only when I integrate
all the parts of who I am,
openly, allowing power from particular sources of my living to
flow back and forth freely
through all my different selves, without the restriction of
externally imposed definition."
Black Women as Agents of Knowledge
Living life as an African-American woman is a necessary
prerequisite for producing Black
feminist thought because within Black women's communities
thought is validated and
produced with reference to a particular set of historical,
material, and epistemological
conditions. African-American women who adhere to the idea
that claims about Black
women must be substantiated by Black women's sense of our
own experiences and who
anchor our knowledge claims in an Afrocentric feminist
epistemology have produced a rich
tradition of Black feminist thought.
Traditionally such women were blues singers, poets,
autobiographers, storytellers, and
orators validated by everyday Black women as experts on a
Black women's standpoint. Only
a few unusual African-American feminist scholars have been
able to defy Eurocentric
masculinist epistemologies and explicitly embrace an
Afrocentric feminist epistemology.
Consider Alice Walker's description of Zora Neal Hurston:

In my mind, Zora Neale Hurston, Billie Holiday, and Bessie
Smith form a sort
of unholy trinity. Zora belongs in the tradition of black women
singers, rather
than among "the literati." . . . Like Billie and Jessie she
followed her own road,
believed in her own gods pursued her own dreams, and refused
to separate
herself from "common" people.
Zora Neal Hurston is an exception for prior to 1950, few
African-American women earned
advanced degrees and most of those who did complied with
Eurocentric masculinist
epistemologies. Although these women worked on behalf of
Black women, they did so
within the confines of pervasive race and gender oppression.
Black women scholars were in
a position to see the exclusion of African-American women
from scholarly discourse, and
the thematic content of their work often reflected their interest
in examining a Black
women's standpoint. However, their tenuous status in academic
institutions led them to
adhere to Eurocentric masculinist epistemologies so that their
work would be accepted as
scholarly. As a result, while they produced Black feminist
thought, those African-American
women most likely to gain academic credentials were often least
likely to produce Black
feminist thought that used an Afrocentric feminist
epistemology.
An ongoing tension exists for Black women as agents of
knowledge, a tension rooted in the
sometimes conflicting demands of Afrocentricity and feminism.

Those Black women who
are feminists are critical of how Black culture and many of its
traditions oppress women.
For example, the strong pronatal beliefs in African-American
communities that foster early
motherhood among adolescent girls, the lack of self-
actualization that can accompany the
double-day of paid employment and work in the home, and the
emotional and physical
abuse that many Black women experience from their fathers,
lovers, and husbands all reflect
practices opposed by African-American women who are
feminists. But these same women
may have a parallel desire as members of an oppressed racial
group to affirm the value of
that same culture and traditions. Thus strong Black mothers
appear in Black women's
literature, Black women's economic contributions to families is
lauded, and a curious silence
exists concerning domestic abuse.
As more African-American women earn advanced degrees, the
range of Black feminist
scholarship is expanding. Increasing numbers of African-
American women scholars are
explicitly choosing to ground their work in Black women's
experiences, and, by doing so,
they implicitly adhere to an Afrocentric feminist epistemology.
Rather than being restrained

by their both/and status of marginality, these women make
creative use of their outsider-
within status and produce innovative Afrocentric feminist
thought. The difficulties these
women face lie less in demonstrating that they have mastered
white male epistemologies
than in resisting the hegemonic nature of these patterns of
thought in order to see, value, and
use existing alternative Afrocentric feminist ways of knowing.
In establishing the legitimacy of their knowledge claims, Black
women scholars who want
to develop Afrocentric feminist thought may encounter the often
conflicting standards of
three key groups. First, Black feminist thought must be
validated by ordinary Atrican-
American women who, in the words of Hannah Nelson, grow to
womanhood "in a world
where the saner you are, the madder you are made to appear."
To be credible in the eyes of
this group, scholars must be personal advocates for their
material, be accountable for the
consequences of their work, have lived or experienced their
material in some fashion, and be
willing to engage in dialogues about their findings with
ordinary, everyday people. Second,
Black feminist thought also must be accepted by the community
of Black women scholars.
These scholars place varying amounts of importance on
rearticulating a Black women's
standpoint using an Afrocentric feminist epistemology. Third,
Afrocentric feminist thought
within academia must be prepared to confront Eurocentric
masculinist political and
epistemological requirements.

The dilemma facing Black women scholars engaged in creating
Black feminist thought is
that a knowledge claim that meets the criteria of adequacy for
one group and thus is judged
to be an acceptable knowledge claim may not be translatable
into the terms of a different
group. Using the example of Black English, June Jordan
illustrates the difficulty of moving
among epistemologies:
You cannot "translate" instances of Standard English
preoccupied with
abstraction or with nothing/nobody evidently alive into Black
English. That
would warp the language into uses antithetical to the guiding
perspective of its
community of users. Rather you must first change those
Standard English
sentences, themselves, into ideas consistent with the person-
centered
assumptions of Black English.
Although both worldviews share a common vocabulary, the
ideas themselves defy direct
translation.
For Black women who are agents of knowledge, the marginality
that accompanies outsider-
within status can be the source of both frustration and
creativity. In an attempt to minimize
the differences between the cultural context of African-
American communities and the
expectations of social institutions, some women dichotomize
their behavior and become two
different people. Over time, the strain of doing this can be
enormous. Others reject their

cultural context and work against their own best interests by
enforcing the dominant group's
specialized thought. Still others manage to inhabit both contexts
but do so critically, using
their outsider-within perspectives as a source of insights and
ideas. But while outsiders
within can make substantial personal cost. "Eventually it comes
to you," observes Lorraine
Hansberry, "the thing that makes you exceptional, if you are at
all, is inevitably that which
must also make you lonely."
Once Black feminist scholars face the notion that, on certain
dimensions of a Black women's
standpoint, it may be fruitless to try and translate ideas from an
Afrocentric feminist
epistemology into a Eurocentric masculinist framework, then
other choices emerge. Rather
than trying to uncover universal knowledge claims that can
withstand the translation from
one epistemology to another (initially, at least), Black women
intellectuals might find efforts
to rearticulate a Black women's standpoint especially fruitful.
Rearticulating a Black
women's standpoint refashions the concrete and reveals the
more universal human
dimensions of Black women's everyday lives. "I date all my
work," notes Nikki Giovanni,

"because I think poetry, or any writing, is but a reflection of the
moment. The universal
comes from the particular." Bell Hooks maintains, "my goal as a
feminist thinker and
theorist is to take that abstraction and articulate it in a language
that renders it accessible--
not less complex or rigorous--but simply more accessible." The
complexity exists;
interpreting it remains the unfulfilled challenge for Black
women intellectuals.
Situated Knowledge, Subjugated Knowledge, and Partial
Perspectives
"My life seems to be an increasing revelation of the intimate
trace of universal struggle,"
claims June Jordan:
You begin with your family and the kids on the block, and next
you open your eyes to what
you call your people and that leads you into land reform into
Black English into Angola
leads you back to your own bed where you lie by yourself;
wondering it you deserve to be
peaceful, or trusted or desired or left to the freedom of your
own unfaltering heart. And the
scale shrinks to the use of a skull: your own interior cage.
Lorraine Hansberry expresses a similar idea: "I believe that one
of the most sound ideas in
dramatic writing is that in order to create the universal, you
must pay very great attention to
the specific. Universality, I think, emerges from the truthful
identity of what is." Jordan and
Hansberry's insights that universal struggle and truth may wear
a particularistic, intimate

face suggest a new epistemological stance concerning how we
negotiate competing
knowledge claims and identify "truth."
The context in which African-American women's ideas are
nurtured or suppressed matters.
Understanding the content and epistemology of Black women's
ideas as specialized
knowledge requires attending to the context from which those
ideas emerge. While
produced by individuals, Black feminist thought as situated
knowledge is embedded in the
communities in which African-American women find ourselves.
A Black women's standpoint and those of other oppressed
groups is not only embedded in a
context but exists in a situation characterized by domination.
Because Black women's ideas
have been suppressed, this suppression has stimulated African-
American women to create
knowledge that empowers people to resist domination. Thus
Afrocentric feminist thought
represents a subjugated knowledge. A Black women's standpoint
may provide a preferred
stance from which to view the matrix of domination because, in
principle, Black feminist
thought as specialized thought is less likely than the specialized
knowledge produced by
dominant groups to deny the connection between ideas and the
vested interests of their
creators. However, Black feminist thought as subjugated
knowledge is not exempt from
critical analysis, because subjugation is not grounds for an
epistemology.
Despite African-American women's potential power to reveal

new insights about the matrix
of domination, a Black women's standpoint is only one angle of
vision. Thus Black feminist
thought represents a partial perspective. The overarching matrix
of domination houses
multiple groups, each with varying experiences with penalty and
privilege that produce
corresponding partial perspectives, situated knowledges, and,
for clearly identifiable
subordinate groups, subjugated knowledges. No one group has a
clear angle of vision. No
one group possesses the theory or methodology that allows it to
discover the absolute "truth"
or, worse yet, proclaim its theories and methodologies as the
universal norm evaluating
other groups' experiences. Given that groups are unequal in
power in making themselves
heard, dominant groups have a vested interest in suppressing the
knowledge produced by
subordinate groups. Given the existence of multiple and
competing knowledge claims to
"truth" produced by groups with partial perspectives, what
epistemological approach offers
the most promise?
Dialogue and Empathy
Western social and political thought contains two alternative

approaches to ascertaining
"truth." The first, reflected in positivist science, has long
claimed that absolute truths exist
and that the task of scholarship is to develop objective,
unbiased tools of science to measure
these truths. . . . Relativism, the second approach, has been
forwarded as the antithesis of
and inevitable outcome of rejecting a positivist science. From a
relativist perspective all
groups produce specialized thought and each group's thought is
equally valid. No group can
claim to have a better interpretation of the "truth" than another.
In a sense, relativism
represents the opposite of scientific ideologies of objectivity.
As epistemological stances,
both positivist science and relativism minimize the importance
of specific location in
influencing a group's knowledge claims, the power inequities
among groups that produce
subjugated knowledges, and the strengths and limitations of
partial perspective.
The existence of Black feminist thought suggests another
alternative to the ostensibly
objective norms of science and to relativism's claims that
groups with competing knowledge
claims are equal. . . . This approach to Afrocentric feminist
thought allows African-
American women to bring a Black women's standpoint to larger
epistemological dialogues
concerning the nature of the matrix of domination. Eventually
such dialogues may get us to
a point at which, claims Elsa Barkley Brown, "all people can
learn to center in another
experience, validate it, and judge it by its own standards
without need of comparison or

need to adopt that framework as their own." In such dialogues,
"one has no need to
'decenter' anyone in order to center someone else; one has only
to constantly, appropriately,
'pivot the center.' "
Those ideas that are validated as true by African-American
women, African-American men,
Latina lesbians, Asian-American women, Puerto Rican men, and
other groups with
distinctive standpoints, with each group using the
epistemological approaches growing from
its unique standpoint, thus become the most "objective" truths.
Each group speaks from its
own standpoint and shares its own partial, situated knowledge.
But because each group
perceives its own truth as partial, its knowledge is unfinished.
Each group becomes better
able to consider other groups' standpoints without relinquishing
the uniqueness of its own
standpoint or suppressing other groups' partial perspectives.
"What is always needed in the
appreciation of art, or life," maintains Alice Walker, "is the
larger perspective. Connections
made, or at least attempted, where none existed before, the
straining to encompass in one's
glance at the varied world the common thread, the unifying
theme through immense
diversity." Partiality and not universality is the condition of
being heard; individuals and
groups forwarding knowledge claims without owning their
position are deemed less credible
than those who do.
Dialogue is critical to the success of this epistemological
approach, the type of dialogue

long extant in the Afrocentric call-and-response tradition
whereby power dynamics are fluid,
everyone has a voice, but everyone must listen and respond to
other voices in order to be
allowed to remain in the community. Sharing a common cause
fosters dialogue and
encourages groups to transcend their differences. . . .
African-American women have been victimized by race, gender,
and class oppression. But
portraying Black women solely as passive, unfortunate
recipients of racial and sexual abuse
stifles notions that Black women can actively work to change
our circumstances and bring
about changes in our lives. Similarly, presenting African-
American women solely as heroic
figures who easily engage in resisting oppression on all fronts
minimizes the very real costs
of oppression and can foster the perception that Black women
need no help because we can
"take it."
Black feminist thought's emphasis on the ongoing interplay
between Black women's
oppression and Black women's activism presents the matrix of
domination as responsive to
human agency. Such thought views the world as a dynamic
place where the goal is not

merely to survive or to fit in or to cope; rather, it becomes a
place where we feel ownership
and accountability. The existence of Afrocentric feminist
thought suggests that there is
always choice, and power to act, no matter how bleak the
situation may appear to be.
Viewing the world as one in the making raises the issue of
individual responsibility for
bringing about change. It also shows that while individual
empowerment is key, only
collective action can effectively generate lasting social
transformation of political and
economic institutions.
Scanned with CamScanner

CLASS AND RACE IN AMERICA:
Yes, There Are Classes in America – and Yes, Racism Still
Does Exist
1
CLASS AND RACE IN AMERICA:
Yes, There Are Classes in America – and Yes, Racism Still
Does Exist
Many Americans aren’t comfortable acknowledging that class
distinctions or
racism exist in our country. After all, wouldn’t it be nice to
believe – as our forefathers
wrote in the Constitution – that all men are created equal? That
if we just work hard
enough, we can “get ahead” and live the American Dream of
success? That if economic

or racial inequality and discrimination once existed, the playing
field is even now? Or,
maybe it’s just easier to believe it’s so. Otherwise, if we start
looking too hard at what’s
really happening in America today, we might see that everyone
isn’t treated so equally
after all – and if we don’t start out as equal and may never be
considered equal no
matter what we achieve, then exactly what does that mean to our
personal or national
beliefs and identities?
Even if we can convince ourselves that these issues have
nothing to do with us
personally – we aren’t prejudiced, or we’ve worked hard to get
where we are – they do
affect us. Class distinctions and institutionalized racism are a
fact of everyday life in
America and affect everyone in our society. Often our degree of
consciousness and
always our perspective depends upon with which socioeconomic
class or race we
identify, or are identified – along with our personal experiences
with classism or racism.
But, even if we choose not to notice, we cannot escape from the

fact that racial and class
identities – and more importantly, the embedded and systemic
societal privileges or
disadvantages that come from these socially-constructed roles –
affect how we define
ourselves, how others relate to us, and what opportunities we
are offered or denied in
almost every aspect of our lives (Bonnekessen Class Lecture, 14
June 2003 and Price
Class Lecture, 15 June 2003).
ON A PERSONAL LEVEL
As an Asian/European-American (not that such a classification
exists) from a
working-class background, I am guilty of having done little to
examine my own
personal economic status and ancestry and how these affect my
life – or to examine the
impact that class and race have on others. For most of my life, I
gave little more than
cursory thought to the culture and heritage of my first-
generation Japanese and Italian
parents, other than to write the occasional report on Japan and
Italy in grade school. For

2
their own reasons – which I regret never having discussed with
them and can now only
guess at – my parents raised my brother and I as typical
American kids in the late 1950s
and 1960s, and we never discussed what their lives were like
growing up. Although I
didn’t want to move from our home on Kansas City’s east side
in 1969, at the time I had
never heard of the term “white flight,” and years later, it was
something that seemed to
have little left to do with me. After high school, I didn’t
appreciate the significance of
being the first of my cousins on either side to go to college – a
feat achieved partly
because of a scholarship I earned, but also because of my
father’s many long years of
hard work as a mechanic. I took for granted that I’d go to
college, not understanding
until much later the value or privilege or opportunities that
came my way because of
that extra education.

In some ways, my personal story isn’t unique. Many people go
about their lives
giving little consideration to the role that class and race plays in
their lives, or perhaps
noticing it only occasionally in particular, unusual
circumstances. Yet, many others
have no choice but to be acutely aware of the effects of socially
constructed ideas of race
and social-economic class on their everyday lives. In the
unsettling transcripts of tapes
from meetings at Texaco to discuss a Federal discrimination suit
against the company in
1996, senior-level officials “freely deride black employees as
‘niggers’ and ‘black jelly
beans’” (New York Times 2001). In New York’s Harlem, the
competition is fierce among
the neighborhood’s working poor for fast-food restaurant jobs –
considered entry level
jobs for teenagers in the suburbs, in Harlem they have become
“real” jobs which adults
take to support families (Newman 2001: 317). There are
millions of Americans who get
up knowing that each day will be a struggle to just to survive,
let alone improve their

social or economic position in life.
SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONS OF CLASS AND RACE
Many people have been made to feel outsiders as a result of the
roles society has
assigned to them based on socially-constructed differences.
Often these roles turn into
stereotypes in which preconceived attitudes and half-truths are
projected onto others.
Beyond the insidious personal loss of their own traditions and
self-respect, stereotypes
keep people from being seen as human, which makes it easier to
develop a system of
exploitation against them and harder to open an “agenda of
multicultural democracy”
3
(Marable 2001:124-125). They must deal with the real and
immediate effects of poverty
and racism on a daily basis – less and inferior education, fewer
economic opportunities,
loss of pride, a sense of not belonging, threats from authority or
others who fear or

resent them, and very little participation in positions of true
power within society
(Bonnekessen Class Lecture, 14 June 2003 and Price Class
Lecture, 15 June 2003).
Socially-constructed differences lead to a stratified, embedded
system of unequal access
to resources, services, and positions of respect and power in
society (Bonnekessen Class
Lecture, 14 June 2003). How did we get there?
It is human nature to look for similarities – and differences –
with others. In a
complex world, our brains have to make visual distinctions
about what is significant to
notice and what isn’t in order to distinguish people from one
another. It is important to
understand that while such social differentiations take note of
different content, the
distinctions themselves don’t require that the content be ranked.
For example,
characteristics such as mother and father should be treated as
equal states of
parenthood, though in reality that isn’t always the case.
Although we exalt

Motherhood, single mothers without a male in the household
find it very difficult to
gain the support and assistance they need, while single fathers
are singled out and
given particular admiration for dealing with the same set of
circumstances
(Bonnekessen Class Lecture, 14 June 2003).
Thus, social differentiation by itself doesn’t tell us much until
we add a social
inequality that derives from those differences. In our society,
unlike some early Native
American tribes that allowed their members to choose their own
different social roles
based upon their personal qualities, many of our roles are
assigned by others – and
have grown throughout the years to carry with them a judgment
of superiority or
inferiority (Bonnekessen Class Lecture, 14 June 2003). As
social beings, we naturally
become stratified because of differences – real, perceived, or
socially-constructed. And
the consequences of these differences aren’t always understood,
especially on a
personal level. As Jean Baker Miller argues in her discussion on

how differences lead to
domination and subordination, “It is not always clear that in
most instances of
difference, there is also a factor of inequality – inequality of
many kinds of resources,
but fundamentally of status and power” (Miller 2001: 86-87).
Social stratification is
related to different positions in social structure – and the fact
that these different
positions receive different rewards. When this happens,
inequality has become
4
institutionalized and a system of social relationships now
determines accesses to
society’s resources. Relationships are established by those in
power to keep others in
their place (Bonnekessen Class Lecture, 14 June 2003). And in
America, each group has
a distinct and particular relationship, and each form of
domination and subordination is
shaped by their position to each other (Hurtado 2001:152).
Very few people will admit – to others or themselves – that they

might be
prejudiced. It is a distasteful thought. Yet, if we think of
prejudice as a preconceived
judgment or opinion, one that is usually based on limited or
faulty information, then it
is possible for most of us hold prejudiced ideas, however
unintentionally. Beverly
Tatum makes the argument that what people are saying when
they claim they are free
of prejudice is that they are “not hatemongers.” However, while
she goes on to state
that prejudice is not our fault – that we are in fact socialized to
prejudice – she
emphasizes that we are not relieved of responsibility for ending
prejudice (Tatum
2001:102). While many people use prejudice and racism
interchangeably, Tatum
believes it is important to make a distinction between the terms.
She emphasizes that
“racism, like other forms of oppression, is not only a personal
ideology based on racial
prejudices, but a system involving cultural messages and
institutional policies and
practices as well as the beliefs and actions of individuals”

(Tatum 200l:103).
Tatum writes that people often say to her, “People of color can
be racist, too”
(Tatum 200l:104). Tatum argues that if we accept that racism is
a system of advantage
based upon race, then oppressed people – people of color or
women – cannot be racist
or sexist because there is no institutionalized system from
which they can benefit by
their actions, no matter how hateful or bigoted their actions
might be. Using her
definition, even though someone might hold power over
someone else on a personal
level, if there is no systematic benefit for their actions, they
cannot be racist. She also
writes that she is often asked if she believes that all white
people are racist. While her
answer is, “of course not,” she also argues that all white people,
“intentionally or
unintentionally, do benefit from racism. It is the unintentional
benefits that many
people find hard to acknowledge. Active racism like the Ku
Klux Klan is easy for most
people to denounce. Passive racism, on the other hand –

accepting racist jokes in your
presence or letting exclusionary hiring policies go unchallenged
at work – is more
subtle and deeply ingrained in systemic practices that we may
just take for granted. In
Tatum’s view, it is important for people to realize that by
ignoring systemic racial
5
inequalities – although they are not participating in racism in an
active, overt way – that
they are still guilty of being passively racist.
She also argues that, while fighting racism isn’t the
responsibility of whites
alone, the “fact of White privilege – or the systematic
advantages of being White –
means that Whites have greater access to the societal
institutions in need of
transformation” (Tatum 200l:103,106). She acknowledges that
even though all whites
benefit from white privilege, not all benefit equally due to
factors such as socioeconomic
status, gender, age, religions affiliations, sexual orientations

and the like (Tatum
2001:103). White privilege, like passive racism or sexism, is
hard to see unless you are
looking for it. Peggy McIntosh, in “White Privilege: Unpacking
the Invisible Knapsack”
noticed through her work with women’s studies that men are
often unwilling to
acknowledge that they are over-privileged, even if they are
willing to admit that
women are disadvantaged. In thinking about male privilege as a
phenomenon, she
realized that she “had been taught about racism as something
which puts others at a
disadvantage, but had been taught not to see its corollary
aspects, white privilege,
which puts me at an advantage” (McIntosh 2001:163-64). As
she began to keep track of
privileges she received simply for being white but which she
had previously never
noticed, she began to realize the extent to which men – and
whites – work from an
unacknowledged basis of privilege.
Accepting white privilege brings with it new knowledge of how
power is

systematically conferred to people, based on no more than the
color of their skin – and
often without their awareness that it is even happening.
McIntosh admits that facing
that she is the beneficiary of white privilege isn’t easy. For one
thing, she has had to
give up the idea of meritocracy in America, because if white
privilege exists, then
certain people are offered opportunities through no merit of
their own. They are simply
given to them because they are white. What she came to believe
is that the word
“privilege” is somewhat misleading. We often think of privilege
as a favored state,
which in fact white privilege is. But it is more. In some cases,
the unearned privileges
McIntosh found “work to systematically overempower certain
groups. Such privilege
simply confers dominance because of one’s race or sex”
(McIntosh 2001:166). In fact,
systematic unearned privilege is ingrained in America, whether
because of differences
in race, sex, wealth, or social position. “It’s not what you know,
but who you know.”

Being connected to and identified with the favored in society
pays off in many ways.
6
THE EFFECT OF CLASS IN A ‘CLASSLESS’ SOCIETY
Within our stratified society, a class describes a group of
individuals and families
with similar positions and similar political and economic
interests (Bonnekessen Class
Lecture, 14 June 2003). Socially and economically, America is a
land of extremes, even
though we sometimes pretend we don’t notice. In “Class in
America: Myths and
Realities (2000), Gregory Mantsios notes “It is not that
Americans, rich or poor, aren’t
keenly aware of class differences […] it is that class is not in
the domain of public
discourse” (Mantsios 2001a: 168-69). For example, we know the
terms that define the
classes in America, and we have a pretty good idea of who can
be found in each.
There’s the Upper Class, where people are born into wealth and

don’t work for a living.
Then there’s Corporate Class, which is made up of the new
wealth of extremely
successful businessmen like Donald Trump, who tend to want to
flaunt their wealth.
Next is the Upper Middle Class – those executives and
professionals like doctors and
lawyers who are very successful, but haven’t moved into the
Corporate Class. Right in
the middle is, logically enough, the Middle Class. This is an
extremely visible class and
is made up of professional workers, many of whom work in
service industries. Next in
line is the Working Class, which is made up of skilled laborers
in manufacturing and
some service industries. Last, but not least, are the Poor. Men
and women in this class
perform the functions other classes won’t do. They can be
pulled into Working Class
seasonally, as in the case of migrant workers, or in special
circumstances like the
housewives who moved into manufacturing jobs during WWII,
but who were expected
to return home and give up their newfound social and economic

independence to
returning servicemen (Bonnekessen Class Lecture, 14 June
2003).
Social stratification also involves the establishment of a system
of rules that
explains how rewards are distributed and why. People have to
buy into the “why” or
the explanations won’t work. These rules develop in two ways.
The first is based on
rules of ascription that blame the victim; your role in life is
your destiny and any
problems are your own fault. The second is based on rules of
achievement that state
that qualities can be (or appear to be) under the control of the
individual; again, blame
the victim if they don’t achieve what they want. While we
impart the highest social
value to those at the top of the class pyramid, in reality, without
those at the bottom –
7
whose services and contributions are valued least – the system
would collapse

(Bonnekessen Class Lecture, 14 June 2003). According to
Mantsios, part of the reason
people don’t understand the plight – or value – of the poor is
that we are often
presented a misleading message about poverty. He argues that
“a mass media that did
not have its own class interest in preserving the status quo
would acknowledge that
inordinate wealth and power undermines democracy and that a
‘free market’ economy
can ravage a people and their communities” (Mantsios
2001b:563-71). And although
Marilyn Frye is speaking of the oppression of women, her
sentiment applies to all
people – of any gender, class, race – who are confined by
systematic barriers. She
applies the metaphor of a birdcage to show that if you look at
only a single wire on the
cage, it would appear that the bird should be able to move freely
and that there was
nothing in that particular wire that would hold the bird back.
But, she explains, if you
move back to view the cage as a whole, then is it “perfectly
obvious that the bird is

surrounded by a network of systematically related barriers, no
one of which would be
the least hindrance to its flight, but which, by their relations to
each other, are as
confining as the solid walls of a dungeon” (Frye 2001:141).
This concept of systematic
barriers applies to gender, race, and class.
We’ve all heard the saying, “The rich get richer, and the poor
get poorer,” but we
don’t often look at real numbers. It is almost too outlandish to
believe, but in 1997, “the
top 1 percent of households in the nation had more wealth than
the entire bottom 95%.”
And financial wealth was even more concentrated. According to
economist Edward
Wolff of New York University, “the top 1 percent of households
had nearly half of all
financial wealth (net worth minus net equity in owner-occupied
housing)” and in fact,
“the richest 0.5 percent of households had 42 percent of the
financial wealth” (Sklar
2001:267-68). That is hard to accept when at the other extreme,
13 percent of the
American population lived below the poverty line – calculated

in 1999 at $8,500 for an
individual and $17,028 for a family of four (Mantsios
2001a:170). In another example of
economic inequity, a Kansas City couple, neither of whom has a
college degree,
struggled to piece together a series of part-time jobs to earn
$18,000 in 1994, less than
half what the husband was earning before he lost his job at the
local T.W.A. plant
(Johnson 2001a:273-74) – while the ex-wife of billionaire
Ronald O. Perelman revealed
that she needed $4,400 – a day – in child support for the next 14
years (Rohde 2001:277-
8).
8
These numbers are hard to accept, but even more important than
just the
numbers themselves are the repercussions that result from these
kinds of systematic,
gross inequities. Many Americans are conflicted about wealth
and economic class
status, and so we don’t often look at how the system of

economic and social classes
actually works to keep the majority of Americans in the place in
which they were born.
While most of us strive to “move up” and earn more money –
and let others know that
we earn more – we are also uncomfortable with claiming
ourselves too rich or too poor.
In the film, “People Like Us,” a wide extreme of people from
all walks of life, when
asked, responded that they were middle class.
The film pointed out that along with the economic realities of
different classes
are sets of social distinctions that accompany each class, and
people tended to defend
their associations carefully. Many times the defense wasn’t that
they were associating
with a particular “class” of people, but they were just
associating with people like
themselves that they’d always grown up with. This tended to be
true no matter which
class they appeared to be from. The distinctions that each class
used to distinguish itself
– or another class – ranged from where they lived, what kind of
car they drove, the

clothes they wore, who they associated with, what their job
expectations were, what
they did with their free time, to even what they ate – from
imported Italian balsamic
vinaigrette to a loaf of white bread selling for 99 cents. In fact,
white bread became an
extremely divisive issue in one community. Years of resentment
had built up between
those who wanted a corporate chain grocery store that would
stock loaves of Wonder
Bread and red meat, versus those who thought a co-op grocery
would be a better
alternative. Those who wanted the chain store felt as if they
were being forced into
something they didn’t want – that the co-op would be too
expensive for them and
wouldn’t stock the food they wanted. The loaves of white bread
became a symbol of the
class division between those who had stayed in town after high
school and supported
the supermarket chain – and the resentment they held against
the perceived better-than-
thou attitude of those who supported the co-op and ate fancier,
pricier bread. After the

co-op won the bid, it did begin stocking white bread. While
white bread may sound like
a small thing, you could hear the frustration and anger in
people’s voices as they felt yet
another choice was being taken from them by others who
ultimately had more power
than they did.
9
While this is a local case of who makes decisions and the
feelings that could be
aroused, if we looked closely at who has the power to make
legislation in America, we
would find that virtually all of our Senators are millionaires,
whether earned or
inherited. Regardless of where they got their wealth, this
bastion of equality has no real
concept of what it means to participate in the daily struggles of
working America,
professional or otherwise. Yet, these are the people create
current tax policies. Although
cutting payroll taxes for lower-paid people would help the poor
– what passes as

legislation is a tax cut on dividends that helps those already
wealthy enough to have
money to invest… not those living from paycheck to paycheck
(Bonnekessen Class
Lecture, 14 June 2003).
The fact is that income and wealth determine people’s life
chances and choices.
They affect the length and quality of people’s lives. In the U.S.,
access to medical
services isn’t available to everyone. The poor have little access,
which means they are
more susceptible to illnesses and receive less and possibly
poorer treatment than those
who can afford it (Mantsios 2001a:176). Working for minimum
wage means that you are
so far down can’t even see the poverty line – and from that
(disad)vantagepoint, there
are few life choices. The less money you have, the fewer
choices you have (Bonnekessen
Class Lecture, 14 June 2003). Corporations bombard kids with
marketing messages, and
kids learn at an early age to spend (their parents’) money. Those
who can’t afford the

symbols of the “in crowd” find themselves constantly reminded
that they are outsiders.
Thirteen-year-old Wendy Williams, who watches the other kids
in designer clothes go
horseback riding on weekends, understands that “to be without
money, in so many
ways, is to be left out.” An understanding counselor works with
Wendy to encourage
her to take an advanced course in Math, but Wendy’s desire not
to be thought of as
even more of an outsider by being a brainy ‘nerd’ has kept her
from taking the chance
(Johnson 2001b: 398). Thus Wendy is not only held back from
participating in social
functions because her family lacks money, her fear of not
belonging holds her back from
reaching for a chance at a better education – one of the most
effective ways in which she
might be able to change her status in life.
Within a supposedly classless American society, there are
economic and social
distinctions made every day. What gives these social
differentiations added meaning is
the value attributed to these differences. Not only have

economic and social classes
been constructed in our society, but another even more sensitive
differentiation – race –
10
has been constructed by white people as a means of maintaining
power within
American society.
RACE AND RACISM
Although it is the American Dream to achieve whatever you
want, the reality is
that your ability to change your life fortunes is always limited
by where you start in life.
You may, through hard work or good fortune, be able to change
your social status,
although moving up a class generally takes a generation to
accomplish. But you can
never escape from the confines of the race to which you belong
– no matter how
artificially constructed the idea of race itself is.
Until the 18th century, the concept of dividing human beings
into different races,

or subspecies, did not even exist. In 1775, using the principles
of classification that
biologists had recently developed to categorize plants and
animals, Linnaeus was the
first to make this division of races official. Yet, this so-called
“science of race” has never
been proven. Omi and Winant note, “despite efforts ranging
from Dr. Samuel Morton’s
studies of cranial capacity to contemporary attempts to base
racial classification on
shared gene pools, the concept of race has defied biological
definition” (Omi 2001:12-
13). They go on to note that the social sciences have moved
toward an assumption that
race is “indeed a pre-eminently sociohistorical concept” or a
concept that is constructed
by different societies at different times in history. Which has
resulted is a racial
paradox, in that the social construction of race has taken on a
social reality in which
certain races are judged to be superior to others – when in fact
there is no biological
validity to the idea of separate human races to begin with.
Despite the fact that race, as

a biological principle, simply doesn’t exist, its effects run deep
within society (Price
Class Lecture, 15 June 2003).
The social construction of race requires that races be ranked as
superior or
inferior to one another. This distinct treatment inevitably leads
to inequality of many
resources, but the fundamental inequality is of status and power
(Miller 2001:86-87).
Those in power (white policymakers, media, politicians,
religious leaders) have linked
different outward physical characteristics such as skin color,
color and shape of the
eyes, color and type of hair, with different races. In turn, they
have then linked those
races with differences within. According to Omi and Winant,
things such as “skin color
11
‘differences’ are thought to explain perceived differences in
intellectual, physical and
artistic temperaments,” and what is most damaging, to “justify
distinct treatment of

racially identified individuals and groups” (Omi 2001:15). This
social reality of “race”
has been created and maintained – as most social constructs are
– by those who hold the
power within a society.
In our society, as far as race and discrimination is concerned,
power has always
been found with the “white race,” especially white males. Even
the U.S. Commission on
Civil Rights has acknowledged as much (U.S. Commission on
Civil Rights 2001:192).
However, depending upon how those in power felt toward those
whom they counted
as lesser or subordinate, even the idea of who has been allowed
to call themselves
“white” in America has evolved over the years. In discussing
“How Jews Became
White,” Karen Brodkin notes that the turn of the twentieth
century saw “a steady
stream of warnings by scientists, policymakers, and the popular
press that
‘mongrelization’ of the Nordic or Anglo-Saxon race – the real
Americans – by inferior

European races (as well as inferior non-European ones) was
destroying the fabric of the
nation” (Brodkin 2001:30). After World War II, Brodkin
wonders if the economic
benefits from U.S. governmental policies such as the GI Bill –
offering educational,
employment, and housing benefits to returning servicemen –
helped Euroethnics (non-
northern Europeans) to become white, or if being incorporated
into a more inclusive
sense of whiteness in America after the war helped bring them
into the middle class
(Brodkin 2001:30-45). Nevertheless, although racial constructs
changed over time, this
change was within what was always considered a European
population, where the
differences lay in their relative superiority or inferiority.
Brodkin, in fact, notes that
while new attitudes and policies helped bring about changes in
the status of
Euroethnics, assistance and acceptance continued to be
systematically denied to
African-Americans during this time of social expansiveness and
economic growth

(Brodkin 2001:30-45).
Throughout American history, the institution of slavery has
made the perceived
and entrenched distinctions between whites and people of color
much harder to bridge.
The subordination of African-Americans, along with Native
Americans, began with and
was exacerbated by European colonization of the Americas and
their thirst for land and
labor. In actuality, the Native Americans had a highly organized
social structure, and
were often power-players in early colonial struggles in North
America (Price Class
12
Lecture, 15 June 2003). The many Native American tribes that
populated America
before the Europeans arrived soon found themselves defined as
“biologically and
morally ‘inferior’ to the more ‘civilized’ newcomers who were
only doing God’s will in
conquering the natives and taking their land” (Hess 2001:324).
Native Americans were

forced off their lands as white settlers moved westward. Not one
of the more than 300
treaties between the Native American tribes and the U.S.
government was enforced.
Entire tribes were forcibly relocated to reservations on land
with few natural resources,
and disease and years of economic hardship followed (Hess
2001:324-5). Although the
Native Americans were robbed and mistreated by the white
settlers, they were never
enslaved, as the white settlers chose to Christianize them
instead (Price Class Lecture,
15 June 2003). The same was not true of African-Americans,
and it is the institution of
slavery that has tainted race relations in the United States ever
since.
Although some African-Spanish were on Spanish ships that
explored the
Americas in the 1500s, most African-Americans initially came
to America as indentured
servants after the English began colonizing in 1610. It took time
for slavery to become
institutionalized, but gradually the treatment of African-
American indentured servants

became harsher than that of their white counterparts, as
indicated by actions such as
punishments for similar crimes. Indentured servants became
slaves at an accelerating
pace so that by1671, there were 2000 slaves in Virginia alone
(Price Class Lecture, 15
June 2003). By 1860, most of the three million blacks in the
United States were
American-born. Although the Emancipation Proclamation took
effect on January 1,
1863, the Civil War was followed by a bitter period for African-
Americans. “Jim Crow”
laws, which created basically an apartheid-type separation
between blacks and whites,
lasted for nearly 100 years (Hess 2001:326). During the
Reconstruction after the war, a
set of Black Codes were enacted throughout various states that
showed there was,
according to W.E.B. Du Bois, “plain and indisputable attempt
on the part of the
southern states to make Negroes slaves in everything but name”
(Du Bois 2001:467).
These practices permeated the lives of blacks in insidious and
overt ways.

Richard Wright grew up in Arkansas and was just a small child
when he first received
his first lesson in “how to live like a Negro.” It came when a
white boy threw a brick at
him and cut his neck. He expected sympathy from his mother
because of what he saw
as an injustice to himself. Instead, she “grabbed a barrel stave,
dragged me home,
stripped me naked, and beat me till I had a fever of one hundred
and two,” and while
13
his skin was still smarting, took a moment to “impart to me
gems of Jim Crow
wisdom.” They included a reminder of how hard she worked
every day in the “white
folks’ hot kitchen” to make money to take care of him – and an
admonition to never,
never, under any conditions, fight white folks again.
Throughout the years, Wright had
to relearn that lesson – the gist of which was “know your place”
– until he was able to
“play that dual role which every Negro must play if he wants to
eat and live” (Wright

2001:21-30).
Despite the repeal of “Jim Crow” laws, African-Americans and
people of color
can’t simply ignore the implications of race in their everyday
lives, whether overt or
not. In order to “fit in” with others they also may choose to play
down their differences
and uniqueness. There is sometimes a tendency for members
within a subordinated
group to imitate those who are dominating them in order to gain
acceptance – or to
protect themselves from actual danger. While a few manage to
be partially accepted by
the dominants, they are never wholly accepted, and it is usually
at the cost of their
acceptance and identity with fellow subordinates. In the case of
race, it can mean being
labeled an “Uncle Tom” or in the case of women, it might take
the form of a back-
handed compliment, “she thinks like a man” (Miller 2001:92).
Although race relations in the United States are dominated by
the black and
white lines drawn through decades of slavery, other people of

color also wrestle with
questions of identity and the impact of racism in America.
Asian-Americans are
represented by at least a dozen distinct cultures and language
groups – including
Chinese and Japanese Americans, as well as immigrants from
India, Pakistan, Korea,
and Southeast Asia among others – yet they are often lumped
together by government
and immigration policies as well as by popular attitudes. Asian-
Americans are often
held up as an example of a “model minority” who have achieved
the American Dream
of upward mobility through hard work (Hess 2001:327-28).
As an Asian-American Angela Ragaza was relieved to be a
member of a racial
group associated with academic and professional success, but in
the workplace she has
often found herself “slapped in the fact for not straddling the
racial divide. In some
situations I was considered virtually white and not “minority”
enough. In others, it was
the other way around” (Ragaza 2001:209). Chandra Talpade
Mohanty was born in India

and came to the United States on a student visa in 1977. She
quickly found that as a
foreign student, and a woman at that, she was subject to several
Asian-American
14
stereotypes. She was dismissed as an irrelevant quiet Asian
woman, asked by teachers if
she could understand English and if they should speak slower
despite her Queen’s
English, or else told she was so smart – and her accent was even
better than that of
Americans (Mohanty 2001:338).
Treatment against Asian-Americans sometimes goes beyond
mere thoughtless
comments by sometimes well-meaning people. When Yuri
Kochiyama was growing up
in the fishing village of Terminal Island, California, he was
“red, white and blue.” That
is, until Pearl Harbor. Soon afterwards, Kochiyama and his
family were forcibly
removed to an internment camp in Jerome, Arkansas for the
duration of the war

(Kochiyama 2001:349). More recently, a poor economy in the
1980s helped spur another
round of anti-Asian violence. In 1982, unemployed autoworkers
beat Chinese American
Vincent Chin to death with a baseball bat because they thought
he was Japanese. In
1987, Navraz Mody was beaten to death by a gang of youths in
New Jersey, home of the
“infamous ‘dotbusters’ (a vicious reference to the Indian
bindhi) (Shah 2001:352).
Ignorance of others can be deadly.
The latest wave of immigration into the United States comes
from South and
Central America and the Middle East. These “new ethnics” are
made up of Latinos
(Mexican Americans – Chicano/as, Puerto Ricans, and Cuban
Americans) and Middle
Easterners (Egyptians, Syrians, Jordanian, Lebanese, Iranians
and Iraqis) (Hess
2001:331-34). Although is it much more difficult to be an Arab-
American in the United
States since 9/11, the tendency to demonize Arabs in the
American media isn’t

necessarily a new phenomena. As an Arab-American, Jack G.
Shaheen, a CBS News
Consultant on Middle East Affairs, decries the negative
portrayals his children watched
on TV and the movies. He notes that “his children and others
with Arab roots grew up
without ever having seen a humane Arab on the silver screen,
someone to pattern their
lives after (Shaheen 2001:354-55). This complaint is voiced by
virtually every minority
within the U.S. at some point in time – and it has been valid for
all. For Latinos, their
growing numbers have helped to “Latinize” many Hispanic
people so they can affirm,
rather than deny their heritage. Younger generations are
growing up with more ethnic
pride as a Latin influence starts permeating fields like
entertainment, publishing,
advertising, and politics (Navarro 2001:364). Despite the fact
that Latinos are expected
to surpass African-Americans as the largest minority group in
the U.S. in the next five
15

years, however, Latinos haven’t yet been able to translate their
cultural visibility into a
political power (Bonnekessen Class Lecture, 14 June 2003).
Although African-Americans have some visibility these days in
America’s power
elite, most blacks struggle with some form of overt or passive
racism almost every day –
whether the whites who perpetuate this racism do so knowingly
or not. In Chicago, it
was shown that black and white homeowners often deal with
vastly different lenders
when they refinance their mortgages. A study of home mortgage
practices indicated a
strong concentration of black mortgages being held by subprime
lenders compared to
white home homeowners. And, it was shown that “race was a
stronger factor predicting
the pattern of loans than household income, home value, real
estate debt, age of
housing, education and location in city or suburb.” Although
researchers note the racial
pattern does not prove discrimination, housing groups in 34
cities have put together a

test for racial discrimination in home-equity lending nationwide
to see if blacks are
being single out for more costly loans when they could qualify
for cheaper ones
(Dedman 2001:228-9).
Racism against blacks in the workplace continues, sometimes
with little
understanding or action on the part of management or those
involved other than to
deny its existence. When black American Eagle airline
maintenance mechanic crew
chief, Tony Lee, filed a racial discrimination lawsuit against the
company in 1997, the
company did have diversity –training classes in place for most
its employees – although
“mechanics at the maintenance arm don’t attend because they
would have to be pulled
off flight-line duty, an expensive proposition” (McCartney
2001:223-24). The company is
arguing that what Mr. Lee – and others – found racially
offensive was not so
“exceedingly outrageous and reprehensible as to be beyond
civilized standards.” In
addition, they contend the black mechanics should have been

“more aggressive about
tearing down cartoons and posters themselves.” Finally, Mr.
Rygeil, a white mechanic,
bemoans the changes put in place since the lawsuit. “Freedom
of expression is gone.
The good joking back and forth is gone” (McCartney 2001:223-
27). Perhaps American
Eagle should require all of their employees to attend their
diversity programs. Maybe
then they might learn how one man’s joke can be another man’s
insult.
Blacks and other people of color can also face the effects of
racism simply
walking or driving down the street. The Catholic order running
Harlem’s only Roman
Catholic High School was so concerned about dozens of
separate incidents where
16
students in their school uniform were stopped by police for no
reason that they
arranged a day of workshops with the police at the school. The
focus was on teaching

the young men how to “conduct themselves in the right way so
they don’t escalate the
situation” (Roane 2001:249). While admirable, it seems like it
might be just as
appropriate – if not more so – to ask the police to attend the
workshops to also increase
their awareness of their own racism in starting the incidents to
begin with. But, it isn’t
only young black men in Harlem who are stopped and
questioned by the police
without explanation. It can and did happen in 1999 to Mr.
Dennis Archer, Jr., the son of
the Mayor of Detroit. “When his son called, the Mayor said, ‘I
had flashbacks to when I
was stopped’” over 15 years earlier (Meredith 2001:197).
Finally, I never thought I could feel a twinge of sympathy of
any sort for Mike
Tyson. Yet June Jordan’s piece, “Requiem for the Champ”
seemed to be a culmination
of the weight of everything that can go wrong in America for
people of color who are
born into the poverty of a “war zone.” Jordan, who also learned
to fight on the streets of
Brooklyn, says that, “in this America where Mike Tyson and I

live together and bitterly,
bitterly, apart, I say he became what he felt. He felt the stigma
of a priori hatred and
intentional poverty. He was given the choice of violence or
violence: the violence of
defeat or the violence of victory” (Jordan 2001:388). Did Mike
Tyson have another
choice than to be what so many wanted him to be – a violent
black man in a violent
sport? Of course he did. We all have free will, don’t we? Yet, I
cannot possibly imagine
the relentless bleakness of living in abject poverty and the
feeling when someone
offers you a way out – no matter how much you might be
exploited. Does that say it’s
okay for a man to abuse a woman? Never. Ever. In no way. I
absolutely deplore Mike
Tyson’s actions. Yet, I feel sad for all the little boys whose life
choices are so severely
limited before they are even born.
17
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Brodkin, Karen
2001 How Jews Became White. IN Race, Class, and Gender in
the United States:
An Integrated Study. Fifth Edition. Paula S. Rothenberg, ed.
New York:
Worth Publishers. 30-45.
Dedman, Bill
2001 Study Discerns Disadvantage for Blacks In Home
Mortgages. IN Race,
Class, and Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study.
Fifth Edition.
Paula S. Rothenberg, ed. New York: Worth Publishers. 228-31.
Du Bois, W. E.
2001 The Black Codes. IN Race, Class, and Gender in the
United States: An
Integrated Study. Fifth Edition. Paula S. Rothenberg, ed. New
York: Worth
Publishers. 466-74.
Frye, Marilyn
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An
York: Worth

Publishers. 139-143.
Hess, Beth B. and Elizabeth W. Markson, Peter Stein
2001 Racial and Ethnic Minorities: An Overview. IN Race,
Class, and Gender in
the United States: An Integrated Study. Fifth Edition. Paula S.
Rothenberg,
ed. New York: Worth Publishers. 324-35.
Johnson, Dirk
2001a Family Struggles to Make Do after Fall from Middle
Class. IN Race, Class,
and Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study. Fifth
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S. Rothenberg, ed. New York: Worth Publishers. 273-77.
Johnson, Dirk
2001b When Money is Everything, Except Hers. IN Race, Class,
and Gender in
Rothenberg,
Jordan, June
2001 Requiem for the Champ. IN Race, Class, and Gender in the
United States:
An Integrated Study. Fifth Edition. Paula S. Rothenberg, ed.
New York:

Worth Publishers. 385-88.
18
Kochiyama, Yuri
2001 Then Came the War. IN Race, Class, and Gender in the
United States: An
York: Worth
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Mantsios, Gregory
2001a Class in America: Myths and Realities (2000). IN Race,
Class, and Gender
in the United States: An Integrated Study. Fifth Edition. Paula
S.
Rothenberg, ed. New York: Worth Publishers. 168-82.
Mantsios, Gregory
2001b Media Magic: Making Class Invisible. IN Race, Class,
and Gender in the
United States: An Integrated Study. Fifth Edition. Paula S.
Rothenberg, ed.
New York: Worth Publishers. 563-71.
Marable, Manning

2001 Racism and Sexism. IN Race, Class, and Gender in the
United States: An
York: Worth
Publishers. 124-29.
McCartney, Scott
2001 What Some Call Racist at American Eagle, Others Say
Was in Jest. IN
Race, Class, and Gender in the United States: An Integrated
Study. Fifth
Edition. Paula S. Rothenberg, ed. New York: Worth Publishers.
223-28.
McIntosh, Peggy
2001 White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack. IN
Race, Class, and
Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study. Fifth Edition.
Paula S.
Miller, Jean Baker
2001 Domination and Subordination. IN Race, Class, and
Gender in the United
States: An Integrated Study. Fifth Edition. Paula S. Rothenberg,
ed. New
York: Worth Publishers. 86-93.

Mohanty, Chandra Talpade
2002 On Being South Asian in North America. IN Race, Class,
and Gender in
Rothenberg,
New York Times
2001 Racism at Texaco. IN Race, Class, and Gender in the
United States: An
York: Worth
Publishers. 239-40.
19
Navarro, Mireya
2001 Latinos Gain Visibility in Cultural Life of U.S. IN Race,
Class, and Gender
in the United States: An Integrated Study. Fifth Edition. Paula
S.
Newman, Katherine S.
2001 What Scholars Can Tell Politicians About the Poor. IN
Race, Class, and

Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study. Fifth Edition.
Paula S.
Omi, Michael and Howard Winant
2001 Racial Formations. IN Race, Class, and Gender in the
United States: An
York: Worth
Publishers. 11-20.
Ragaza, Angelo
2001 I Don’t Count as “Diversity.” IN Race, Class, and Gender
in the United
ed. New
Roane, Kit R.
2001 Minority Private-School Students Claim Police
Harassment. IN Race,
Fifth Edition.
Rohde, David
1) Billionaire’s Ex-wife Wants $4,400 a Day to Raise Daughter.
IN Race,

Fifth Edition.
Shah, Sonia
2) Asian American? IN Race, Class, and Gender in the United
States: An
York: Worth
Publishers. 351-53
Shaheen, Jack G.
2001 TV Arabs. IN Race, Class, and Gender in the United
States: An Integrated
Study. Fifth Edition. Paula S. Rothenberg, ed. New York: Worth
Publishers. 353-55.
Sklar, Holly and Chuck Collins, Betsy Leonard-Wright
2002 The Growing Wealth Gap. IN Race, Class, and Gender in
the United
ed. New
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Tatum, Beverly Daniels
2001 “Can We Talk?” IN Race, Class, and Gender in the United
States: An
York: Worth
Publishers. 100-7.
U.S. Commission on Civil Rights
2001 The Problem: Discrimination. IN Race, Class, and Gender
in the United
ed. New
Wright, Richard
2001 The Ethnics of Living Jim Crow: An Autobiographical
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CINDY TSUTSUMI
University of Missouri – Kansas City
22 June 2003
ANTH 580: Diversity & You

Race, Class, and Gender
Dr. Barbara Bonnekessen
Dr. Tanya Price
Matters of Diversity Concerning Race and Ethnicity
"The College Scholarship Conundrum"
In recent times, there has been a public debate about the place
of diversity in institutions of higher education, and in
particular, whether universities or other organization should
make scholarships available exclusively for specific racial or
ethnic groups. While these groups continue to be
underrepresented in public and private universities around the
country, that has not stopped many people from arguing such
scholarships are either inherently unfair, or allow unqualified
students into college classes. Some suggest that such
scholarships should be discontinued and others still have
proposed more radical solutions. One such individual was
Colby Bohannan, who in 2011 a group called the "Former
Majority for Equality," an organization that offered a
scholarship to white men only.
To read an interview with Bohannan, click on the following
link:
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=13462312
0
Other have argued Bohannan's efforts are based upon a
misguided sense of white male victimhood. Writer Mark
Kantrowitz points out that minority students are still less likely
to receive scholarships than their white counterparts, something
he explores at length in his research on the subject.
http://www.finaid.org/scholarships/20110902racescholarships.p
df
Matters of Diversity Concerning Gender and Sexuality
"Prioritizing Tran-Inclusivity"
College campuses have also had to consider matters of diversity

when it comes to gender and sexuality. Recently, LGTBQ
advocate organizations have argued for the need for greater
trans-inclusivity, including the need for considering trans
populations in student housing. Advocacy groups point out the
Title IX law (1972) prohibits discrimination on the basis of
gender for all schools that receive federal funding.
Articles which explore the matter more in-depth can be found
here:
https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-lgbt-education/college-
dorms-a-new-front-in-u-s-battle-over-transgender-rights-
idUSKCN0YW15P
https://www.calstate.edu/gc/documents/NACUANOTES-
TransgenderIssuesonCampus.pdf
Matters of Diversity Concerning Class
"Student Loans as a Life Sentence"
As college tuition has risen dramatically over the past thirty
years (refer to the chart below) students, particularly working
class students, have found it more and more difficult to pay for
higher education without a loan.
Note that the chart is adjusted for the value of the 2016 dollar,
which makes the rise in costs all the more stunning. Given that
in particular four-year state universities have seen dramatic
increases, those who cannot pay out of pocket are faced with the
difficult choice of acquiring crushing debt or choosing not to go
to college at all, making even public institutions more
inaccessible.
The following article offers more detail on the matter:
http://blackyouthproject.com/student-loan-debt-is-becoming-a-
life-sentence-in-the-us/
The Social Construction of Reality
To understand how categories of identity become so salient and
exert such control over our lives, we must first look to the
process of Socialization to examine how we know ourselves and

our place in society. Socialization is an ongoing process, which
begins in the home and continues as we come into contact with
‘Institutional Subworlds.’ (Berger and Luckmann, 1966)
Society predates us as individuals, and we are born into an
objective social structure, which already contains an entire web
of constructed meanings. We cannot define ourselves
independent of the social world. Indeed, categories such as
race, class, and gender are applied to each individual before she
or he is born, has language, or is capable of understanding what
those categories mean.
Berger and Luckmann suggest there are two forms of
socialization: Primary (in the home early life), and secondary
(in Institutional subworlds).
Primary socialization establishes some of the most fundamental
elements of belief about ourselves and the world around us.
Secondary gives us another layer through role-specific
vocabularies, that further refines our sense of self, and of
morality. Berger and Luckmann claim that although we are
born into this objective social structure, we only have a limited
ability to subjectively appropriate it. This means we can only
make a constrained set of choices to interpret our world and act
differently.
The Social Construction of Difference
As social categories race and ethnicity are constructed in a way
that the individual typically has little room to choose not to
identify with her or his assigned racial category. Since they are
associated with a specific set of phenotypical features, one with
those phenotypical features cannot simply walk down the street
and claim to belong to a different racial group. Frantz
Fanon's instructive text Black Skin, White Masks (1952)
reflects on race as a social construct with great power over the
individual. In spite of his outstanding intellectual
achievements, Fanon notes that his black skin always remained
his single most defining feature in relation to whites he
encountered. He likened racism to antisemitism, stating the
blackness singularly defines the black individual in the eyes of

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