Cosmologies of hindu cities

1. 1
1
Hindu Cities&Cosmological Design
DR UDAY DOKRAS
Incorporating-Cosmic Layout of the Hindu Sacred City,
Varanasi (Benares)
Rana P.B. Singh -
Throughout the Indian subcontinent there are territories and areas wherein culture,
geography, and the archetypal cosmos interact with each other to create a
sacredscape that is infused with meaning, cultural performances and transcendent
power. These sacred sites possess extensive mythological associations where
believed that spirit can cross between different realms. In a broad perspective such
studies falls within the realm of cultural astronomy, which has two broad areas,
viz. archaeoastronomy, concerned with the study of the use of astronomy and its
role in ancient cultures and civilizations; and ethnoastronomy that studies the use
of astronomy and its role in contemporary cultures. The critical appraisal of
studying cultural astronomy and cosmic order and its implications in India, is
thebcore of the pictured book COSMIC ORDER AND CULTURAL
ATRONOMY. It is illustrated with case studies like heritagescape of Khajuraho,
where stone speaks; manescape of Gaya, where manes come and bless the
devotees; Deviscape of Vindhyachal, where goddess resorts; Shivascape of Kashi,
where Shiva dances in making order; Shaktiscape of Kashi, that possesses the
spatial ordering of goddesses; and Naturscape of Chitrakut, where mother earth
blesses.

2. 2
2
COSMOLOGY: HINDU COSMOLOGY
Hindu tradition possesses one of the richest and most continually evolving
cosmologies in the global culture. From the most ancient Indian religious
compositions, the Vedas, to contemporary twenty-first-century Indian theories
combining science and religion, time and space have been lavishly narrated and
meticulously calculated. Moreover moral, social, and philosophical meanings
underlie these cosmologies in compelling ways.
Although through the millennia Hindu thinkers have dramatically redrawn
notions of time, space, and person, they also share a wealth of common imagery:
the reciprocal effects between natural and human affairs, the central idea of a
cycle, and the divisions of space into particular realms and spheres. Each new
cosmology does not completely replace the old but stands alongside of it as yet
another cosmological option.
Vedic Cosmology
The Vedas and Brāhmaṇas are texts that existed before the idea of "Hinduism" per
se emerged as a world religion. Present scholarly consensus puts the earliest date
of the Vedas at 1500 bce, but there remains debate on the topic that might place
the Vedas earlier. The Brāhmaṇas are placed around 900 bce. These texts were
almost entirely oral, guarded by the priestly Brahmanic tradition as the basic
supporting texts of the sacrifice. The cosmology of the Vedas speaks of the
cosmos as Father Sky (Dyaus Pitṛ) and Earth (Pṛthivī).
In other texts the cosmos is divided into three realms:
1. bhūr (earth),
2. bhuvaḥ (air), and
3. svaḥ (heaven).
The sacrifice and not the gods is considered the source of time, space, and all
things that make up the universe. The Agnicayana, or the building of the fire altar,
as well as many other forms of sacrifice are viewed in the Brāhmaṇa texts as
symbolic reconstructions of the cosmos. Moreover the right placement of
sacrificial implements and correct chanting of mantras allows the unimpeded
turning of the year, the months, and the seasons as well as the correct placement
of the three realms. At times cosmological thinking is so present and deeply
assumed in Vedic texts that the "earthly realm" (as opposed to the other realms) is
simply referred to as iha, "here."

3. 3
3
Vedic Space
Following from above, the basic form of cosmological space is the sacrificial
arena. However, many of the Vedic gods, such as Agni, the fire god, have three
different forms corresponding to the three Vedic realms. These "realms" are not
only spatial but can also be described as mental states of mind: loka, or world, in
its earliest meanings, can mean the "freedom to exist unimpeded" or
"expansiveness" as much as it can mean a physical location. Yet these three
realms are not the only form of imagined space: at death, the Vedic funeral hymns
assert, the various elements within a person are scattered to various parts of the
natural world. Alternatively the person can go to the realm of Yama, the overlord
of the dead.
Vedic Time
The sacrificial world understood time as a kind of simple cycle in which the year,
the months, and the day are products of the work of the sacrifice. The passing of
time is also homologized with death, and in later periods both death and the year
were created by Prajāpati, the "Lord of Creatures," who also gave instructions
about the correct procedures of the sacrifice. If one sacrificed well and long
enough, one attained status oneself as an ancestor deity to be propitiated by other
living sacrificers on earth. Therefore once one attained this status, the Vedic texts
express a wish to avoid a "re-death." In addition Vedic texts show a high
awareness of the motion and rhythm of the sun, moon, and stars and imagine them
in a variety of colorful ways: the sun as a horse crossing the sky in a chariot, night
and the dawn as rivalrous sisters, and so on. There is evidence that astronomical
knowledge, such as the marking of the lunar asterisms, might well have been
fairly advanced, even at this early stage of known religious history.
Vedic Person and Morality
In one famous Vedic hymn (Ṛgveda 10:90), which proved to be influential in a
number of later Hindu schools of thought, the universe itself is understood as a
cosmic person (Puruṣa). This Puruṣa is sacrificed in a primordial ritual procedure,
and from parts of his body emerge the various creatures of the earth, elements of
time and space, elements of the sacrifice, and most importantly categories of the
social world, called varṇa. These four varṇa s (brahmin
priest; kṣatriya warrior; vaiśya agriculturalist or trader; and śūdra servant) become
the basis of social organization expressed in later legal and religious texts. The
model earthly Vedic person is one who studies the Vedas, sacrifices, and tends to
the sacrificial fires and therefore becomes ritually and morally responsible for the
cosmos.
And yet such a person is also a seeker. Ṛgveda 10:90 ends with a philosophical
paradox: "with the sacrifice the gods sacrificed to the sacrifice." This enigma also
sets the tone for much of Vedic cosmology: acceptance of multiple versions of

4. 4
4
creation; Vedic cosmology is questioning and searching, not doctrinal or creedal
in nature. One of the most famous cosmological hymns, the Nasadīya hymn
(Ṛgveda 10:129), speaks of the world beginning from nothingness, where "the
One breathed, windless," and then coming into existence through the power of
heat. Desire is the primal seed,and the sages create by stretching a cord across the
void. Yet even this spare, poetic cosmology ends with a query:
Who really knows? Who will here proclaimit? Whence was it produced? Whence
is this creation? The gods came afterwards, with the creation of the universe. Who
then knows whence it has arisen? … perhaps it formed itself, or perhaps it did
not—the one who looksdown on it, in the highest heaven,only he knows perhaps
he does not know. (O'Flaherty, 1981, pp. 25–26)
UpaniṢadic Cosmology
While the activity of sacrifice is still presumed in the period of composition of the
Upaniṣadic texts, the object of sacrificial knowledge is no longer the actual
procedures of the sacrifice or the gods per se but a new force called brahman.
Brahman is thought of as the power behind the sacrifice, and as the Upaniṣadic
thought developed, it was described as the power behind every living thing and
every element in the universe. Brahman is "the Whole" (Bṛhadāraṇyaka
Upaniṣad 2:5) and transcends even the gods. It also exists beyond all known
things in this world, and yet is also present within them as well. It is set apart from
beings and yet dwelling within beings at the same time. This basic identification
between the selves of beings and brahman leads to the famous Upaniṣadic
equation that the self (ātman) is the same as the power behind the
universe (brahman). As the sage Yājn
̄ avalkya puts it, "The self within all is this
self of yours." The larger brahman is also spoken of as the ātman or "self" of the
universe, thus giving rise to the poetic nineteenth-century translation "the World-
Soul."
The earliest Upaniṣads probably originated around 600 to 500 bce and were
composed in prose. They shared a common focus on many topics, such as the
nature of brahman, the nature of sacrificial speech and the verses, the various
forms of breath, and the homologization of parts of the body to the powers in the
universe. The teaching of the five fires as the essence of the major parts of the
cosmos (e.g., fire as man, woman, and the three worlds) is especially distinctive in
these early prose compositions. The later Upaniṣads are composed in verse and
develop the theme of brahman into a theistic rather than monistic conception.
They also focus on the idea of liberation through meditation. Both are themes
common in later Purāṇic cosmologies.
UpaniṢadic Space
Many of the Upaniṣads continue the idea of the three worlds in the Vedas but add
to this cosmology an inner, more existential meaning. When the student Aśvala

5. 5
5
asks how many oblations there will be, the sage Yājn
̄ avalkya responds that each
oblation has its own modality and is therefore connected to the specific world that
shares that modality. The oblations that flare will win the world of the gods, for
the world shines that way. The oblations that overflow (atinedante) will go to the
world of the ancestors, for that world is "over above" (ati). The oblations that lie
down (adhiśerate) will go to this human world, for that world is here
below (adha).
This imagery continues a basic cosmology that one sees in earlier Vedic texts of
the worlds of the gods, the fathers, and the ancestors. However, it attributes,
through etymologies, different modes of being to each of the offerings and each of
worlds. In other passages the three-fold world is described in a progression of size
from one to sixty-four, a numerology that is recurrent in many later cosmological
texts. Finally, in other passages the three levels (bhūr, bhuvaḥ, svaḥ) of the Vedic
world are expanded into seven realms, many of the additional realms again
connoting "modes of being": mahas, janas, tapas (meditative heat),
and satyam (truth).
The second kind of Upaniṣadic space is the body itself. Each of the basic
sacrificial procedures, present from the earliest Vedic ritual texts, becomes
homologized with the individual breathing body as well as the world itself. In
the Bṛhadāraṇyaka and other Upaniṣads the sacrificial fires are seen as part of the
inner workings of the body; the role of the Adhvaryu priest is identified with their
eyes and the process of sight itself, and this sight can see the nature of the whole
world (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad 3:1:5). In other passages it is not only the
cosmology of the sacrifice that is given to the body but also the cosmology of the
entire world and its topography. For instance, rivers of the world are identified as
the rivers contained within the body (Bṛhadāraṇyaka
Upaniṣad 1:1:1; Śvetāśvatara Upaniṣad 1:4:5), the eye of the world is also the
sight of the body (Chāndogya Upaniṣad 1:7:4), and so on.
The third kind of Upaniṣadic space is that of brahman itself. Brahman is also
spoken of as a formulation of truth—a truth that is to be attained by wise men and
women who have practiced meditation and focused on the forest teachings for a
long time. Brahman is the highest object of the teachings on hidden connections—
an object rooted in austerity and the knowledge of the self (Śvetāśvatara
Upaniṣad 1:9). The imagery here is not simply that of a truth to be attained but of
an abode in its own right, where the sun never sets nor rises (Chāndogya
Upaniṣad 3:11). Similarly other Upaniṣads also describe brahman as a stainless
realm (Praśna Upaniṣad 1.16) in its own right—a world of unending peace, an
ancient formulation that is heard in the heavenly abodes.
UpaniṢadic Time: The Cycle of Birth and Death
One sees emerging in the Upaniṣads a theory of death and birth that is strikingly
different than the Vedic sacrificial fear of "re-death" (punarmṛtyu). The Upaniṣads

6. 6
6
contain the earliest records of what has been called saṃsāra, or the endless cycle
of birth and death, as well as mokṣa, or the path that leads away
from saṃsāra. The story of Jabālā is instructive on this point (Chāndogya
Upaniṣad 3:4:1–4). Jabālā is ashamed that his native learning, gleaned at his
father's knee, is not sufficient in the court to which he travels. He must learn an
entirely new set of metaphors, in which each aspect of life (man, woman, semen,
food) is said to be identical with the sacrificial fire. While such matters are not
unusual for many sections of the Upaniṣads, the subsequent section is startlingly
new. Those whose conduct is good but who choose to offer sacrifices in the
village will go on the path of the moon and be reborn accordingly. Those who
choose the path of the forest and the knowledge of brahman will go on the path of
the sun and leave this life altogether. And those whose conduct is reprehensible
will be reborn into a lesser, probably repugnant womb. In other accounts the two
paths are described as the path of the gods (devayāna) and the path of the
father (pitṛyāna).
UpaniṢadic Person and Morality
Despite their variations, the Upaniṣads all share the concept of a cycle of infinitely
recurring births and deaths in which the nature of a rebirth depends upon a
person's actions in life. The only way to escape this cycle of time is through
knowledge of brahman, the infinite, which can be gained through slow and
painstaking mastery of meditation under the guidance of a teacher. Each Upaniṣad
had a different method for teaching this knowledge, but all used the basic
imageries of the sacrifice to show the ways in which bodily processes and
processes of awareness allowed the student to conceive of the sacrifice as going
on inside his body. In the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad 3:1:8–10, Aśvala the hotṛ (a
priest trained in sacrifice and sacrificial recitation), asks Yājn
̄ avalkya the teacher
about how many deities will be used by the Brāhmaṇ priest to protect the sacrifice
that day. He answers, "One, the mind." Yajn
̄ avalkya argues that this is possible
because the mind is without limit, the all-gods are without limit, and the world
one gains by it is also limitless. Thus the deities become identified with mind
itself—and by implication the Brāhmaṇ priest, the controller of the sacrifice, can
earn his authority through the machinations of his own mind. Finally, in
discussing the hymns that are used in the sacrifice, Aśvala asks what these hymns
are with respect to the "self-body" (ātman). Yājn
̄ avalkya replies that the hymn
recited before the sacrifice is the out-breath, the hymn that accompanies the
sacrifice the in-breath, and the hymn of praise the inter-breath.
The Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad puts the relationship between self, body, and
cosmos eloquently: "This self is the honey of all beings, and all beings are the
honey of this self. The radiant and immortal person in the self and the radiant and
immortal person connected with the body [here, also referred to as ātman ]—they
are both one's self. It is the immortal; it is Brahman, it is the Whole" (2:5:9).

7. 7
7
Epic Cosmology
The two great Indian epics, the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahābhārata, were probably
composed between 200 bce and 200 ce. Both of these narratives act as a kind of
bridge between the worlds of the Vedas and the Upaniṣads and that of classical,
Purāṇic Hinduism. This same period saw the development of the early Śāstras or
legal texts, which also contain cosmological information. The cosmology of the
epics and the early Śāstras incorporates an increasing systematization of the idea
of samsaric time for the individual and expands the idea of the universe into one
that dissolves and regenerates. Epic cosmology also incorporates the ideas of
Sāṃkhya and Yoga philosophy, such as the "qualities," or guṇa s, that are inherent
in all beings and elements in the universe. Such a cosmology involves an entirely
new pantheon of gods, the triad of Viṣṇu, Śiva, and Brahmā, and the Devī, or
goddess. These gods were probably part of the popular religious worlds of North
India, even during the period of Vedic sacrificial practice. However, as sacrificial
practice waned and the patronage of temples increased, these gods emerged as the
larger, cosmological deities in their own right. Devotion (bhakti) toward these
deities is also an emerging theme in the epics, in which the deity is seen as the
creator and sustainer of the universe. The body of the deity is the frame of the
cosmos, and time (also an agent of the deity) moves beings toward their final
state.
At the basis of these ideas is an early Hindu philosophy called Sāṃkhya, which
means "counting." In the sense that its aim is to enumerate everything in the
universe, it could also be called a cosmology. According to Sāṃkhya, the universe
evolves from a feminine "natural matter" and becomes entangled with the
masculine puruṣa, which is an individual soul (and not to be confused with the
earlier "cosmic person"). Thus in these entanglements twenty-four "evolutes"
emerge, including the senses and the elements. Sāṃkhya is the basis of the
practice of Yoga, whereby the yogin gradually extricates the soul from the
evolutes of prakṛti. After eight stages, the soul realizes its eternal nature and is no
longer subject to the laws of action (karma) or transmigration (saṃsāra). Time,
however, is not an agent in itself. Sāṃkhya's ordering of the universe of prakṛti is
generally not hierarchical, although one text—the Yoga Bhāṣya —sees the lower
evolutes of prakṛti as the hells and the higher ones as the heavens. The extrication
of the soul from prakṛti in the practice of Yoga is seen as the soul's movement
toward the higher realms, and when it leaves the world altogether, it also dissolves
it. On a smaller cosmological scale, Sāṃkhya Yoga philosophy contributes the
basic idea that there are universal qualities or "guṇas" inherent in every element
on earth. These guṇas are sattva (truth, light); rajas (passion, force)
and tamas (weight, darkness) are inherent in every particle of the universe.
Epic Space
The epics and Dharmaśāstras and related texts of this period give an idea of how
those heavens and netherworlds might be inhabited. In the Mahābhārata, Arjuna

8. 8
8
visits Śiva and obtains a weapon from him in one of his heavenly abodes; so too
the gods dwelling in heaven remind Rāma of his duty toward his wife at the end
of the Rāmāyaṇa. The great Mahābhārata heroes, the Paṇḍava brothers, also
make ascents and descents to heaven and hell at the end of the great battle. Most
importantly it is during this transitional period that one sees the intimation that the
land of Bhārata is to be identified with Indian civilization and the entirety of the
earth.
Epic Time
The Bhiṣmaparvan of the Mahābhārata (4–12) contains an entire depiction of the
cosmos, which involves the beginnings of the devotional, or bhakti, tradition. So
too the Śantiparvan introduces the idea of the division of time
into kalpas and yugas, as does the Manu Smṛti, one of the more well-known legal
Dharmaśāstric texts developed during this time. The epic texts also introduce
explicit teachings on the doctrine of the avatāras, or "descents" of god.
These avatāras appear at various points when time has lost its power to fight the
demons and to restore the dharma, or moral order, of the universe. As early as the
great Bhagavadgītā, or "Song of the Lord," contained in the Mahābhārata, Kṛṣṇa
apparently refers to the notion of time and to the integration of the idea of
the avatāra with that of the descending ages, or yugas. As Kṛṣṇa puts it:
Son of Bhārata, whenever there is a decline in dharma, and the absence
of dharma increases,I create Myself. I come into being from age to age with the
purpose of fixing dharma —as a refuge forthose who do good and as a doom for
those who do wrong. (4:7–8; in Patton, 2005)
Epic Person and Morality
Kṛṣṇa's words lead directly to a new understanding of the relationship between
cosmology and the morality of the human world. That relationship is conceived of
in terms of dharma (sacred role or duty). Kṛṣṇa is beyond time and space and yet
at the same time incarnates himself in order to make sure that dharma is in the
correct order and format. The cosmos is perceived as directly responsive to any
change in the correct pattern of dharma. So too the reverse is the case: as one of
the Dharmaśāstras argues, if one follows the dharma of hospitality toward a
brahmin guest, one can gain various heavens depending upon the number of days
the guest stays in one's home. Entertaining a brahmin guest forever allows one to
attain svargaloka.
PurĀṆic Cosmology
The medieval Hindu texts called Purāṇas ("of the ancient times") contain Hindu
cosmology at its most exuberant and efflorescent. Emerging during the early first
millennium ce as a genre in their own right, Purāṇas were sponsored by each
temple or kingdom and usually focused on a particular deity, which gave its own

9. 9
9
account of the world and its destruction. In the Purāṇas, the basic themes
introduced in the epics and the Śāstras are elaborated upon imagistically,
poetically, and mathematically. Moreover the theme of bhakti, or devotion, which
was dramatically introduced in the epics and Yoga texts, becomes paramount.
PurĀṆic Space
Many Purāṇas, including the relatively early Viṣṇu Purāṇa, describe a flat disk of
earth, which is itself composed of a series of circles. These are in fact seven
concentric islands that keep doubling in size as one moves outward. (The first is
an actual circle, and the concentric islands are ring-shaped.) The islands are
separated from each other by a series of oceans, each of which has the width of
the island it encircles. The center-most island is the most well known and is called
Jambudvīpa (Rose Apple Island). And at the center of the world, the golden
mountain called Meru anchors the entire arrangement. Meru is unusual in that it is
an inversion of the usual mountains and points downward. Jambudvīpa is further
divided into nine varṣa s, or regions, that consist of mountain ranges. The lines are
latitudinal, running from east to west.
The region of Jambudvīpa that is the farthest north is called Uttarakuru and may
well be Kurukṣetra, where the central battle of the Mahābhārata took place.
Moving southward, one encounters the other varṣas: Hiranmaya, Ramyaka,
Ketumāla, Ilavṛta, Bhadrāśya, Harivarṣa, Kiṃpuruṣa, and Bhārata. The final
region, Bhārata, is assumed by many scholars to be India, as this is the same name
for India in the twenty-first century. In the Purāṇic cosmograph, however, it is
a karmabhūmi, or realm where the laws of karma apply. As such one can only
attain mokṣa, or liberation from these laws, in this region. Bhārata is also the only
place on earth where rain falls. Bhārata itself is divided into nine sections.
Moreover the celestial river Ganges also divides into seven branches—the
traditional seven rivers found in ancient Vedic texts.
The full series of seven islands then begins with Jambudvīpa, whose diameter is
100,000 yojana s. Jambudvīpa forms an actual circle with a radius of fifty
thousand yojana s. (A yojana is a word that occurs as early as the Ṛgveda; it has
been variously measured as two, four, five, or nine English miles, although it also
has an etymological link to Yoga and yuga that makes its connotations
metaphysical.) The rest of the ring-shaped islands are named as follows:
Plakṣadvīpa, Sālmaladvīpa, Kuśadvīpa, Krauṇcadvīpa, Śākadvīpa, and
Puṣkaradvīpa. All the islands are named after some species of the trees and plants
that grow on them. Each concentric ring island is double the width of the previous
one, so that the outermost, Puṣkaradvīpa, ends up with a width of 6.4
million yojana s. Finally, just as Jambudvīpa is divided into nine varṣa s, or
regions, of mountain ranges, so too each of the five inner ring-shaped islands also
is divided into seven mountain-range varṣa s. The outer most island,
Puṣkaradvīpa, is delineated by a ring of mountains called Mānassottara.

10. 10
10
The oceans that separate the ring islands from one another have the same width as
the diameter they surround, with the same expansion of measurement up to 6.4
million for the last ocean. Their names are drawn from the substance of the oceans
themselves: Lavaṇoda (Salt Ocean), Ikṣura (Molasses Ocean), Suroda (Wine
Ocean), Ghṛtoda (Ghee Ocean), Dadhyoda (Curd Ocean), Kṣīroda (Milk Ocean),
and Svādūdaka (Freshwater Ocean). The Freshwater Ocean flows beyond the last
ring island, Puṣkaradvīpa, and separates it from the end of the
universe (lokasaṃsthiti). The realm at the end of the universe is a golden realm
that divides the world from the nonworld, similarly to the way in which being and
nonbeing are distinguished even in the earliest Vedic cosmologies. The golden
realm also has a mountain, Lokakāloka (World and non-World). After this
mountain is a region of perpetual darkness, where, the texts seem to suggest, only
the elements of earth, wind, air, and fire exist. After that realm is the shell of the
egg of Brahmā, which envelopes the universe in its entirety. The entire diameter
of this universe is said to be 500 million yojana s.
What of the stars and other heavenly bodies? The stars move around Mount Meru
in a circular direction, with the North Star (dhruva) as their pivot. Below them lies
the flat disk of the earth. The sun, moon, and planets move about in chariots
drawn by horses, as was the case even in the earliest Vedic texts. They are
attached to the North Star by bands of air that allow them to travel in their proper
orbits.
The Hindu cosmograph, with its conical center, Mount Meru, and the chariot of
the sun and disk of stars circulating above the disk of concentric islands and
oceans may be based on a projection of the celestial sphere onto a flat surface. In
such an analysis the circle of the sun is the mythographic expression of the circle
of the ecliptic. Mount Meru represents the projection of the celestial Tropic of
Cancer, while the Mānassottara Mountain represents the projection of the Tropic
of Capricorn. The prominence of the North Star, the conspicuous absence of the
south polar star, and the stories about the exile of Agastya (Canopus) to the
Southern Hemisphere to preserve the cosmograph all support the idea that the
Hindu cosmograph is a northern, planispheric projection of the sort used to
construct such instruments as the astrolabe.
As for a vertical cosmology, there are seven worlds with the same names as those
of the Upaniṣads, although the Purāṇas make considerable elaboration on these.
The bhūrloka contains the cosmograph of the seven islands outlined above, with
Bhārata as the only land where the law of karma applies and liberation is possible.
Most significantly, there are seven Pātalas, or netherworlds: Atala, Vitala, Nitala,
Gabhastimat, Mahātala, Sutala, and Pātala. Below these are twenty-eight hell
realms.
The bhuvaṣḥ, or intermediate realm, is the realm of the sun, which moves through
its annual course in its chariot. Above this is the svarloka, which contains, in
ascending order, the moon; its twenty-seven or twenty-eight Nakṣatras, or houses

11. 11
11
of the moon; Mercury (Buddha); Venus (Śukra); Mars (Angārika); Jupiter
(Bṛhaspati); Saturn (Śani); and the Seven Ṛṣis (the Great Bear) and Dhruva (the
North star, mentioned above).
The three basic realms of bhur, bhuvaḥ, and svaḥ are described as kṛtika —
meaning they are "created" worlds and therefore transitory. They are the regions
where consequences are experienced and renewed with every kalpa. In these three
realms the fruits of karma that are acquired in Bhārata manifest themselves, and
souls are reborn to enjoy these fruits. These are the enjoyment
realms (bhogabhūmi) as opposed to the karmabhūmi of Bhārata. Above
the svarloka is the realm of mahas, which is considered a mixed realm because it
is a deserted by beings at the end of kalpa but is not destroyed. Finally, the three
highest realms—janas,tapas,and satyam —are described as akṛittika: that which
is uncreated. They perish only at the end of the life of Brahmā.
PurĀṆic Time
The Purāṇas divide time into such components as yugas, as four age cycles,
and kalpa s, which are a day and a night of Brahmā. The Purāṇas provide a very
thorough analysis of these components. Together with doctrines concerning the
various destructions (pralayas), they are the glue that holds this cosmology
together and provides it with a coherent drama of salvation. Indeed Viṣṇu
Purāṇa asserts it is not space but time that constitutes the body of the deity.
Hindu divisions of time are as follows. Fifteen "twinklings of the eye" make
a kāṣṭhās, or one kalā; and thirty kalās equal
one muhūrtta. Thirty muhūrttas constitute a day and a night of mortals; thirty such
days make a month, which is divided into two halves (waxing and waning). Six
months form an ayana, and two ayanas compose a year.
The southern ayana is a night and the northern a day of the gods. Twelve
thousand divine years, each comprising 360 such days, constitute the period of
the yugas (caturyuga). The kṛtayuga consists of four thousand divine years,
the tretāyuga of three thousand, the dvāparayuga of two thousand, and
the kaliyuga of one thousand. The period that precedes a yuga is called
a sandhyā; it lasts for as many hundred years as there are thousands in
the yuga. The sandhyānsa, at the end of the yuga, is of similar duration. Together
the four yugas constitute a kalpa. A thousand kalpas is a day of Brahmā, and
fourteen Manus, or descendants of man, reign during that time period, which is
known as Manvantara. At the end of a day of Brahmā, the universe is consumed
by fire, and its dissolution occurs. Brahmā then sleeps for a night of equal
duration. Three hundred and sixty such days and nights constitute a year of
Brahmā, and one hundred such years equal his entire
life (mahākalpa). One parārddha, or half his life, has expired.

12. 12
12
The various pralayas epitomize the agency of time by moving the soul—and the
universe—from its current state to its eventual salvation. The Purāṇas distinguish
four types of dissolution, or pralaya, each reversing the process of creation at
different levels. These include:
 Nitya pralaya, or physical death of the individual caught in the cycle of
transmigration;
 Ātyantika pralaya, or spiritual liberation (mokṣa) ;
 Prākṛta pralaya, or dissolution of the elements at the end of the life of Brahmā;
 Naimittika pralaya, or occasional dissolution associated with the cycles of yugas and
descents of avatāras.
Yet calculations of time also had a meditative quality: the contemplation of
infinity, or the largest number next to infinity, was meant to be close to a vision of
God. The Brahmavaivarta Purāṇa tells the well-known story of the dialogue
between Viṣṇu and Indra. In the form of a young boy, Viṣṇu tells Indra that a
parade of ants crawling on the earth have all had lives as Indras—each ruling over
their own solar systems in different ages.
PurĀṆic Person and Morality
In the Purāṇic texts, the four yugas progress as a kind of inevitable decay in the
moral quality of the universe. The Kūrma Purāṇa (1:27, 16–57; 28:1–7) states it
elaborately. The text describes the meditational bliss, lack of self interest, and
natural habitat of human beings in the first yuga, kṛtayuga; the arising of pleasure
and greed in the tretāyuga; the lack of firm resolve and the introduction of war,
death, and suffering in the dvāparayuga; and the rampant hunger, fear, and
inversion of social order in the final present age of the kaliyuga. Happiness,
beauty, homes in the forest, and food dropping from trees gradually give way to
the moral decay of the world and then to the development of practices aimed at
liberation from such decay.
The kaliyuga is considered the worst of the four yugas —the moment right before
the final destruction and renewal of the universe. The Purāṇas and many
contemporary Hindu thinkers understand the present to be the kaliyuga. The
decadence, greed, and confusion of social categories is both inevitable and part of
the turning of the cycles of time, and yet the Purāṇas and other Hindu texts exhort
each individual to be the moral exception in this period of decay.
Non-Sanskritic Cosmologies
It is important to note, however, that the extended discussion of cosmology above
is based mainly on the Sanskrit textual tradition and that there are many important
cosmologies within Hinduism that may depart from these basic ideas in significant
ways. In South India, for example, Tamil, Telugu, and Karnatak traditions have
developed complex and sophisticated classical cosmologies of their own. Such

13. 13
13
texts focus on the meaning of the temple and the city surrounding it as a center
and origin of the world and on a regional deity as its creator. The temple spires
and surrounding tanks frequently function in ways similar to, and are sometimes
even compared with, Mount Meru and its surrounding islands in the Sanskrit
texts. So too South Indian texts describe deities like Murukaṉ (Murugan) residing
in these temples as if they were a kind of paradise created at the beginning of the
world. At a village level, guardian deities of ponds, wells, and the intersections of
roads are also credited with cosmological powers and roles in creation.
Finally, the ādivasis, or "tribal" communities of India, such as the Muṇḍa, Santal,
and others, also possess unique cosmologies, some of which incorporate Hindu
deities such as Rāma, others of which involve completely separate deities who
have created and preside over the natural world and look after the welfare of
human beings. Many tribal cosmologies incorporate narratives of the victory of
good over evil. The Muṇḍa, for example, tell the story of Singbonga, who tried to
stop the iron smelters from working as it was causing pollution in the universe.
When they refused, he had to destroy them in order to keep the world safe. So too
the Kokna, Bhil, and Varli peoples understand that before humans the world was
filled with rakṣasas, or demons; Rāma and Sītā then passed through the area,
killed the demons, and gave birth to humans.
Science and Cosmology
Any discussion of Hindu cosmology would be empty without a discussion of
astronomy and related sciences. As mentioned previously, the astronomical
sciences appear as early as the Vedic period in the form of Jyotiṣḥśāstra, or "the
science of light." Though there is considerable debate as to the range and nature of
astronomical knowledge, it is known that the lunar mansions are mentioned in the
Brāhmaṇas and that the Hindu science of calculation began with the cosmological
Vedic altars and developed into the elaborate calculations of the yugas, kalpas,
and mahākalpas in the Purāṇas. Jyotiṣḥśāstra encouraged thinkers to assign dates
to the grand conjunctions of the middle planets at Aries, and the date February 18
(or 19) of 3101 (or 3102) bce is frequently cited as marking the beginning of
the kaliyuga. One astronomical text, in the Viṣṇudharmottara Purāṇa (2:166–
174), is the earliest of this genre and is the basis of the Brahmāpakṣa. Together
with the Aryapakṣa and the Ardharatrikapakṣa, these three texts form the
canonical schools of Hindu astronomy.
The great astronomer-sage Āryabhaṭa (fifth–sixth centuries ce) calculated the
rotations of the earth and the sun in terms of the yugas. His
treatises (siddhantas) sketch his mathematical, planetary, and cosmic theories and
include a sine table, astronomical computations, divisions of time, and rules for
computation for eclipses as well as the longitude of planets. Among the other
theorists, Varāhamihira (sixth century ce), Brahmagupta (seventh century ce),
Bhāskara (twelfth century ce), and Mādhava (fourteenth century ce) all gave

14. 14
14
calculational and astronomical theories that contributed to overall ideas about the
universe, such as the rotational powers of the planets and the centrality of the sun.
Indeed by the time of Bhāskara (c. twelfth century ce) the old Purāṇic cosmology
was being questioned with the construction of a different model of the solar
system. In the debates one can detect a conflict between the Purāṇic cosmology
and the cosmology of the Jyotiṣas. There are some discussions that remind one of
the contemporary cosmological debate between creationism and the Big Bang. For
instance, the astronomical writers asked: If, as some of the Purāṇas state, a
tortoise is holding up the earth, then what being or substance might be supporting
that tortoise? Or if one is assuming the gigantic height of Mount Meru and a flat,
disk-like earth, then would not one be able to see Mount Meru from every point
on the disk of the earth?
Around 1200 ce al-Bīrūnī, an Arab astronomer and translator, noted the debates
and problems of Purāṇic cosmology that were present in the discussions of Indian
astronomers. Relatedly it is clear that there was a great deal of scientific
collaboration between Hindus and Muslims in Mughal India, especially in
seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Jaipur, where the appropriate description of
the cosmos was argued out at great length.
Finally, in the contemporary period various more and less controversial attempts
have been made to correlate scientific advances with Hindu cosmology. In the
more controversial cases textual exegetes argue about whether it is appropriate to
view certain descriptions of "vehicles" in the epics as referring to space travelers
or whether the ancient word yojana, mentioned above, refers to the speed of light.
In a more speculative and less controversial vein Yoga theorists draw parallels
between the theory of the three guṇas and James C. Maxwell's theories of
electromagnetism; between the relation of space and time in Sāṃkhya theory and
the theory of relativity; between the idea of the cosmic egg and the theory of
curved space in the general theory of relativity; and so on.
Many contemporary philosophers and historians, such as S. Radhakrishnan, B. K.
Motilal, A. N. Balslev, and W. R. Kloetzli, have written of the parallels (not
equivalencies) between scientific and Hindu philosophical thinking. The Hindu
philosophical school of Nyāya Vaiśeṣika and its views on the atom's role in the
universe is one particularly salient example. Finally, the cosmological writings of
astrophysicist Jayant Viṣṇu Narlikar land more squarely in the world of physical
science and cosmology. Considered a leading expert and defender of the steady
state cosmology against the more popular Big Bang cosmology, Narlikar has also
drawn some intriguing parallels with Hindu mythology—not in order to "prove"
the existence of scientific knowledge in ancient texts but rather to show the power
of the cosmological imagination in both science and mythology. Many of the
cosmological myths referred to above, involving expansion and contraction, the
in-breathing and out-breathing of Brahmā, and so on, seem to involve metaphors

15. 15
15
of a "steady state" similar to Narlikar's physical and mathematical arguments in
scientific cosmology.
TOWN PLANNING
They say that town planning originated in the United Kingdom during the
industrial revolution. The rapid growth of the urban population resulted in
overcrowding and water contamination which caused serious public health issues.
In response, local authorities took responsibility for providing clean water and the
removal of sewerage and refuse. Acts of Parliament were passed to regulate for
these services.
Town planning soon expanded to include amenity matters. Controls were
introduced to minimise the detrimental effects that resulted from the adjacent
location of incompatible activities (e.g. noisy or smelly activities in residential
areas). It was soon recognised that rural land also needed to be managed to
prevent the continued loss of productive rural land and the escalating cost of
providing infrastructure to the suburbs.
Similarly, the history ofurban planning is a technical and political process
concerned with the use of land and design of the urban environment, including air,
water,and the infrastructure passing into and out of urban areas such as
transportation and distribution networks.
The history of urban planning runs parallel to the history of the city, as planning is
in evidence at some of the earliest known urban sites.
The pre-Classical and Classical periods saw a number of cities laid out according
to fixed plans, though many tended to develop organically. Designed cities were
characteristic of the Minoan, Mesopotamian, Harrapan,
and Egyptian civilisations of the third millennium BC (see Urban planning in
ancient Egypt). The first recorded description of urban planning appears in
the Epic of Gilgamesh: "Go up on to the wall of Uruk and walk around. Inspect
the foundation platform and scrutinise the brickwork. Testify that its bricks are
baked bricks, And that the Seven Counsellors must have laid its foundations. One
square mile is city, one square mile is orchards, one square mile is claypits, as
well as the open ground of Ishtar's temple.Three square miles and the open ground
comprise Uruk. Look for the copper tablet-box, Undo its bronze lock, Open the
door to its secret, Lift out the lapis lazuli tablet and read."
All these word describe the same phenomenon- aggregate living of people. Which
ofcourse began since ancient times and not just after the industrial revolution.
A city was and is a large human settlement. It can be defined as a permanent
and densely settled place with administratively defined boundaries whose
members work primarily on non-agricultural tasks Cities generally have extensive
systems for housing, transportation, sanitation, utilities, land use, production of
goods, and communication. Their density facilitates interaction between

16. 16
16
people, government organisations and businesses, sometimes benefiting different
parties in the process, such as improving efficiency of goods and service
distribution.
Historically, city-dwellers have been a small proportion of humanity overall, but
following two centuries of unprecedented and rapid urbanization, more than half
of the world population now lives in cities, which has had profound consequences
for global sustainability. Present-day cities usually form the core of
larger metropolitan areas and urban areas—creating
numerous commuters traveling towards city centres for employment,
entertainment, and education.
However, in a world of intensifying globalisation, all cities are to varying degrees
also connected globally beyond these regions. This increased influence means that
cities also have significant influences on global issues, such as sustainable
development, global warming and global health. Because of these major
influences on global issues, the international community has prioritized
investment in sustainable cities through Sustainable Development Goal 11. Due to
the efficiency of transportation and the smaller land consumption, dense cities
hold the potential to have a smaller ecological footprint per inhabitant than more
sparsely populated areas. Therefore, compact cities are often referred to as a
crucial element of fighting climate change. However, this concentration can also
have significant negative consequences, such as forming urban heat
islands, concentrating pollution, and stressing water supplies and other resources.
Other important traits of cities besides population include the capital status and
relative continued occupation of the city. For example, country capitals such
as Beijing, London, Mexico City, Moscow, Nairobi, New
Delhi, Paris, Rome, Athens, Seoul, Singapore, Tokyo, and Washington,
D.C. reflect the identity and apex of their respective nations. Some historic
capitals, such as Kyoto and Xi'an, maintain their reflection of cultural identity
even without modern capital status. Religious holy sites offer another example of
capital status within a
religion, Jerusalem, Mecca, Varanasi, Ayodhya, Haridwar and Prayagraj each
hold significance. The cities
of Jericho, Faiyum, Damascus, Athens, Aleppo and Argos are among those laying
claim to the longest continual inhabitation.
HISTORY
Cities, characterized by population density, symbolic function, and urban
planning, have existed for thousands of years.[41]
In the conventional view,
civilization and the city both followed from the development of agriculture, which
enabled production of surplus food, and thus a social division of labour (with
concomitant social stratification) and trade. Early cities often featured granaries,
sometimes within a temple. A minority viewpoint considers that cities may have
arisen without agriculture, due to alternative means of subsistence (fishing), to use

17. 17
17
as communal seasonal shelters, to their value as bases for defensive and offensive
military organization, or to their inherent economic function. Cities played a
crucial role in the establishment of political power over an area, and ancient
leaders such as Alexander the Great founded and created them with zeal.
Ancient times
Jericho and Çatalhöyük, dated to the eighth millennium BC, are among
the earliest proto-cities known to archaeologists.
In the fourth and third millennium BC, complex civilizations flourished in the
river valleys of Mesopotamia, India, China, and Egypt. Excavations in these areas
have found the ruins of cities geared variously towards trade, politics, or religion.
Some had large, dense populations, but others carried out urban activities in the
realms of politics or religion without having large associated populations. Among
the early Old World cities, Mohenjo-daro of the Indus Valley Civilization in
present-day Pakistan, existing from about 2600 BC, was one of the largest, with a
population of 50,000 or more and a sophisticated sanitation system. China's
planned cities were constructed according to sacred principles to act as
celestial microcosms. The Ancient Egyptian cities known physically by
archaeologists are not extensive. They include (known by their Arab names) El
Lahun, a workers' town associated with the pyramid of Senusret II, and the
religious city Amarna built by Akhenaten and abandoned. These sites appear
planned in a highly regimented and stratified fashion, with a minimalistic grid of
rooms for the workers and increasingly more elaborate housing available for
higher classes.
In Mesopotamia, the civilization of Sumer, followed by Assyria and Babylon,
gave rise to numerous cities, governed by kings and fostering multiple languages
written in cuneiform. The Phoenician trading empire, flourishing around the turn
of the first millennium BC, encompassed numerous cities extending
from Tyre, Cydon, and Byblos to Carthage and Cádiz.
In the following centuries, independent city-states of Greece, especially Athens,
developed the polis, an association of male landowning citizens who collectively
constituted the city. The agora, meaning "gathering place" or "assembly", was the
center of athletic, artistic, spiritual and political life of the polis. Rome was the
first city that surpassed one million inhabitants. Under the authority of its empire,
Rome transformed and founded many cities (coloniae), and with them brought its
principles of urban architecture, design, and society.
In the ancient Americas, early urban traditions developed in
the Andes and Mesoamerica. In the Andes, the first urban centers developed in
the Norte Chico civilization, Chavin and Moche cultures, followed by major cities
in the Huari, Chimu and Inca cultures. The Norte Chico civilization included as
many as 30 major population centers in what is now the Norte Chico region of
north-central coastal Peru. It is the oldest known civilization in the Americas,
flourishing between the 30th century BC and the 18th century BC. Mesoamerica
saw the rise of early urbanism in several cultural regions, beginning with

18. 18
18
the Olmec and spreading to the Preclassic Maya, the Zapotec of Oaxaca,
and Teotihuacan in central Mexico. Later cultures such as the Aztec, Andean
civilization, Mayan, Mississippians, and Pueblo peoples drew on these earlier
urban traditions. Many of their ancient cities continue to be inhabited, including
major metropolitan cities such as Mexico City, in the same location
as Tenochtitlan; while ancient continuously inhabited Pueblos are near modern
urban areas in New Mexico, such as Acoma Pueblo near the Albuquerque
metropolitan area and Taos Pueblo near Taos; while others like Lima are located
nearby ancient Peruvian sites such as Pachacamac.
Jenné-Jeno, located in present-day Mali and dating to the third century BC, lacked
monumental architecture and a distinctive elite social class—but nevertheless had
specialized production and relations with a hinterland.[64]
Pre-Arabic trade
contacts probably existed between Jenné-Jeno and North Africa.[65]
Other early
urban centers in sub-Saharan Africa, dated to around 500 AD, include Awdaghust,
Kumbi-Saleh the ancient capital of Ghana, and Maranda a center located on a
trade route between Egypt and Gao.
Middle Ages
In the remnants of the Roman Empire, cities of late antiquity gained independence
but soon lost population and importance. The locus of power in the West shifted
to Constantinople and to the ascendant Islamic civilization with its major
cities Baghdad, Cairo, and Córdoba.[67]
From the 9th through the end of the 12th
century, Constantinople, capital of the Eastern Roman Empire, was the largest and
wealthiest city in Europe, with a population approaching 1 million. The Ottoman
Empire gradually gained control over many cities in the Mediterranean area,
including Constantinople in 1453.
In the Holy Roman Empire, beginning in the 12th. century, free imperial
cities such as Nuremberg, Strasbourg, Frankfurt, Basel, Zurich, Nijmegen became
a privileged elite among towns having won self-governance from their local lay or
secular lord or having been granted self-governanace by the emperor and being
placed under his immediate protection. By 1480, these cities, as far as still part of
the empire, became part of the Imperial Estates governing the empire with the
emperor through the Imperial Diet.
By the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, some cities become powerful states,
taking surrounding areas under their control or establishing extensive maritime
empires. In Italy medieval communes developed into city-states including
the Republic of Venice and the Republic of Genoa. In Northern Europe, cities
including Lübeck and Bruges formed the Hanseatic League for collective defense
and commerce. Their power was later challenged and eclipsed by
the Dutch commercial cities of Ghent, Ypres, and Amsterdam. Similar phenomena
existed elsewhere, as in the case of Sakai, which enjoyed a considerable autonomy
in late medieval Japan.

19. 19
19
In the first millennium AD, the Khmer capital of Angkor in Cambodia grew into
the most extensive preindustrial settlement in the world by area, covering over
1,000 sq km and possibly supporting up to one million people
RESEARCH
Smith, M. E. (2003).Can We Read Cosmology in AncientMaya City Plans? Comment
on Ashmore and Sabloff. Latin American Antiquity, 14(2), 221–228.
https://doi.org/10.2307/3557596 found that the Mayansplanned their cities based on the
map of the stars. In Layout of Ancient Maya Cities,Grant R. Aylesworth,
Handbook of Archaeoastronomy and Ethnoastronomy pp 769-772| it issaid
that although there is little doubt that the ancient Maya of Mesoamerica laid
their cities out based, in part, on astronomical considerations, the proliferation

20. 20
20
of “cosmograms” in contemporary scholarly discourse has complicated matters
for the acceptance of rigorous archaeoastronomical research.
Hidenobu, Jinnai. "CHAPTER TWO. The Cosmology of a City of Water". Tokyo:
A Spatial Anthropology, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2020, pp. 66-
170. https://doi.org/10.1525/9780520354906-005 refers to the planning of Tokyo
which resembled Venice and in fact reflectef theTokyo of yesterday: even
destroyed by the earthquake of 1923 and again by the firebombing of World War
II much remained of the old city.
The internationally known Japanese architectural historian Jinnai Hidenobu found
that, despite an almost completely new cityscape, present-day inhabitants divide
Tokyo's space in much the same way that their ancestors did two hundred years
before.His detailing shows how natural, topographical features were incorporated
into the layout of the city. A variety of visual documents (maps from the
Tokugawa and Meiji periods, building floorplans, woodblock prints, photographs)
supplement his observations. Industry Reviews term it as a book about the
historical and social logic of Tokyo: a compelling exploration of the reasons why
the city acquired is present shape. . . . "Tokyo: A Spatial Anthropology is very
obviously a labor of love; its style overflows with enthusiasm at the wonders to
the city. . . . An original, readable, and fascinating book."--Tessa Morris-Suzuki,
"Journal of Asian Studies.
Yet ther is no agreement on assessing the Typology of Cosmological interphase of
the cities as proposed in More on Mesoamerican Cosmology and City Plans
by Ivan Šprajc
MOHNJO DARO

21. 21
21
Around 12,000 years ago, humans hunkered down. Though they had previously
traversed the planet to forage for food, people made the decision to devote
themselves to agriculture and spent their days planting seeds, picking produce and
amassing the world’s first food surpluses.
Ultimately, the security provided by abundant food allowed portions of the human
population to concentrate on converting small, agrarian settlements into vibrant
cities. They could construct towering temples and palaces and throw themselves
into the burgeoning endeavors of art, philosophy and politics.
Here are seven ancient societies that have gained a reputation for their ingenuity
and innovation. (The exact timelines for these civilizations are approximate and
subject to academic debate.)
Sumerian Civilization (4500 B.C. to 1900 B.C.)
Ancient Sumer, an area in Mesopotamia above the shared floodplains of the
Tigris and Euphrates rivers, is famous for fostering the first civilizations in
human history. Around 10000 B.C., Mesopotamia’s “Fertile Crescent” allowed
ancient populations to settle and support themselves with farming. By about 4500
B.C., these communities (who we currently call the Sumerians), could cultivate
crops in such excess that they could forge the world’s first cities without feeling
peckish.
Sumerian cities such as Eridu, Uruk and Ur contained tall temple and palace
complexes. The ancient Sumerians are also credited with creating the written

22. 22
22
word: As many as 5,000 years ago, they scratched clay tablets with a writing
system called cuneiform. This system allowed them to track the movement of
grain throughout their territory, share stories and myths, and spread advice on
agriculture and cooking, among other purposes. These innovations secured
Mesopotamia’s modern title: the “Cradle of Civilization.” The Sumerians also
pioneered mathematics, astronomy and astrology, invented irrigation, started the
first schools, codified the first codes of law and fashioned our current conceptions
of time by dividing the day into hours, minutes and seconds.
Indus Valley Civilization (3300 B.C. to 1300 B.C.)
Around 7000 B.C., agriculturalists began building small villages throughout
the Indus River Valley in present-day India and Pakistan. Starting around 3300
B.C., these settlements grew particularly bustling. Although the Sumerians
invented cities, the people of the Indus Valley perfected them. Their settlements
of Harappa and Mohenjo-daro, for instance, housed approximately 40,000 to
50,000 individuals and featured baked-brick buildings. Sophisticated sewer and
water supply systems kept these cities clean, and their spacious streets formed a
strict grid structure suggesting these sites were meticulously planned.
The painstaking urban planning that transpired in Harappa and Mohenjo-daro
indicate the people of the Indus Valley sought uniformity. Their omnipresent
bricks shared standard dimensions, and, indeed, their standardized weights and
measures rank among their most important innovations. Other inventions included
a mysterious writing system that remains undecipherable, and novel techniques
in metallurgy.
Ancient Egypt (3100 B.C. to 30 B.C.)

23. 23
23
By 6000 B.C., settlers arrived at the banks of the Nile and found an asylum from
the scorching sands. They tilled the soil and built villages, and around 3100 B.C.,
these settlements became bustling metropolises, ruled by pharaohs who acted as
statesmen — declaring laws, demanding taxes, waging war and overseeing their
territory — and divine intermediaries between the people and their deities.
The Egyptians thrived for thousands of years under the pharaohs and found fame
for their advances in several fields of knowledge. For instance, they possessed a
vast awareness of what became arithmetic, astronomy and anatomy, and were
credited with inventing medical surgery thanks to their skills in stitching wounds
and setting broken bones. (It’s actually theorized that
their mummification practices influenced their medical talents.)
The ancient Egyptians were also prolific writers. They independently invented a
system of hieroglyphics featuring hundreds — if not thousands — of alphabetic,
syllabic and logographic characters that they inscribed in stone. This early
civilization also pioneered several derivative scripts that were written across
papyrus, a tough material made from the pith of plants found throughout the
floodplains. Above all, the people of ancient Egypt proved to be skilled builders.
Their temples and tombs are considered among the grandest constructions ever
executed, and their monuments such as the Great Sphinx and the Pyramids at
Giza still remind us of their early ingenuity.
Ancient and Early Imperial China (2070 B.C. to A.D. 220)
The Yellow River Valley of China fostered one of the world’s oldest
civilizations. The first farming settlements appeared there around 5000 B.C., and

24. 24
24
from these modest foundations grew a centralized government. Starting with
the Xia (2070-1600 B.C.), several successive dynasties dominated Chinese
civilization. These kingdoms supposedly sustained themselves by divine decree,
an idea that developed into the “Mandate of Heaven.” This political philosophy
encouraged rulers to act as stewards of their people and warned against bad
behavior.
In both tranquil and troubled times, Chinese culture flourished. In the Shang
Dynasty (1600-1046 B.C.), Chinese scribes wrote with characters that resemble
those used today, and by around 400 B.C., the ideas of famous figures such as
Confucius began blossoming into full-fledged belief systems stressing virtue and
filial piety. Beyond these philosophical achievements, Chinese artisans created the
first silk and the first forms of paper. They also fashioned the first block printing
processes and maritime compasses. The traditions of acupuncture and herbal
medicine have become one of China’s longest-lived contributions. Additionally,
Chinese builders are famed for constructing and connecting the first portions of
one of the most impressive architectural accomplishments of all time: the Great
Wall. This tremendous work started as early as the 7th century B.C.
Ancient Maya Civilization (1000 B.C. to A.D. 1520)
Around 7000 B.C., Mesoamerican communities started cultivating maize and
beans and developing permanent dwellings concentrated in what is now
southeastern Mexico, Guatemala and Belize, as well as sections of Honduras and
El Salvador. Starting around 1000 B.C., these villages were replaced by the
ancient cities of the Maya Civilization, which spread around massive
administrative and ceremonial complexes that seemed to touch the stars.

25. 25
25
The Maya found the sky fascinating. They built large observatories and made
meticulous records of planetary movement with a sophisticated system of
writing that combined pictorial and phonetic characters. They also made
predictions of the positions of celestial objects that rang true far into the future. In
fact, the Maya people’s understanding of the movements of Venus, Mars and the
moon inspired their famous system of timekeeping. This system incorporated
complex interlocking calendars that timed their agricultural activities
and religious rituals to coincide with certain astronomical arrangements. Modern
minds are also captivated by their calendar, which is still consulted by many of the
Maya’s 6 million modern descendants.
Ancient Greece (1100 B.C. to A.D. 140)
Ancient Greece wasn’t the first civilization to form on the craggy coasts of the
Mediterranean, though their culture undoubtedly made its mark. In approximately
7000 B.C., agricultural settlements appeared across the Aegean Sea and grew into
societies including those of the Minoans and Mycenaeans. In fact, the latter
greatly influenced the Greeks: They developed the first forms of their language
and worshiped several gods and goddesses who would ultimately populate the
Greek pantheon, including Zeus, Poseidon and Athena. They also inspired ancient
Greece’s most important myths, including their account of the legendary
Mycenaean soldiers Achilles and Odysseus and their activities in the Trojan War.

26. 26
26
By 1100 B.C., the Minoan and Mycenaean cultures collapsed, and around the 8th
century B.C., a smattering of independent city-states, including Athens, Sparta
and Thebes, began to dominate the Greek world. Though these city-states
possessed distinct cultures, they shared a language, religion and interest in
innovation. While the society’s poets such as Homer and Hesiod pioneered
Western literature, Greek thinkers paved the way for modern medicine,
mathematics and science, and became the first proponents of ideas such as
atomism and heliocentrism. It was also ancient Greek figures — including
Socrates, Plato and Aristotle — who fostered Western philosophy. Perhaps most
consequentially, the culture laid the foundations for today’s democracies.
Ancient Rome (750 B.C. to A.D. 470)
Though Rome began as a modest village along the banks of the Tiber on the
Italian Peninsula around 750 B.C., it expanded into one of history’s largest
empires, spanning massive swaths of the Mediterranean and beyond. As they
extended their authority, the Romans often appropriated the ideas and inventions
of those they encountered. For instance, they absorbed the divinities and rituals of
the Greeks, Egyptians and several other societies to supplement their own
pantheon. They also collected and systematized knowledge from throughout the
Mediterranean world and wrote the earliest surviving encyclopedias. In fact, Pliny
the Elder’s Naturalis Historia claimed to compile 20,000 facts from various
cultures and cover all ancient knowledge about natural history, art and
architecture.
Roman appropriation was not without ingenuity, particularly with state-
sponsored construction projects. Though the Romans did not invent the road,

27. 27
27
arch nor aqueduct, their renditions were renowned for their sturdiness and
strength, and some still operate today. Alongside the temples and amphitheaters
— including the Pantheon and the Colosseum — that still stand thanks to the
Romans’ innovations in concrete, their constructions testify to the skill of the era’s
architects. Today, they remind us that plenty of impressive inventions are rooted
in the ancient past.
Ancient Indian Cities Forgotten in Time
India is a land of many wonders. It is known for its cultural diversity and heritage,
which has a history of more than 2000 years. It has inspired many literary giants
and poets, both new and old. India is also home to some of the oldest cities in the
world that were once bustling towns, thriving sea ports, majestic capitals of great
empires and trade centres of the world. Eventually, these ancient Indian cities fell
prey to the ravages of war and time. Here’s an effort to remember some of them.
1. Dwarka
One of the holy cities of pilgrimage for Hindus all over the world, Dwarka is
counted as one among the country’s oldest cities. It is further evidenced by the
fact that no one knows for certain when this city came into existence or when it
was established. Located in the state of Gujarat, it finds extensive mention in the
Mahabharata and the Harivamsa. Mythologically, Krishna is believed to have
found and built this city after fleeing from Mathura. Archaeologists have divided
opinions about how ancient this city exactly is. Some findings have shown that the
city could have existed around the time when Indus Valley Civilization flourished.
According to the Mahabharata, the city of Dwarka was swept away by the sea
after the death of Krishna, but this was considered to be a grand myth. In 1983,
when excavations were conducted under the sea, archaeologists found several
temple structures and the remains of a town just a little off the coast of Dwarka,

28. 28
28
thus adding credence to the legend of this ancient city. Only time will tell us more
about the treasures the sea around Dwarka still holds.
2. Nagarjunakonda
About 150 kilometres southeast of Hyderabad lie the ruins of a city that flourished
about 1800 years ago. It was one of the largest and richest cities in South India,
and also the educational, cultural and religious centre of Buddhism.
Nagarjunakonda or “the hill of Nagarjuna” was named after Acharya Nagarjuna, a
renowned Buddhist philosopher who was responsible for setting up many
monasteries and schools that attracted students from all over the world. Home to a
large number of academic centres, temples and stupas, the city thrived under the
reign of many powerful kingdoms especially the Ikshvaku dynasty, which made
the illustrious city their capital. It eventually fell into decline after the demise of
the last Ikshvaku king. The ruins of this city were discovered in 1926, but it was
only in 1953 that this area was excavated yielding the ruins of many stupas,
viharas, mandaps, tools from the Stone Age era and a number of priceless
Buddhist relics.
3. Mahabalipuram

29. 29
29
One of the most beautiful cities in South India, Mahabalipuram or Mamallapuram
is named after the great Pallava ruler Narasimhavarman-I. Filled with relics,
monuments and some of the most beautiful temples in the world, Mahabalipuram
was an important sea port of the Pallava dynasty from the 7th to the 10th
centuries. Often referred to as the “Land of Seven Pagodas” based on an ancient
Hindu legend, Mahabalipuram is a city known for its grandeur, hand carved
monolithic structures, shrines and the rathas or cave temples. The descent of the
Ganges is the world’s largest bas-relief sculpture depicting tales from the
Mahabharata. The legendary stone-built Shore temple, which is a mammoth
architectural wonder, is believed to be the only one surviving among the seven
pagodas.
4. Muziris
Muziris or “Muciri” as it is known in Tamil and “Muyirikkottu” in Malayalam
was once a thriving sea port and an important trade centre between the Red Sea
and the Indian Ocean regions. It has been mentioned in a number of ancient
scripts and texts by Egyptian and Greek writers like Ptolemy and Pliny the Elder,
as well as a few Roman and Tamil Sangam texts. According to the Vienna
Papyrus, there was a healthy trading relationship between Alexandria and Muziris,
which means that in addition to acting as a sea port for the Romans and the
Egyptians, Muziris must also have been a busy and flourishing town. A number of
excavations undertaken by the ASI and Kerala Council for Historical Research
have suggested that the town of Pattanam near Kochi could be the ancient
Muziris, but the exact location of this town that vanished without a trace one
morning in 1314 CE still remains unknown.

30. 30
30
Hampi Vijayanagara Kingdom – Roehan Rengadurai via Flickr
Beneath all the development and modernization that we see today, India is still a
country with long history that dates back to ancient times. Right from the Indus
Valley Civilization, our country has seen a lot of ancient cities that were
eventually abandoned or razed to the ground due to wars, natural disasters,
invasions, etc.
The following is a list of few such ancient cities of India that were forgotten in
time and that make great offbeat travel destinations to explore the ancient times of
India.

31. 31
31
Sirkap
Source
Sirkap is an ancient city in Taxila, Punjab (present-day Pakistan) that was founded
by the Bactrian king Demetrius, when he invaded the region in 180 BC. The city
was rebuilt numerous times during raids and incursions and flourished as a town
from the 2nd century BC under several rulers, such as the Greeks, the Scythians,
the Parthians and the Kushanas. It eventually sank into oblivion when it was
abandoned for a new city at Sirsukh. It was only in 1912 that the details about
Sirkap came to light when archaeologist Sir John Marshall began excavating the
region. These excavations have yielded a number of Greek artifacts, coins, gold
and silver jewellery. What remains of the city now are ruins and temples built
according to the Greek Hippodamian plan, Buddhist stupas and shrines.
Kalibangan
Considered to be the “very first city of the indian culture and heritage”,
Kalibangan is a pre-historic city that traces its origin back to the Indus valley
civilization and is located on the banks of the river Ghaggar, in modern
day Rajasthan. Excavations were carried out in 1960, but Kalibangan’s identity
and location were unearthed during the 18th century by Italian Indologist Luigi
Pio Tessitori. The town has yielded evidence that it was indeed a bustling
Harappan city, but the most important discovery is the existence of a ploughed
agricultural field, perhaps the earliest of its kind in the world. The town is also
known for its fire altars which may have been used for ceremonials rituals. The
city was destroyed during an earthquake that took place in 2600 BC;
archaeologists have also suggested that it may have been abandoned when the
river Ghaggar dried up.

32. 32
32
Lothal
Lothal was once a prominent trade centre as well as one of the most important
cities during the Indus valley civilization. Located in modern day Gujarat, it was
first discovered in 195. The excavations at this region have again borne evidence
of the fact that the Harappans were the most cultured and educated people of their
day. Its most dominating feature is the unique dockyard which must have been a
wonder in its heyday. A number of rare antiquities such as jewellery, beads,

33. 33
33
pottery and seals have been found at this site. The city was eventually abandoned
because of constant floods and storms.
Puhar
Puhar or Poompuhar near Nagapattinam in Tamil Nadu was the seat of the Chola
kings. It served as a port capital to the kings and flourished under their regime.
This ancient city also finds a mention in a number of Tamil texts and poetic
works, Brahmi inscriptions as well as Greco-Roman manuscripts. Excavations
began in 1910 revealing that Puhar was a well-planned city; the remains of
buildings, beautiful temples, copper coins, brick figures and a wharf have also
been unearthed. Unfortunately because of its proximity to the sea, it sank and
submerged in the waters around 300 BC and only a few villages remain as a
testament to this once glorious town.
Vijayanagara

34. 34
34
Vijayanagara or modern day Hampi was once considered to be the second largest
city in the world. It prospered under the famous Vijayanagara dynasty and was the
most powerful Hindu city in ancient India. Home to magnificent temples such as
the Virupaksha temple and the Vittala temple, as well as the historic Lotus Palace
and the exquisite elephant stables, it is now a UNESCO World Heritage Site. The
now ruined “City of Victory”, Vijayanagara dazzled foreign travellers such as
Domingos Paes, who was astonished by its beauty and wealth. However, in the
15th century the city fell into the hands of Muslim invaders who razed and
destroyed it, bringing this once glorious city to its untimely end.
HINDU COSMOLOGY IN CITY DESIGN
Smith, M. E. (2003). Can We Read Cosmology in Ancient Maya City Plans?
Comment on Ashmore and Sabloff. Latin American Antiquity, 14(2), 221–228.
https://doi.org/10.2307/3557596
Synoptic philosophy comes from the Greek word συνοπτικός synoptikos ("seeing
everything together") and together with the word philosophy, means the love of
wisdom emerging from a coherent understanding of everything together.
Social constructivism is a sociological theory of knowledge according to which
human development is socially situated and knowledge is constructed through
interaction with others.

35. 35
35
Like social constructionism, social constructivism states that people work together
to construct artifacts. While social constructionism focuses on the artifacts that are
created through the social interactions of a group, social constructivism focuses on
an individual's learning that takes place because of his or her interactions in a
group.
A very simple example is an object like a cup. The object can be used for many
things, but its shape does suggest some 'knowledge' about carrying liquids (see
also Affordance). A more complex example is an online course—not only do the
'shapes' of the software tools indicate certain things about the way online courses
should work, but the activities and texts produced within the group as a whole will
help shape how each person behaves within that group. A person's cognitive
development will also be influenced by the culture that they are involved in, such
as the language, history and social context.
The 2007 study used satellite images, aircraft-based radar data, conventional
aerial photography, and ground observations to analyze an area of 2,848 square
kilometers (1,100 square miles). The top image is a mosaic of observations
collected by the Airborne Synthetic Aperture Radar (AIRSAR) between 2000 and
2007. The bottom image is a map derived from airborne data sources and earlier
archaeological maps.
A radar doesn’t work like a camera, so its imagery doesn’t look like a photograph.
The radar (mounted on an airplane) sends a pulse of energy down towards the
surface, and measures the echo—the signal that the surface scatters back.
Different surfaces—water, forests, clearings, buildings—have different echoes.
Smooth surfaces tend to be darker (less backscatter),and rough surfaces tend to be
brighter (more backscatter). Since radio-frequency energy is invisible, scientists
make false-color images in which they use colors to represent different
frequencies and intensities of energy.
In the top image, the darker areas indicate low echoes, such as water bodies where
the pulse simply bounced off the smooth surface and away from the radar. The
largest example is the medieval West Baray reservoir, which continues to hold
water today. Forested areas appear much brighter, almost white in places, because
the radar pulse is backscattered by multi-layered surfaces, such as branches and
leaves. Within these lighter areas, colors take on an additional significance. Red
indicates the smallest surfaces, such as grasses and rice fields. Green indicates
larger surfaces, such as broader leaves and shrubs. Blue indicates even larger
surfaces,such as tree trunks. (Because AIRSAR is a sideways-looking instrument,
large vertical objects like tree trunks and walls present the sensor with the largest
surface areas.) Within the dotted fields of color, the straight lines and sharp angles
of architecture contrast sharply with the surroundings.
The bottom image is a map of the surface features of the ancient city made by
scientists from the results of the 2007 study. The researchers described this map as
conservative; for a feature to be included, it had to appear in at least two separate

36. 36
36
data sources, or be verified from the ground or a low-altitude aerial survey. This
map reveals an extensive network of linear features. On the flat Angkor plain,
elevated linear features might have served as water channels, water barriers,
and/or roads, and these features remained visible to radar sensors centuries later.
Dwellings and water tanks were spread across some 1,000 square kilometers (385
square miles), connected by roads and canals.
The study published in 2007 concluded that the perimeter of Angkor’s urban
complex enclosed roughly 900 to 1,000 square kilometers (350 to 385 square
miles)—nearly four times the size of twenty-first century New York City. Angkor
was a low-density city, meaning the settlement was spread out over a fairly large
area, more closely resembling a modern suburb than an inner city. The Angkor
perimeter identified in 2007 established Angkor as the largest pre-industrial city
yet known to exist anywhere on Earth, several times the size of the Mayan
metropolis of Tikal.
Besides giving a sense of the medieval city’s size, the 2007 study also suggested
causes for Angkor’s demise. The extensive water management system built at
Angkor enabled its inhabitants to overcome the vicissitudes of nature—for a time.
However, those same human-engineered changes to the landscape also created a
new set of problems, including deforestation, degradation of the topsoil, and
erosion. Evidence of impromptu changes to the water management system, and
breaches and failures within the system suggested to archaeologists that the
waterways became harder to manage as the years wore on. Although some
residents remained after the fifteenth century, they comprised only a tiny remnant
of Angkor’s population at its peak.
NASA images create by Jesse Allen, using imagery provided courtesy of the
American Museum of Natural History’s Science Bulletins and Damian Evans,
University o
The synoptic view of Landsat imagery generated from the Angkor landscape
provides a new perspective in archaeology. This is especially significant for large,
complex sites such as Angkor, the religious and administrative centre of Khmer
dynasts for more than 500 years. In this study the major features of the Angkor
“townscape”; ‐ barays, temple‐ pyramids and canals ‐ are examined.
Landsat‐ TM signatures are developed for each class of feature and detectability
ratings established. Changes in the urban perimeter are identified and set in a
chronological framework. The regional road network is mapped with the addition
of new details. The benefits of the Landsat overview are shown to be the
discovery of hitherto unrecorded detail, increased understanding of the site
situation from contextual environmental relations and an improved
comprehension of the historic landscape as a whole.
John T. Parry (1996) A new perspective on Angkor ‐ the spatial organization of
an historical landscape viewed from Landsat, Geocarto International, 11:2, 15-
32, DOI: 10.1080/10106049609354531

37. 37
37
Formore than a decade the mult national (Australian, French, Cambodian) Greater
Angkor Project has been investigating the rise and fall of medieval urbanism at
Angkor, in Cambodia, using a diverse range of techniques, including extensive
use of remotely sensed imagery to find, map and analyse elements of urban form.
The research activities have focussed on the role of Angkor’s elaborate water
management system in the demise of the urban complex, and has recently been
expanded to include nearby ‘secondary’ settlement complexes such as provincial
centres and ephemeral capitals. In such a research agenda, it is crucial to gain a
full understanding of the original hydrological layout of the Angkor basin, in
order to provide essential insights into human modifications to the natural
hydrology and topography. To this end, a number of multispectral satellite images
(including QuickBird and ASTER) were processed and analysed to identify
palaeo-environmental traces and anthropogenic features relevant to the
identification of remnants of the original fluvial system. Vegetation indices (VI),
Vegetation suppression and Principal Component Analysis (PCA) were adopted
as the primary procedures in order to detect relevant traces over differing
environments such as perennially forested zones, scrubland and barren terrain.
The outcome of this work has been to add significant chronological resolution to
the current map of Greater Angkor.
Uncovering Angkor: Integrated Remote Sensing Applications in the Archaeology
of Early CambodiaDamian Evans,Arianna Traviglia, Satellite Remote Sensing
January 2012
A synoptic vision of the universe in ancient India and shows its continuity across
different periods. This vision was based on an assumed equivalence of the outer
and the inner cosmoses and it is embodied in architecture, music, and art. It
provides an archaeoastronomical window on Indian monumental architecture. The
ancient world did not have a split between the sacred and the temporal. The
temple served as the place where time-bound ritual was conducted and keeping
time was one of its functions. The English word temple is derived from the Latin
templum, which is sacred space, facing west, that was marked out by the augurs.
In the east-west orientation of the axis of the temple that is strictly true only on the
two equinoxes is the acknowledgement of concern with time and the seasons. In
India, the temple is likewise associated with the east-west axis and we can trace its
origins to priests who maintained different day counts with respect to the solstices
and the equinoxes. Specific days were marked with ritual observances [1] that
were done at different times of the day. Some ritual included construction of altars
that coded knowledge related to the motions of the sun and the moon and
supposed correspondences with the inner cosmos.
Time, Space and Structure in Ancient India, Subhash Kak,
https://arxiv.org/ftp/arxiv/papers/0903/0903.3252.pdf

38. 38
38
The Khmer Empire had steadily gained hegemonic power over most
of mainland Southeast Asia since its early days in the 8th and 9th centuries.
Rivalries and wars with its western neighbour, the Pagan Kingdom of the Mon
people of modern-day Burma were less numerous and decisive than those
with Champa to the east. The Khmer and Cham Hindu kingdoms remained for
centuries preoccupied with each other's containment and it has been argued that
one of the Khmer's military objectives was "...in the reigns of the Angkor kings
Suryavarman II and Jayavarman VII." the conquest of the Cham ports,
"...important in the international trade of the time". Even though the Khmer
suffered a number of serious defeats, such as the Cham invasion of Angkor in
1177, the empire quickly recovered, capable to strike back, as it was the case in
1181 with the invasion of the Cham city-state of Vijaya.
Mongol incursions into southern China and political and cultural pressure caused
the southward migration of the Tai people and Thai people and their settling on
the upper Chao Phraya River in the 12th century. The Sukhothai Kingdom and
later the Ayutthaya kingdom were established and "...conquered the Khmers of the
upper and central Menam valley and greatly extended their territory..."
Although a number of sources, such as the Cambodian Royal Chronicles and the
Royal chronicles of Ayutthaya contain recordings of military expeditions and
raids with associated dates and the names of sovereigns and warlords, several
influential scholars, such as David Chandler and Michael Vickery doubt the
accuracy and reliability of these texts. Other authors criticise this rigid "overall
assessment", though.
David Chandler states in A Global Encyclopedia of Historical Writing, Volume 2:
"Michael Vickery has argued that Cambodian chronicles, including this one, that
treat events earlier than 1550 cannot be verified, and were often copied from Thai
chronicles about Thailand..." Linguist Jean-Michel Filippi concludes: "The
chronology of Cambodian history itself is more a chrono-ideology with a pivotal
role offered to Angkor." Similarities apply to Thai chronological records, with the
notable example of the Ramkhamhaeng controversy.
According to the Siamese Royal chronicles of Paramanuchitchinorot, clashes
occurred in 1350, around 1380, 1418 and 1431.
"In 1350/51; probably April 1350 King Ramadhipati had his son Ramesvara
attack the capital of the King of the Kambujas (Angkor) and had Paramaraja (Pha-
ngua) of Suphanburi advance to support him. The Kambuja capital was taken and
many families were removed to the capital Ayudhya.
At that time, [around 1380] the ruler of Kambuja came to attack Chonburi, to
carry away families from the provinces eastwards to Chanthaburi, amounting to
about six or seven thousand persons who returned [with the Cambodian armies] to
Kambuja. So the King attacked Kambuja and, having captured it, returned to the
capitol.[sic]
Then [1418] he went to attack Angkor, the capital of Kambuja, and captured it."

39. 39
39
Land or People?
Siamese sources record the habit of capturing sizeable numbers of inhabitants
from the capital cities and centres of civilisation of the defeated parties in Chiang
Mai and Angkor which can be assumed to have accelerated the cultural decline.
Cambodian people in 18th century in chinese painting Portraits of Periodical
Offering by Xie Sui.
Author Michael Vickery debates the degree of importance of this subject in his
publication "Two Historical Records of the Kingdom of Vientiane - Land or
People?": "It is not at all certain that Angkor desired manpower in central
Thailand, rather than simply control over the rich agricultural resources." and
"...whether the political economy of early Southeast Asia resulted in rulers being
more concerned with control of land or control of people..." and "...both sides of
this discussion have offered ad hoc, case-by-case pronunciamentos, which are
then repeated like mantra... Critical discussion of the question is long overdue..."
Contrary views
Author Akin Rabibhadana, who quotes Ram Khamhaeng: "One particular
characteristic of the historical Southeast Asian mainland states was the lack of
manpower. The need for manpower is well illustrated by events following
each war between Thailand and her neighbours. The victorious side always
carried off a large number of people from the conquered territory. Whole
villages were often moved into the territory of the conqueror, where they
were assimilated and became the population of the conqueror."

40. 40
40
David K. Wyatt: "As much as anything else, the Tai müang was an instrument
for the efficient use of manpower in a region where land was plentiful in
relation to labor and agricultural technology."
And Aung-Thwin wrote: "Much of the warfare of early Southeast Asia
witnessed the victor carrying off half the population of the vanquished foe
and later resettling them on his own soil. Pagan was located in the dry belt of
Burma, and depended mainly upon irrigated agriculture for its economic base.
Land was plentiful but labor was extremely difficult to obtain."
Dynastic and religious factors
The flag of the kingdom of Cambodia until 1863.
The complete transition from the early Khmer kingdom to the firm
establishment of the Mahidharapura dynasty (first king Jayavarman VI, 1080
to 1107), which originated west of the Dângrêk Mountains at Phimai in
the Mun river valley[43]
lasted several decades. Some historians argue, that
these kings failed to acquire absolute central administrative control and had
limited access to local resources. The dynasty discontinued "ritual policy" and
genealogical traditions. Further momentum ensued
as Mahayana Buddhism was eventually tolerated and several Buddhist kings
emerged, including Suryavarman I, Rajendravarman II and Jayavarman VII.
These rulers were not considered, and did not consider themselves, as divine,
which lead to a shift in perception of royal authority, central power and a loss
of dynastic prestige with respect to foreign rulers. Effectively the royal
subjects were given permission to re-direct attention and support from the
Hindu state of military dominance with its consecrated leader,
the "Varman"—protector king, towards the inner-worldly alternative with the
contradictory teachings of the Buddhist temple.Indravarman III (c. 1295-
1308) adopted Theravada Buddhism as the state religion,[45]
which implied an
even more passive, introverted focus towards individual and personal
responsibility to accumulate merit to achieve nirvana.
Miriam T. Stark argues that competition and rivalries in royal succession,
usurpers and "second grade" rulers characterised the kingdom since the 9th
century. Periods of "...consolidation alternated with political fragmentation
[as] only few rulers were able to wrest control from the provincial level".

41. 41
41
Debate remains on the progress of the imperial society as the kingdom grew
and occupied foreign lands. Authors present numerous theories about the
relationship between Southeast Asian kings and the populace's loyalties,
nature and degree of identity, the Mandala concept and the effects of
changing state-religion. Scholar Ben Kiernan highlights a tendency to identify
with a universal religion rather than to adhere to the concept of a people or
nation, as he refers to author Victor Lieberman in: Blood and Soil: Modern
Genocide 1500-2000 "[local courts make]...no formal demand, that rulers be
of the same ethnicity as their subjects"
Environmental problems and infrastructural breakdown
Historians increasingly maintain the idea that decline was caused by
progressing ecological imbalance of the delicate irrigation network and canal
system of "...a profoundly ritualized, elaborate system of hydraulic
engineering..." at Angkor's Yasodharapura. Recent studies indicate that the
irrigation system was overworked and gradually started to silt up, amplified
by large scale deforestation.[51]
Permanent monument construction projects
and maintenance of temples instead of canals and dykes put an enormous
strain on the royal resources and drained thousands of slaves and common
people from the public workforce and caused tax deficits.
Author Heng L. Thung addressed common sense in "Geohydrology and the
decline of Angkor" as he sums things up: "...the preoccupation of the Khmers
with the need to store water for the long dry season. Each household needed a
pond to provide drinking and household water for both man and beast. The
barays [reservoirs] of Angkor were simply the manifestation of the need of an
urban population. Water was the fountain of life for Angkor; a disruption in
its supply would be fatal."
Recent Lidar (Light detection and ranging) Geo-Scans of Angkor have
produced new data, that have caused several "Eureka moments" and "have
profoundly transformed our understanding of urbanism in the region of
Angkor". Results of dendrochronological studies imply prolonged periods of
drought between the 14th and 15th centuries. As a result, recent re-
interpretations of the epoch put greater emphasis on human–environment
interactions and the ecological consequences
Kings never decided arbitrarily or at their whim the location of cities, their
orientation and their layout. The plan of the ideal Khmer city was inspired by the
model of the Khmer temples, which were based on Hindu cosmology. It should
have a perfect quadrangular shape, walls with four gates in the middle of each side
and an organised internal layout resembling a mandala, with the city temple in the
centre and its main sanctuary inside it, with a tower shape which represents the
mythological Mount Meru, the sacred axis mundi, separated by successive
concentric walls. At the same time, this concrete representation of cosmology in
city planning was based on the religious and political idea of the “god-king”

42. 42
42
(devaraja), which considers monarchs as incarnations on the Earth (avatars) of
Shiva, Vishnu or Buddha.
The role and function of Angkor Wat has changed significantly over the eight
centuries since its construction in the twelfth century AD (Fletcher et al. 2015: 1389–
90) (Figure 1). Despite this varied history, research on Angkor Wat has largely
focused on its art and architecture and its role as a Vishnuite temple during the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
During the Angkorian period (ninth to fifteenth centuries), Angkor was
situated at the heart of its empire but by the Middle Period or post-Angkorian
period (fifteenth to nineteenth centuries), this location had come to be on the
periphery of the Cambodian state. The kingdom of Ayutthaya was, at this time,
expanding its influence and significantly encroaching on the former territory of
Angkor. Meanwhile, Angkor Wat, originally built as a temple dedicated to Vishnu,
had, by the sixteenth century, become hallowed by Theravada Buddhist monks as the
religious practices of the Khmer changed. Over the centuries, Angkor Wat has
undergone repairs; in addition to maintenance, it has been modified in several places,
especially within the first (innermost) enclosure. These additions are significant
because they reveal changes to the function of the monument. The fourth (outermost)
enclosure wall also bears traces of a significant, and late, change in its function in the
form of numerous holes and postholes (Figure 2), which supported substantial
wooden structures that no longer
Cosmic Layout of the Hindu Sacred City,
Varanasi (Benares)
Rana P.B. Singh -
Sum mary
Varanasi (Benares), known as the microcosm of India and the most sacred city
of Hindu religion, has maintained its cosmic layout which developed in the
historical past. The passage from macrocosmos (heaven) into mesocosmos
(earth) and further down into microcosmos (the temple, or body) is made spatially
visible and is regulated by the network of pilgrimage routes — this is what we
call pilgrimage mandala. In Varanasi five of the various pilgrimage circuits are well
developed; taken as a sequence leading from outer to inner space, they reveal
parallels between macro-, meso- and microcosmos and the related transcendental
powers. Moreover, the spatial arrangement of the 56 shrines of Ganesha
("Elephant-headed God") and the route5 following Vinayaka's pilgrimage
journey, also form a mandala representing the product of 8 directions and 7
layers of atmosphere, thus the number 56. These aspects are described and the
notion of cosmogonic integrity is discussed.
1 . lntrod uctio n
The Hindu religion, in contrast to the Western tradition, holds that human

43. 43
43
order was brought into being at the creation of the world. Therefore,
cosmization of a terri- tory or habitat is always a consecration and represents
the paradigmatic work of the gods (see Eliade, 1991, 32). The pattern of
traditional and royal cities in India mostly duplicates a celestial archetype,
reflecting cosmo-magical power. This means that
"earthly cities, temples or religious institutions have their duplicates
in some transcendental sphere, often identified with the heavens" (Ciastner,
1954, 191).
The manifestation of a transcendental element (called hierophany by Eliade) may
be translated into a parallelism between the macrocosmos (cosmos/heaven) and the mi-
crocosmos (temple/human body). In between these two polarities one can also perceive
a mediating spatial-sacred structure given by the (built) environment; we shall call it
mesocosmos. An archetypal city such as Varanasi may be considered as a mesocosmos
mediating between the microcosmos of the individual and the macrocosmos of a
cul- turally conceived greater universe (see Levy, 1990). The interlinkage among these
three archetypal levels is sometimes expressed in the idea of a central axis around which
the cosmos turns. This centre serves as a communication link between heaven and
earth; it is the axis miindi (following Eliade's terminology).
Historically, Hindu practices of rituals and festivities, sacred journeys, deities and
their symmetrical links came to form a sacred spatial system that is still perceived
by pilgrims and devotees. In fact, pilgrimage traditions are deeply rooted in
local space/place, as well as in the cultural inheritance and mentality of their adherents.
This structure is reflected symbolically in a spatial frame in which complexity and
temporal stability meet, mediating between people and cosmos, i.e. in a
mesocosm — the "climax community" of Hinduism (see Levy, 1990, 28).
The cosmic layout of a "climax community" may be seen in the elaborate
frame characteristic of Varanasi; it is clearly expressed in a series of sacred territorial
bound- aries defined by the pilgrimage routes. Within this mapping system the
universe is symbolized by a circle (of course irregular), connecting a number of shrines
and sacred sites. This system of spatial manifestations and pilgrimage journeys may
be called pilgrimage mandala (see Singh, 1993, 37). In Varanasi, the pilgrimage
mandala is fully developed; it has been eulogized in the mythological literature and
is still main- tained through the pilgrimage journeys and festivities. The spatial
components of a world view, reflected in a conception of local values and practices such
as pilgrimages, symbolizes the cosmic representation of the earth. Recognition of the
cosmogonic as- pect of spatial arrangement extends back to the time of the Vedas,
ca. 1000 B.C.E. In the case of Varanasi, it goes back to the early period of the
current era.
2 . Varanasi's Cosmic Layout
Varanasi is one of the celestial-archetypal cities where the material environment
expresses the parallelism between macro-, meso- and microcosmos, regrouping them
to form a sacred spatial system. It contains five sacred territories, symbolizing whole-
ness: five is Shiva's number. Shiva, one among the trinity of Hindu pantheon is the
controller of time and the destroyer of the universe; he is Varanasi's patron deity.
The cosmic interrelationship between the five layers of sacred territories and the three