A Whole New Ball Game - Final Year Project

A WHOLE NEW BALL GAME
AN ANALYSIS OF THE INFLUENCES ON AND THE EFFECTS OF
RETIREMENT ON FORMER MUNSTER PROFESSIONAL RUGBY
UNION PLAYERS
by
THOMAS FITZGERALD
A Final Year Project
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree
DEGREE IN HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
Department of Personnel & Employment Relations
Kemmy Business School
University of Limerick
UNIVERSITY OF LIMERICK
2013
PROJECT SUPERVISOR:
Dr. Jean McCarthy

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ABSTRACT
Research purpose: With its conversion from amateur to professional in 1995, and with increased
growth in popularity ever since, employment as a rugby union professional is now a viable career
option for elite athletes. This profession however, carries similar characteristics as most other
professional sports, which sees its performers having to retire at an age, not commonly associated
with the end of a “typical” career. This transition is a significant time in an athlete’s life (Alfermann,
2001) that is accompanied by a process of transition and change (Taylor et al., 2006). This project
seeks to look at the influences and psychological effects that this transition has had on retired
professional rugby union players, and to identify opportunities for interventions to facilitate a
successful transition into post-sports life.
Research design: The study employed a largely qualitative methodology, interviewing six former
Munster professional rugby players aged from 30 to 50. The interviews were semi-structured in-depth
interviews based on a previously used questionnaire, found in the work of Marthinus (2007). Further
to this, a Sports Career Termination Questionnaire (SCTQ II), designed by Cecic´ Erpicˇ (2000), was
used, to garner additional quantitative data.
Main findings: The players interviewed had transitioned in the main without any serious issues,
which have been found in previous research to include problems at psychological, psychosocial,
physical and occupational levels. There was a common worry amongst those interviewed, for future
retirees from the game. This worry stemmed from their experience, which highlighted a cause of
concern for these new players, who are now turning professional at a younger age.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
It is a pleasure to thank the many people who made this final year project possible.
I wish to state my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Jean McCarthy, for her guidance and
encouragement during the process of completing this project. Thank you for giving me the enthusiasm
and inspiration to complete a task, I thought was beyond me.
This project, and indeed the completion of my degree would not have been possible without the
support of my two employers, Mr. John Hegarty and Mr. Tony Donlan. Thank you for investing in my
on-going development by not only funding this degree, but providing me with resources, time and
support throughout the two years.
Thank you to the participants in the research who gave so freely of their time, and whose insight into
the subject, was enlightening to me in so many ways, far beyond the extent of this report.
To my father, Tom Fitzgerald, who showed me over my life, that hard work is its own reward. To my
own family, and my adopted families, the Costelloe’s and Gallagher’s, thank you for your continued
support over the years.
Finally to my wife Ellen and our son Thomas. Thanks for the love, encouragement and support you
have showed me over this journey. Without you this would not have been possible.
DEDICATION
Dedicated to the memory of my late uncle, Billy Walsh, whose untimely passing upon retirement
prompted me to delve into this subject matter.

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Contents
ABSTRACT..................................................................................................................................................2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........................................................................................................................3
DEDICATION..............................................................................................................................................3
LIST OF TABLES........................................................................................................................................6
DECLARATION..........................................................................................................................................7
CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................8
CHAPTER 2 - LITERATURE REVIEW...................................................................................................11
2.1 RETIREMENT.................................................................................................................................................11
2.2 SPORT IS WORK ............................................................................................................................................13
2.3 PROFESSIONAL SPORTS AND RETIREMENT..........................................................................................15
2.4 INFLUENCES AFFECTING CAREER TRANSITIONS ...............................................................................16
2.5 DIFFICULTIES EXPERIENCED BY RETIRED PROFESSIONAL RUGBY UNION PLAYERS .........32
2.6 LOCATING THE PROBLEM WITHIN THE LITERATURE........................................................................37
2.7 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES.............................................................................................................................39
CHAPTER THREE – METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................40
CHAPTER 4 – RESULTS AND FINDINGS.............................................................................................45
4.1 FINDINGS ON THE INFLUENCES THAT EFFECT CAREER TRANSITIONS ........................................48
4.2 DIFFICULTIES EXPERIENCED BY RETIRED PROFESSIONAL RUGBY UNION PLAYERS ..............62
4.3 FUTURE PLAYER ISSUES............................................................................................................................66
CHAPTER 5 - DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ................................................................................68
5.1 DISCUSSION...................................................................................................................................................68
5.2 LIMITATIONS OF THE RESEARCH ............................................................................................................71
5.3 IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH ...............................................................................................72
5.4 CONCLUSION.................................................................................................................................................73

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BIBLIOGRAPHY.......................................................................................................................................74
APPENDICES ............................................................................................................................................93
APPENDIX 1: QUESTIONNAIRE ............................................................................................................................94
APPENDIX 2: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS .............................................................................................................107
APPENDIX 3: DEMOGRAPHIC OF IRISH AND MUNSTER RUGBY PROFESSIONAL RUGBY TEAMS....109
APPENDIX 4: ETHICAL CLEARANCE ................................................................................................................114
APPENDIX 5: INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPTS........................................................................................................118
APPENDIX 5.1 - PARTICIPANT 1 ....................................................................................................................118

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LIST OF TABLES
TABLE 1: ANNUAL ACCOUNTS FROM THE IRFU ...........................................................................................................9
TABLE 2: PRIORITIES IN LIFE OF YOUNG ELITE RUGBY PLAYERS IN AUSTRALIA & NEW ZEALAND...........22
TABLE 3: AGE DEMOGRAPHIC OF PROFESSIONAL RUGBY TEAMS IN IRELAND.................................................26
TABLE 4: FINDINGS ON MEDICAL WELFARE (NZRPA RETIRED PLAYERS SURVEY 2011).................................34
TABLE 5: SALARY FINDINGS OF RETIRED RUGBY PLAYERS IN NEW ZEALAND1).............................................36
TABLE 6: DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION OF INTERVIEWEES AND QUESTIONNAIRE RESPONDENTS...........44
TABLE 7: DEMOGRAPHICS AND PARTICIPANTS ADJUSTMENT TO POST SPORT LIFE .......................................45
TABLE 8: TRANSITION PERIOD AND GENERAL ATTITUDE TOWARDS RETIREMENT ........................................46
TABLE 9: AGE AT WHICH PARTICIPANT CONSIDERED RETIREMENT AND THEIR ADJUSTMENT AND
SATISFACTION WITH POST SPORTS LIFE ......................................................................................................................47
TABLE 10: GRADUALNESS OF CAREER TERMINATION AND FINANCIAL DEPENDENCE ON PROFESSIONAL
RUGBY ................................................................................................................................................................................... 48
TABLE 11: ATHLETIC IDENTITY, SPORTS RELATED GOALS AND LIFE ..................................................................53
TABLE 12: IMPORTANT THINGS YOU GAINED FROM YOUR SPORTS CAREER AND INDIVIDUALS WHO
OFFER SUPPORT AFTER RETIREMENT...........................................................................................................................57
TABLE 13: INFLUENCES ON YOUR DECISION TO END YOUR PROFESSIONAL SPORTS CAREER .....................59
TABLE 14: EMOTIONAL STATES EXPERIENCED POST RETIREMENT......................................................................62
TABLE 15: PROBLEMS EXPERIENCED POST RETIREMENT AND THEIR DEGREE OF SEVERITY.......................64
TABLE 16: RECOMMENDATIONS ON POST RETIREMENT SERVICES .....................................................................70

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DECLARATION
This project is entirely my own work and has not been submitted to any other university or higher
institution or for any other academic award.
Where the work of others has been reported it has been acknowledged and referenced.
______________________________________
Thomas Fitzgerald
Student ID: 11107545

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CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION
No longer does the maxim – live to work – define a life, today life after work can be equally as
rewarding, (Floyd et al. 1992). For some this new chapter in their lives affords them the opportunity
to engage in society in different ways, however, this sudden adjustment to a new daily routine can be
difficult. Exiting a career is a major life change that transforms one’s social and physical worlds, with
changes in roles, relationships and daily routines (Kim and Moen, 2001).
Much of the current research into retirement centres on how the effects of an ageing population,
flagging fertility rates (OCED, 2007), and growing public expenditure (Phillipson, 2011), will impact
upon current and future economic and social policies of governments. These policies include looking
for ways to delay retirement within the shrinking workforces, with governments such as Ireland
undertaking reforms to the National Pensions Framework, which will see the age entitlement to a state
pension increase from 66 years of age on the 1st January 2014 to 68 years of age from 1st January
2028.
As these economic and social policies talk of extending the working lives of many, it is worth noting
that not all working lives revolve around cessation at a fixed chronological age (Guillemard, 1991).
For some their chosen professions and the nature of their work dictate that retirement from one of
their careers occurs earlier in life and it is in one of these professions that our paper centres.
Professional sportspeople careers are in the main so predisposed, which sees them at a much earlier
stage in life having to cope with retirement, or as some commentators describe it, a “career transition”
(Anderson & Morris 2000, Smith & McManus 2008).This “transition”, which is normally at a
comparatively young age in the majority of professional sports, can be either where they choose to
voluntarily retire or where they are involuntarily discarded for any number of reasons including, de-
selection (Svoboda and Vanek,1982), with the old cliché of “there is no room for sentiment in
professional sport” ringing out, or injury (Elkin, 1981; Rotella and Heyman,1986). This moment for
any professional sportsperson may come at any time, be it as you make your swansong in front of a
packed sports arena, or perhaps sitting alone in a physiotherapist’s office awaiting the results of an
injury, the life of a professional athlete can be both transcendent and fragile (Danish, Petitpas, and
Hale, 1993).
McKenna et al. (2007, p. 19) based on the work of, Stephan et al. (2003) comment that this career
termination can be “associated with numerous health problems, many being underpinned by a
problematic adaptation to a new life outside elite sport”. That retiring professional sportspeople who
have invested so much in their particular field, find that once they are left with no option but to retire

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from their sport, may be left with “poor employment prospects and compromised physical and
psychological well-being” (McKenna et al. 2007, p. 20).
There are few full time professional sports played in Ireland, in the main due to the small population
size (four and half million, CSO, 2011) which affects their economic viability. One sport, which has
developed a strong full time professional base in Ireland, has been rugby union, which since turning
professional worldwide in 1995, has grown year on year in terms of both popularity and indeed
participation rates in Ireland (IRFU, 2010). The monies earned by the IRFU for television rights, for
both the national team and the provincial teams, (€16 million for year ended 30th April 2009, per the
IRFU in 2010); make it possible to have professional rugby played in Ireland. Personal tax incentives
available to players since 2002 have further facilitated its development as playing domestically and
finishing their careers in Ireland is financially beneficial to players (IRFU, 2010).
Outlined below are the most recent figures from the IRFU annual report and accounts 2012/2013, (p.
66) which outlines to some extent the growth and size of professional rugby, and the cost of
professionalism in terms of players and managers wages.
TABLE 1: ANNUAL ACCOUNTS FROM THE IRFU
2012/2013 2011/2012 2010/2011
€ € €
Total Income 65,666,586 67,181,515 69,276,830
PROFESSIONAL GAME COSTS
Player and Management Costs 28,576,706 28,648,479 28,458,178
% of total income 43.52% 42.64% 41.08%
ELITE PLAYER DEVELOPMENT
Wolfhounds/ Irish “A” team 152,186 90,851 102,488
Under 20’s 407,399 414,440 381,169
Academies 1,348,118 1,337,710 1,276,019
High performance unit 420,379 345,160 379,267
Fitness programme 596,088 443,703 557,238
Total elite player development 2,924,170 2,631,864 2,696,181
% of total income 4.45% 3.92% 3.89%

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However, the move to professionalism is in the midst of the current economic climate has proven
economically unsustainable for one element of the Irish rugby landscape, club rugby; according to the
2013 IRFU “Club Sustainability Report”. This “Club Sustainability Report” highlights the increased
costs of playing players, coupled with a fall in club sponsorship and other revenue streams, in most
cases linked to the economic downturn, has brought the issue of professionalism to the fore again. In
light of these concerns, the IRFU will effectively return the domestic club rugby game to its amateur
roots from September 2014, when payments to players will be outlawed other than those made by a
province for, Senior, Senior A, and Academy/Development, players (IRFU, 2013).
With organisations now being “increasingly challenged to understand and manage employees’
retirement expectations, and with employees’ relationships to retirement decisions and the age at
which they expect to retire likely to change as their careers unfold” (Post et al., 2013), the relative
youth of the profession of rugby and lack of experience on the transitions of former players, and the
aforementioned “possible problematic adaptation to a new life outside elite sport” (McKenna et al.
,2007, p. 19), there is a need for professional rugby union organisations to both identify and manage
the transitions that their “employees” endure.
With rugby being a relatively new profession it affords an interesting opportunity for research. With
its increased profile as a sport and a number of high profile retirements in the sport for both Munster
and Ireland in the last two years, I felt that an examination of the effects of retirement upon
professional rugby players would be timely. My research centres on the experiences of former
Munster players who kindly made themselves available for my research, and the major issues I have
identified which include;
• its practitioners will have to retire or “transition” out at a relatively young age;
• that there may be numerous reasons for this transition;
• that given the financial rewards on offer from the sport for most players, they have to pursue
careers upon retirement to sustain a standard of living;
• that with its youth as a profession that there will be “growing pains” as issues become
apparent; and
• with different demographics having now come to retirement (players who had played amateur
before professionalism was introduced and subsequently played professional, those who were
professional from the outset but who did not go through provincial academy systems, and
those players who have been professional from progressing from the provincial academy
systems right through to senior status).

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CHAPTER 2 - LITERATURE REVIEW
This section reviews the relevant literature providing a commentary on the existing state of
knowledge, theories, and empirical evidence. The implications of the findings from the review justify
the proposition to explore the influences on and effects of retirement on professional rugby union
players through qualitative methods. It concludes by building a framework for this study, by
identifying gaps in knowledge on the subject, and outlines the specific research questions and
objectives.
2.1 RETIREMENT
“Retirement is a change in employment status, from working to non-working, that is usually expected
to coincide with a predetermined age (e.g. 65), predetermined length of service (e.g. 20 to 30 years),
or health deterioration (e.g. physical disability) (Streib and Schneider, 1971). Three basic types of
retirement can be defined: (1) on-time retirement, when a worker stops working on or after a
predetermined age or length of service; (2) health-related retirement, when a worker stops working
either on, after, or prior to a predetermined age of length of service because of ill-health and/or
disability; and (3) early retirement, when a worker stops working prior to a predetermined age of
length of service where ill-health and disability are not factors” (Shim et al. 2013, p.278).
Sargent et al. (2013), who reference Anderson, 1985 and Hardy, 2011, state, that “as retirement is an
invention of the late 19th century, one that did not reach full maturity until after the Second World
War. Its extension through the 20th century, with the building of institutional arrangements to provide
retirement income, represents one of the major shifts in life course patterns over the past 200 years
(Anderson, 1985; Hardy, 2011). The experience of retirement as a distinctive life stage was not
widespread before government, firm, and occupational pension schemes became common, along with
well-defined retirement ages”.
Over the last decade, there has been a particular shift away from the notion of the traditional career,
due to increased globalisation (Burke and Ng, 2006) and technological advances (Wallace, 2004;
Burke and Ng, 2006). “A number of broad-based societal level and organizational changes have
occurred in recent years and have led to disruptions in how retirement has been experienced by
individuals, as well as how organizations try to regulate and control the exit of late career workers”
(Sargent et al. 2013). Mallon (1999, p.358) notes that “the demise of the traditional career is widely
heralded (Arthur and Rosseau, 1996; Handy, 1994; Bridges, 1995) as it is replaced by more fluid and
individual career choices”. Cawsey (1995, p.41) argues that “stable, long-term career security is
becoming a thing of the past, requiring new ways of thinking about, and framing relationships among,

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work, organisations, payment and value for effort”, with Freedman (1993) stating that the
“contemporary labour market provides almost no long-term secure jobs”. “No longer can a career be
envisioned as an upward progression through an organisational or occupational hierarchy. Rather it
must be viewed as boundaryless, variable and portfolio-orientated” (Arthur and Rosseau, 1996, Hall,
1996).
Pleau and Shauman (2009) reference Ekerdt and DeViney (1990) who outlined “five common ways to
define a population as ‘retired’: separation from a career, exit from the labour force, reduced work
hours, public or private pension receipt, or self-definition”, while Szinovacz, 2003 perceive “the
transition from work to retirement as a complex process that can follow various pathways and evolve
from multiple influences”. Pleau and Shauman (2009) highlight the contradiction to the common
notion that retirement means an abrupt end to labour force participation, with research showing that
older workers exit the workforce in complex ways (Hayward et al., 1994; Moen et al., 2000; Quinn
and Kozy, 1996; Warner et al., 2010). Researchers argue that retirement is more of a process than an
event (Marshall et al., 2001; Moen et al., 2000; Pleau, 2010), with dozens of possible combinations of
paid work and time out of the labour force. Working for pay after defining oneself as retired is more
common than generally assumed, and the stereotypical retirement experience – the abrupt ceasing of
all paid work and commencement of a life of leisure – is the experience of only about half of all
workers (Han and Moen, 1999; Maestas, 2010; Moen et al., 2000; Pleau, 2010; Ruhm, 1990).

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2.2 SPORT IS WORK
“The nature of modern professional sport as a work-like environment for participants means that there
is a focus on performance, production and profit” (Price, 2007, p.42). Horne et al. (1999) summarising
the work of Rigauer (1981), as referenced by Price (2007), who suggested that modern sport has been
shaped by its purposeful, rational, work-life behaviour patterns, which are reflected in its
organisational structure through the characteristics of division of labour, mechanisation,
rationalisation and bureaucratisation which are also evident in modern work, outline six ways that
modern sport and paid employment complement each other;
1.“The repetitive, intensive and demanding training techniques, necessary for achievement in
elite sport, reflect the alienating and dehumanising nature of the factory floor assembly line;
2. The athlete, and in particular, the elite sports team has a host of experts and “support
personnel” allocated to them. These “experts” are responsible for developing strategies and
tactics. The athletes are expected to comply with a prescribed tactical plan and fit into a fixed
division of labour that the individual or team has played no part in developing;
3. As in paid work, the athlete has limited ownership of the product where they may be able to
exercise initiative. Rigauer notes that room for exercising initiative is greater in sports than in
most forms of work but argues that the gap is constantly narrowing;
4. The nature of the bureaucratic administration of sport means that management and officials,
not athletes themselves, decide on sport-related policies;
5. The effect of these changes in modern sport is that a once amateur pastime has developed into
a demanding, achievement-orientated and alienating area of human activity. Consequently
sport loses its potential to be used as an escape from the pressures of work;
6. The idea that sport can fulfil this function of escapism is a “masking ideology”, where the real
functions of sport in modern society are hidden from participants; for example, through the
pretence of leisure, reinforcing an ethic of hard work, achievement and group loyalty, all of
which are necessary for the operation of an advanced industrial capitalist society” (Price, 2007,
p. 42).
Coakley (1994) suggests that professional sports have features, some of which resonate with paid
employment, which include;
• Career opportunities for athletes are highly limited;
• Career opportunities for athletes are short term;
• Most career opportunities in high level sport do not result in fame and fortune;
• Opportunities for women, ethnic minorities, the elderly and disabled are extremely limited.

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During the past two or three decades, there has been a significant change in how the sports industry
has operated and in particular the increased removal of sport from its amateur foundations. Sport as a
commodity is increasingly integrated with entertainment, media organisations and transnational
corporations, where it has become part of internationally traded goods and services (Price, 2007).
Some participants are now viewed as “media-athletes”, which has increased their social significance
(Torregrosa et al., 2004), and with the current financial rewards being offered to them, further
separate them from “normal” people (Newman, 1989, Marthinus, 2007, p.15 ).
The professional rugby union era is relatively new, both in Ireland and globally compared to other
professional sports. Rugby Union turned professional in 1995, heralding the end of the amateur era at
not just the international level, but also at provincial and club level (RFU website). Since then rugby
union has developed hugely both as a sport and as a global brand. Price (2007) in referencing Kell,
(2002) states that “the globalisation and professionalisation of rugby has many implications for the
experiences of players and introduces new patterns of work, which are characterised by greater
intensity, complexity, mobility and very different connections with notions of club, community and
nation”.

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2.3 PROFESSIONAL SPORTS AND RETIREMENT
The sports career, which is deﬁned as “the multi-year sports activities of the individual aimed at high
level sports achievements and self-improvement in sport” (European Federation of Sport Psychology,
2000), is not a homogenous entity but is composed of several stages (Cecic Erpic et al, 2004, p.46).
Cecic Erpic et al (2004, p.46) state that “each stage, including sports career transition and adaptation
to post-sports life, is characterized by a set of speciﬁc demands requiring adjustment by athletes and
has therefore been comprehended as a transition”. Schlossberg and associates proposed model of
human adaptation to transition (Schlossberg, 1981; Schlossberg, Waters, & Goodman, 1995), outlines
a transition as “an event or non-event which results in a change in assumptions about oneself and the
world and thus requires a corresponding change in one’s behavior and relationships” (Schlossberg,
1981, p. 5), with Marthinus, (2007 p. 2) referencing Baillie and Danish (1992) stating that “retirement
may occur at any stage in an individual’s life and is, in reality, a point of transition from an activity in
which there has been a commitment of time, energy and role identification”.
Research suggests that there are significant consequences for the retiring athlete, which range from
the negative effects, including catastrophic emotional and social effects (Kerr and Dacyshyn, 2000
and McKenna and Thomas, 2007), to others suggesting no change (Torregrosa, Sanchez and Cruz.
2004) to positive effects (Allison and Meyer,1988). A healthy career transition has been defined by
Alfermann and Stambulova (2007, p. 714), as “successful coping with the transition and success in
life”, which Stambulova et al. (2009) going further in saying that it represents “a general feeling of
adjustment and an increase in sport and life satisfaction”. The dichotomy of this, the “retirement
crisis” is said to result according to Taylor and Ogilvie (1994) in a number of undesirable behavioural
symptoms “including psychopathology, substance abuse, occupational, family and social problems”
which was expanded upon by Stambulova (2003) to include “disorientated behaviour, increased sense
of failure, emotional discomfort and decreased self-esteem”.
Marthinus (2007, p26) referencing the work of Rosenberg (1981) states that “for a professional
athlete, retirement from sport is not a conclusion, but often a major, perhaps jarring, shift in
occupational status and mobility. Here retirement and aging are synonymous only within the context
of the sport itself, where athletic life expectancy and productive years differ dramatically from those
to which demographers, gerontologists and other social scientists commonly refer”.

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2.4 INFLUENCES AFFECTING CAREER TRANSITIONS
Marthinus (2007) comments that too often athletic transitions are portrayed as either traumatic or
liberating, rather than transitions which result in difference of adjustment, based on how each
individual perceives the transition. Werthner and Orlick (1986) and Schlossberg (1981) as referenced
by Marthinus (2007, p.4) highlight that “a multitude of behavioural patterns are associated with
athletic transitions simply because individuals bring their own perceptions of stress, personal
resources, coping strategies, and socialisation experiences to this athletic-career transition. It is a
combination of the individual, and his/her available resources, as well as the type of transition
encountered that mediates adaptive success or failure”.
Sussman’s work in relation to adjustment (1971) as referenced by Marthinus (2007, p. 6) “asserts that
perceptions about retirement will be influenced by the following types of factors:
1. Individual (e.g. motives, values, goals, problem solving skills);
2. Situational (e.g. circumstances of retirement, pre-retirement planning, retirement income);
3. Structural (e.g. social class, marital status, availability of social systems);
4. Social (e.g. family, friends, extended support);
5. Boundary constraints (e.g. societal definitions, economic cycles, employer attitudes)”.
Roberts (2010) noted that cultural differences and the existence of structured pre-retirement planning
programmes have been found to affect the transitional experiences of professional rugby union
players (Roberts, 2010). These findings are echoed in research carried out by Alfermann et al. (2004)
and Stambulova et al. (2007) across other sports which highlighted that the transition out of elite
sports is a dynamic, multidimensional, multilevel, and multifactor process in which nationality/culture
plays an important role (Stambulova, et al., 2007).
In this paper, I will detail information from the New Zealand Rugby Union Players Association
(NZRPA) on the effects of retirement amongst their members. These findings are included for
illustration purposes of the extent of issues encountered amongst other former players, noting the
limitations of applicably to the Irish context per the findings of Roberts (2010).
In looking specifically at the athletic transitions of professional rugby players, the findings of the
2011 “NZRPA Retired Players Survey” highlights the difficulties that have been faced by former
professional rugby players in New Zealand;

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• Almost one third of players said they were unprepared and struggled during their first 3
months post retirement;
• 29% felt they were not prepared for their eventual retirement;
• 27% struggled to manage the transition in their first three months out of professional rugby
citing depression, feelings of despair, lack of self-esteem and anxiety issues;
• 40% faced complications during their transition – including work, study, financial, physical
and mental;
• 60% took 6 months or longer to “gain control” post retirement;
• Those who studied and/or undertook work experience during their career had a smoother
retirement transition.
To delve into the subject on a structured basis we will look at the five influences according to Crook
and Robertson, (1991) that affect career transitions;
1. Anticipatory socialisation. This is the proactive response of preparing for retirement before
it happens (Crook and Robertson, 1991). The lack of preparation for life post sports can negatively
affect athlete’s ability to adjust, with some athlete’s not contemplating retirement during their
competitive sport because considering it, may be considered defeatist and admitting to failure
(McLaughlin, 1981). Torregrosa, Boixados, Sánchez and Cruz (2004) report “that younger athletes
and those viewing retirement as distant, tend to avoid planning prior to their retirement and that job
choice gained importance as the sporting career progressed”.
“In sport, the retirement of an elite athlete can be extremely difficult to cope with if they have not
adequately prepared or have not planned for such an event” (Price, 2007). The extent to which an
athlete has prepared for the transitioning from professional sport into an alternative working
environment is strongly linked to the issues that arise (Taylor and Ogilvie, 1998; Lavallee and
Anderson, 2000). As quoted by Cecic Erpic (2011) pre-retirement planning of post-sports life broadly
influences the quality of adaptation to life following a competitive sports career (Coakley, 1983;
Pearson and Petitaspas, 1990; Stambulova, 1994; Cecic Erpic, Wylleman and Zupancic, 2004). Blann
and Zaichkowsky, (1986) wrote that “the lack of preparation for retirement and its consequences
makes the athlete vulnerable in the retirement experience”. “The degree and quality of adaptation to
career termination and transition may depend on developmental experiences that occurred since the
inception of their athletic careers” (Taylor and Ogilvie, 1998).
Price (2007) highlights research which indicates that career development and planning for elite
athletes is largely in agreement on the various benefits it provides athletes whilst in the high

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performance phase of their athletic career (Martens & Lee, 1998; North and Lavalee, 2004,
McGillivrary, 2006). Price (2007, p. 59) states “that career development has the ability to broaden an
athlete’s self-identity, enhance perceptions of control, and develop life-skills. Danish (1993) defines
life-skills as those “skills that enable us to master the tasks necessary to succeed in our social
environment; for example learning to transfer skills from one domain of life to another, in particular
those skills learned in sport that can be applicable at home, at school, or in the workplace”.
Athletes who pre-plan find the transition less disruptive and they can develop passion for the new
challenge they have directed their energy to (Werthner and Orlick, 1986). The development of other
interests encourages athletes to maintain balance in their life (Sinclair and Orlick, 1993), though it
may be impossible for a professional athlete to totally balance sport with other areas of life, “given
that sport at the elite level requires an extreme level of commitment” (Balaque, 1999).
Hawkins and Blann (1996) and Martens and Lee (1999) referenced by Price (2007) identified that
“athletes understanding the career process is an important component of career development, and has
specific implications for athletes in terms of enhancing their awareness of alternative careers beyond
sport”. Yet despite this the findings of studies illustrate that young elite athletes are less likely to
engage in career development and planning activities than non-athletes (Blann and Zaichowsky, 1986;
Kennedy and Dimick, 1987, Murphy, Petitpas and Brewer, 1996). Vitale (2002, p.1) argues that
“professional athletes today have been hampered in planning for their future careers by the intense
demands of training, travel, performance and the ever-present prospect of physical injury”. Further to
this, as referenced by Danish et al (1993), athletes rewarded for their athletic endeavours may choose
not to seek success in academic pursuits or other career opportunities, instead engaging in “identity
foreclosure”, closing off alternative career identities due to this early commitment to their sport
without sufficient exploration of other avenues (Stevenson, 2001; Marcia, 1966). Murphy (1995)
wrote that athletes can feel left behind in terms of career development, as they are often making
education and work decisions later than their peers, as they delay decisions in relation to them until
after their sporting career is finished. Hill and Lowe (1974) argue that with the increased salaries on
offer for sporting professionals, that elite athletes may develop a false sense of security, and may give
low priority to career development and planning, while North and Lavallee (2004) reference these
elite athletes may perceive that they have significantly more time in their sport and fail to make plans
for their future. Cecic Erpic et al. (2004, p.47) outlines a relationship “between post-sports life
planning and a less difﬁcult adaptation to post-sports life which has been empirically supported (e.g.
Stambulova, 1994; Svoboda & Vanek, 1982), yet approximately 45% of athletes (Wylleman et al.,
1993) do not think about their life after active sports involvement”.

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The lack of preparation for retirement by some professional rugby union players in Ireland, is borne
out as on the June 30th
1999, 41 Irish players were released from their contracts, of which 18 had no
plans for new careers on the 1st
of July (Coughlan, 2009). Hamish McAdams of the Irish Rugby
Union Players Association (IRUPA) outlined that “the average rugby career is only about six years
and the majority of these guys are not earning big money …the facts are that these guys are going to
have to work for 30 to 40 years following a rugby career, so it is imperative that they have something
to go to afterwards” (Coughlan, 2009).
It would appear that from the findings of the 2008 IRUPA survey, that the realisation of life after
rugby is developing and that players are being more proactive in preparing for same; “that of the 150
professional rugby players in Ireland at that time, 75% have degrees/qualifications or are working
towards it” which he outlined “means that our players are amongst the most educated bunch of
professional players in rugby” (Coughlan ,2009).
Maeve Smith, (IRUPA players services advisor for Leinster), speaking to the Score.ie (2013), believes
the game of rugby is gradually coming to terms with the task of preparing players for careers after
they hang up their boots. “Players have to be realistic ….. Something we talk about with all players
and athletes is tomorrow might be the end of rugby for them. If that comes, they face a transition
period, just like everyone else who works must, at one stage or another.” She added; “Before rugby
was professional, players went back to their jobs when they retired. In the early years of
professionalism the awareness was not there, that players needed qualifications or development in
other areas of the life. That is beginning to change now.”
In 2008, an IRUPA survey conducted by BDO Simpson Xavier Consulting found that “Only 6% of
players found the experience easy, with the vast majority of players finding it difficult. Coupled with
financial and medical issues, is the psychological factor, retirement for a pro rugby player represents a
major change in lifestyle, it affects every aspect of your life – not alone are you trying to plan a new
career and experiencing a large salary drop but you are also dealing with the Hero to Zero effect.”
(IRUPA, 2008).
While we have discussed some of the growing literature on the implications of career development
and planning, which highlight improved performance, life-skills and career awareness, which can
stabilise athletes in the present and prepare them for their futures, including the development of the
identity of athletes and their preparation for athletic termination and transition, it is evident that
significant barriers exist in the engagement of athletes with same, and that anticipation of retirement
would appear to be very much a personal preference;

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Alan Quinlan (former Munster and Irish Professional Rugby Union Player) (2010, p. 243) writing in
his autobiography ; “So, I am planning for the future – I’ve got the same fears and concerns that any
professional sportsman has, but I’m not looking too far ahead”.
DJ Forbes (New Zealand Sevens Captain) comments in NZ Rugby World (2011, p. 93) that “with his
29th birthday arriving soon…he’s already working on a transition plan for when his rugby days are
over. I’m not too fussed. I went into the workforce straight after school and didn’t play rugby right
through so I’m pretty confident I’d be able to get a job if rugby came to a halt”.
Luke Andrews (former rugby union player with Wellington in New Zealand) says in NZ Rugby World
(2011, p. 97) that; “all rugby players, including myself, think that they’re bullet-proof and their
careers are going to last as long as they want it to. I was lucky that mine has but could’ve easily been
injured or got a tap on the shoulder by a coach saying I might want to consider something else next
year. If I’d been left in the lurch, my one regret would’ve been not getting enough work experience.
You’ve got to do it as soon as possible, get proactive and get some sort of qualification behind you”.
2. Identity and self-esteem. The loss of identity and diminished self-esteem are problems
associated with the transition to retirement of professional athletes, as many of them gauge their self-
worth on their athletic identity and ability (Botterill, 1981). Some researchers suggest that one of the
most important determinants of adjustment to retirement, “is the degree to which an athlete’s identity
is immersed in the sport, or self-worth is defined by sport” (Marthinus, 2007, p.10, Baillie and
Danish, 1992; Pearson and Petitpas, 1990; Taylor and Ogilvie, 1994). Webb et al, (1998) and Coakley
(1998) “argue that the danger of such strong and exclusive identification with the athlete role is that it
may result in identity crises and emotional disturbances following termination of athletic
participation” (Price, 2007, p. 147).
“Cecic´ Erpicˇ et al. (2004 p. 47) highlighted “an athlete’s commitment to sports and the consequent
reduction of investment in other social roles (e.g. student, partner, friend) often leads to the formation
of a strong athletic identity (McPherson, 1980), which can have both positive and negative
consequences for participants in sports. It has a positive inﬂuence on sports achievements (Danish,
Petitpas, and Hale, 1993; Werthner and Orlick, 1986), exercise adherence, and athletic performance
(Brewer et al., 1993). Other researchers have found evidence to suggest that individuals with strong
athletic identity risk experiencing difﬁculties after sports career termination (e.g. Blinde and
Greendorfer, 1985; Cecic´ Erpicˇ, 1998; Pearson and Petitpas, 1990; Werthner and Orlick, 1986)
which may also affect the duration of emotional and social adjustment to post-sports life (Grove,
Lavallee, & Gordon, 1997)”.

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Given the short term nature of professional rugby union career, the development of life skills would
appear particularly important, and given the commitment required for this athletic career, the
involvement in the sport does not necessarily assist in the development of skills in some of these areas
(Horne et al, 1999, McGillivrary et al, 2005). Petitpas et al (1997) argues athletes may struggle in life
after work for a number of reasons, the athlete who possesses effective life-skills are better able to
cope with the challenges of a career outside sport than those who lack these skills. Their argument
goes further in saying that those athletes who were successful in learning important life-skills from
their participation view themselves not just as talented athletes but also as talented people; that they
have transposed their sport success into life success.
Murphy (1995), Martens and Lee (1998), Anderson (1999) and Hickey and Kelly (2005), argue that
socio-economic status, financial dependency on the sport, perceived performance, balance of life and
post-athletic occupational potential would all be positively influence by career development. Price
(2007) also references other studies “which have found that career development and planning that
assists athletes to develop work and social skills enables them to deal more effectively with the
pressures of being elite athletes, and suffer less anxiety about being a late starter in a career outside
sport” (Brewer, Van Raalte and Linder, 1993, Danish, Petitpas and Hale, 1993, Murphy, 1995).
Stephan et al. (2003) speaking of the areas that “contribute to an athlete’s satisfaction with life, which
constitutes the basis for their subjective well-being, highlight that an elite athlete’s life style is
subordinated to sport, which becomes a way of life (Stambulova, 1994). Life style is based on
powerful commitment, both physically and emotionally (Wylleman, De Knop, Menkehorst,
Theeboom and Annerel, 1993), with daily routines and regimes of energetic discharge and physical
exercise, stimulation and efficiency (Steinacker, Lormes, Lehman and Altenburg, 1998).
With evidence suggesting physical activity and sport act as protective factors against stress,
depression and/or unsettling behaviour (risk-taking, experimental behaviours and drugs use) (Ferron
et al., 1999), elite athletes may not experience the gambit of psychological, social or physical
development stages experienced by their non-athletic peers, leaving them ill-equipped for lifestyle
changes upon retirement (Smith and McManus, 2008).
Other factors which complicate transitions include athletes who do not feel that they have achieved
their goals, particularly due to injuries or de-selection (Werthner and Orlick,1986). Consideration of
life after their retirement eases the transition, as athletes develop interests which make their athletic
identity less prominent (Blinde and Greendorfer, 1985). Athletes, who adopt a sense of
accomplishment of achieving their sporting goals, view their athletic experience as positive, and this
makes them more willing to tackle new challenges (Sinclair and Orlick, 1993; Werthner and Orlick,

22 | P a g e
1986). Ian McKinley (former Leinster player) saw his career ended at the age of 21 after suffering a
serious eye injury, stated in an interview; "That's why I was so relieved to have that one year of
playing with Joe (Schmidt) behind me at least. If I didn't do that I would have gone crazy completely
(Boyle, 2012)”.
Roberts’ (2010) research on athletic identity and life satisfaction between former professional rugby
union players from England, Wales and South Africa, found that latter enjoyed higher levels of
athletic identity both during and after their athletic career. She deduced from her research that lack of
pre-retirement planning, combined with high levels of athletic identity equate to low levels of life
satisfaction for the South African athletes.
Price (2007, p. 146 (17 players surveyed ranging in age from 19 to 22)) in his research on young elite
rugby players in both Australia and New Zealand, highlighted the importance to rugby in the
participants identities, when they were asked to rank the top three priorities in their life;
TABLE 2: PRIORITIES IN LIFE OF YOUNG ELITE RUGBY PLAYERS IN AUSTRALIA & NEW ZEALAND
PRIORITIES IN LIFE 1ST
PRIORITY % 2ND
PRIORITY % 3RD
PRIORITY %
Rugby 59% 18% 24%
Family 24% 35% 12%
Education 6% 35% 18%
Religion 12% 0% 6%
Social life 0% 6% 29%
Friends/Girlfriend 0% 12% 0%
Career 0% 0% 6%
Price’s findings, of rugby being of most important priority of this young age group, (which is not
surprising “given that sport at the elite level requires an extreme level of commitment” (Balaque,
1999)) is even more disturbing given the link between athletic identity and transition in retirement,
and the findings from the 2011 “NZRPA Retired Players Survey” which identified the following;
• 15% experienced loss of self-esteem or confidence
• 34% experienced problems due to loss of identity/public profile
• 13% of players still consider themselves to be professional rugby players post retirement

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• 39% believe their sense of identity (who I am) has improved since retiring.
However, encouragingly the survey found that 87% of current players are undertaking some form of
meaningful career education and/or personal development outside of rugby and 90% are actively
seeking to develop a potential career outside of rugby. 78% believe that since retiring they have
developed a strong interest in things outside of rugby.
Looking at comments made by former and current rugby union professionals, some players would
appear to be acting very diligently, both pre and post retirement, with the development of appropriate
qualifications to secure employment post rugby;
Anton Oliver, who played professionally for Toulon and New Zealand and who retired at the 33.
During his career he managed to acquire degrees in Finance and Physical Education, but he concedes
his concern at a rugby world devoid of the brainy young men who once represented universities like
Oxford and Cambridge and then went on to become respected doctors, lawyers, academics, leaders in
finance and such like. " I think that the player at the end of it, although he will be richer in rugby
experience, will be the poorer as a person overall. But it was always going to happen once rugby
went professional. You are not going to get that any more All Blacks who are Rhodes scholars in the
future. My feeling is that if you are reasonably intelligent and you have got an inquiring mind, a
professional rugby life is not enough now. It's a very uncertain path because of all sorts of things like
injuries that you can't control…Because to me, the game still hasn't sorted out what it is going to do
with all the 32-year-olds that will get spewed out the other end of the system, emerging without any
qualifications or any real life experience”. (Bills, 2008).
Simon Miall who played for Harlequins and who retired at the age of 31, after five years as a
professional, felt that some of his career prospects were hampered as he “ was put off by the prospect
of having to start on the bottom rung of law or accountancy” given his age. He offers a warning to
professionals playing today, saying “you are a long times retired, so keep other things going
alongside rugby” (Edgar, 2010).
3. Personal management skills. Given their oft total commitment to support from an early age,
athletes may grow to depend on their coaches or others for decision making purposes. The sports
environment creates a lifestyle based upon commitment, discipline and routine that is designed to
shelter an athlete from external distractions (Stephan et al. 2003). Nicholi (1987,p. 1096) references
the unusual environments that some athletes evolve in stating “ in one sense, athletic development has
proceeded at the expense of emotional development”. This dependence may hamper the athlete’s
retirement transition because they are dependent on others, for such factors are personal management
(Botterill, 1981). “Studies conducted by Werthner et al. (1986) and Kerr et al. (2000) investigating

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past athletes’ perceptions of retirement suggest the sports environment may lead to a poor sense of
personal control due to the management of daily routines, behaviours and decision-making by coaches
and sports associations” (Smith and McManus, 2008), with very few athletes indicating a strong sense
of control during their sport career (Werthner et al., 1986; Kerr et al.,2000).
A positive relationship with a coach can ease the transition, allowing the athlete to reach their goals
and to enjoy their athletic experiences, however, a negative relationship, which might include factors
which means that the athlete may be forced to leave the sport earlier than they expected can lead to a
difficult transition (Werthner and Orlick, 1986).
4. Social support systems. Werthner and Orlick (1986) among others highlight that the support
of family and friends can ease the degree of disruption that the transition to retirement often brings,
with Botterill (1981) stating that support from former athletes, family, and sport helps the adjustment
to athletic retirement (Baillie and Danish, 1992; Petitpas, Danish, McKelvain and Murphy, 1992;
Sinclair and Orlick, 1993). Studies by Arviko (1976), Hearle (1975), Mihovilovic (1968) ,Werthner
and Orlick (1986), Gorbett (1985) and Fortunato (1996) indicate according to Marthinus (2007, p.
92), “athletes with a broad-based social identity that includes family, friends, educational, and
occupational components demonstrated better adaptation following retirement”. As often a large
majority of the friends and acquaintances are found in the sport environment and their social activities
revolve around same (Botterill, 1990; Svoboda and Vanek, 1982), retired athletes find themselves
avoided by current players or “socially dead”, a concept used by Rosenberg (1981) and Lerch (1982).
This isolation might be exacerbated by the fact that “training and playing demands limit conventional
social connections, and intense bonding takes place” (Light and Kirk, 2001, p. 85). (The 2011
“NZRPA Retired Players Survey” found that 70% miss the camaraderie of professional rugby). This
avoidance behaviour may be adopted by athletes who are still active to “protect themselves from
admitting the uncertainty of their own careers” Marthinus (2007, p. 93). The loss of a support system
of friends, who continue on in the sport, is said to negatively impact on the transition (Mihovilovic,
1968).
Additionally to this Hill and Lowe (1974) comment “that professional sports teams are unlikely to feel
any obligation to prepare their athletes for the inevitable metathesis” that retirement will bring which
exacerbates the issue of retirement transition. Crook and Robertson (1991) highlight that support
systems, if available, often just help with employment upon retirement, and often fail to provide
emotional support.

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The 2011 “NZRPA Retired Players Survey” findings in relation to transition support were;
• 83% said family and friends was most crucial;
• Approximately 50% felt that they were not well supported during their initial retirement with
29% finding it difficult to talk to people about their transition;
• Only 19% of players felt well-supported during their transition – players were hesitant in
asking for help and assistance was not as accessible as it is now.
Eoin O'Malley (Leinster and Irish A professional rugby union player) who was forced to announce his
retirement from the game due to a long term knee injury. Commenting at the time to Leinster Rugby
(2013) in relation to the support that he had received he says; “It is obviously an incredibly tough
reality that I am still trying to come to terms with,” ….“After exhausting all options I am devastated
to be retiring from the game. But I am so fortunate to have such a great support base. I would like to
say a very special thank you to my family, girlfriend, friends and Leinster team-mates who have been
so supportive -–especially over the last few months”.
5. Voluntary versus involuntary retirement. Coakley (1983) comments that voluntary
retirement, as defined by Kerr and Dacyshyn (2006), as retirement when an athlete has another
choice of action, can lead to a positive transition as it may be considered part of normal human
development. Research illustrates that adaptation to retirement is dependent, in part, on the nature and
quality of the sport experiences (Kerr and Dacyshyn ,2006). With involuntary transition, athletes find
themselves less prepared and more resistant to retirement, than those who retire voluntarily
(McPherson, 1980). Retirement where the athlete has no control over their retirement decision,
because of age, injury (Werthner and Orlick, 1986), de-selection, conflict with coaches and
management (Kerr and Dacyshyn, 2000; Werthner and Orlick, 1986, Allison and Meyer,1988; Baillie,
1993; Cecic-Erpic, 2004), or for family reasons, appear problematic to retirement transition
(Mihovilovic, 1968).
Age : Marthinus (2007, p36) referencing the work of Khan (1972), Kramer (1969), Mihovilovic
(1968), Weinberg and Arond (1952) and Svodoba and Vanek (1982) states that “age, or more
specifically, the decline in performance due to advancing age, is typically considered to be a primary
cause of retirement”. The 2011 “NZRPA Retired Players Survey” found that the average age of
retirement for players sampled in their survey was 32, with an average career span of 9 years. The
survey indicates that nearly half of the players had an element of choice in regards to retirement, with

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about half (48% of players retirement was unexpected) having the decision forced on them through a
combination of physical (body can’t cope), medical (injury) or other environmental issues (non-
selection).
Information on the length of the professional career of the current professional Irish rugby union
players is not readily available, however in, appendix 3, I have attempted to highlight the current age
demographic for both the professional Irish and Munster teams. A summary of the results highlight
that players over 30 years of age, account for only 22% of the Irish senior team squad and only 17%
of the Munster 1st XV squad.
TABLE 3: AGE DEMOGRAPHIC OF PROFESSIONAL RUGBY TEAMS IN IRELAND
NO. OF
PLAYERS
OLDEST
PLAYER
AGE
YOUNGEST
PLAYER
AGE
AVERAGE
PLAYER
AGE
MODE % UNDER
27 YEARS
OF AGE
% OVER
30 YEARS
OF AGE
Ireland Senior Team
2012 -2013
50 34 20 28 28 46% 22%
Munster 1st XV
Squad 2013-2014
41 34 21 26 26 65.85% 17.07%
Munster A Squad
2012 - 2013
17 31 19 22 24
Ireland Under 20
squad 2012 – 2013
23 20 19 19 20
Munster Academy
2013 - 2014
10 20 18 19 20
Considering that according to IRUPA (2008) the “average rugby career is only about six years”, and
with players committing to rugby in a very serious manner from a young age, such as those chosen for
the Munster “A” squad (average age of 22) and the Irish Under 20 and the Munster Academy,
(average age of 19), the worry has to be what will become of these players should the average career
statistics run true?
Price (2007, p. 132) in his research on young elite rugby players in both Australia and New Zealand
(25 players surveyed ranging in age from 19 to 22) found that while they expected their future

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professional rugby careers to last in the majority of cases (53%) for the next seven to ten years,
statements from “management and coaches suggested that in fact the majority of players will play
professional rugby for only four seasons or less, a figure in stark contrast to the 71% of players who
indicated they would play elite rugby for between seven and fifteen years”.
The psychological implications of ageing in sport are said to include;
• A decrease in motivation for training and competing (Werthner and Orlic, 1986);
• A change in values and priorities (Cecic-Erpic, 1998, 2000; Svoboda and Vanek, 1982);
• A decline in self confidence in related social activities (Sinclair and Orlick, 1993);
• A loss of status in the sports environment (Sinclair and Orlick, 1993).
Former All Black coach John Mitchell, highlighted a distinguishing feature between the work of a
professional athlete and other types of work, is that age often determines career length for a
professional athlete, when he commented that with “talent being identified earlier and the nature of
the elite game requiring athleticism, power and strength, international rugby careers will start earlier
and finish earlier, beginning at 19 or 20 and finishing at 26 or 27” (Thomas, 2003).
John Hayes (former Munster and Irish Professional Rugby Union Player) (2012, p. 253) in writing in
his autobiography states; “I had just turned thirty-eight. I couldn’t summon up the same sort of
hunger anymore….The level of preparation was increasing every year. Times were changing; the
game doesn’t stand still, and I was starting to struggle to keep up”.
Injury : Retirement due to career ending injuries, which can happen at any age is said to according to
Elkin (1981) and Rotella and Heyman (1986) “ to possibly cause athletes to experience identity crises,
social withdrawal, fear, anxiety, and loss of self-esteem”.
Rugby union is a high injury sport, or to quote Francois Pienaar (former South African Captain).
“Rugby’s not a contact sport anymore. Dancing is a contact sport. Rugby is a collision sport”, which
sums up the physical nature of the sport which belies the injury statistics. Amongst professional rugby
union players, the risk is heightened with findings by Bathgate et al., (2002) highlighting in Australia
a “57% increase in injuries, comparing pre- and post-professionalism (from 47 injuries per 1000 hours
to 72 injuries per 1000 hours)” which parallels the findings of a Scottish study by Garraway et al.
(2000). “For comparison, the rates in field hockey, basketball, and netball are respectively (15.2, 15.1
and 12.1 per 1000 hours” (Stevenson et al.,2002, as quoted by McKenna and Thomas, 2007, p. 21).
As referenced by McKenna and Thomas (2007), “tolerance of these injury rates, may stem from
attitudes which may include respect for authority, club loyalty, and values of “cultural capital” such as
“hegemonic masculinity” (Light and Kirk, 2000), stoicism and being a “real-man”, by tolerating

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hardship without complaint” (Howe, 2001). The technical ability of players has increased
immeasurably, coupled with the demand for increased levels of fitness and physical and mental
robustness. Recent studies have concluded that the higher the standard of rugby, the higher the
chances of an injury occurring (Traylor). Reasons for this include; longer playing seasons, higher
levels of competitiveness, increased intensity in training techniques and the fact that it is a full time
job so they spend most of their time trying to develop into better players, physically and mentally
(Traylor).
The most recent figures available from the English Rugby Football Union (R.F.U. ) are detailed in a
2013 report carried out by the English Professional Rugby Injury Surveillance Project Steering Group
on behalf of The Rugby Football Union and Premier Rugby Ltd. which presents the high level
findings from the 2011-12 season in relation to injuries, and compares them with the results from the
8 previous Injury and Training surveillance seasons (2002-03, 2003-04, 2005-06, 2006-07, 2007-08,
2008-09, 2009-10 and 2010-11). This report found that:
• “The overall risk (incidence and day’s absence) of match and training injury in Aviva
Premiership Rugby remained stable during the 2011-12 season and was within the ‘normal
range’ of season by season variation seen since the study began in 2002.
• Whilst the incidence or likelihood of sustaining a match injury reduced by 12% (94→82
injuries per 1,000 hours) compared to 2010-11, this was counterbalanced by an increase in
average match injury severity from 21 to 27 days, although this increase was still within the
range attributable to season by season variation. The increase in average severity was largely
as a result of an increase in the number of injuries resulting in 3-6 months out of the game.
This figure is an increase on the findings of Bathgate et al. (2002) as discussed previously.
• 323 training injuries were reported. Therefore, one third of all reported injuries are occurring
in a potentially controllable environment”.
More worryingly would appear to be the statistics in relation to the retirements caused by injuries. The
2013 report from English Professional Rugby Injury Surveillance Project Steering Group, found that
six players retired (out of 574 Aviva Premiership First Team squad members) in the 2011-2012
season as result of injuries sustained (either through first team competitive matches, training or that
were cumulative) that did not resolve during the season. (Note this does not include the number of
retirements as a result of injury from which a player had been deemed to have returned to full fitness
before retirement, and thus this figure does not fully reflect the total number of players who retired
due to injury). This brought the number of retirements since the 2002-03 season to 33 based on the
already mentioned criteria. Alarmingly the RPA (Rugby Players Association) Rugby Director David

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Barnes says of the forthcoming 2013/2014 English rugby domestic league season "it is a grave
concern to us…. that Rory becomes the 7th player to be forced to retire this season before the Aviva
Premiership season has even got underway. Following on from 22 forced retirements last season
(2012/2013), the highest number recorded, the RPA will be working with the players, Premiership
Rugby and the RFU to ensure that player welfare is the key focus for the game (ESPN, 2013)."
The issue of player welfare and preparation for life after sport, as increased in significance within the
world of sport, and particularly in rugby, and is now widely reported upon in the popular press, as the
popularity of the game grows in the wake of professionalism, and as its players take on the role of
“media-athletes” (Torregrosa et al., 2004); “Eoin O'Malley is the latest to have his dream taken from
him. The Leinster star was forced to announce his retirement last week at just 25 years of age with a
knee injury. He joins an unfortunate group. Players such as Ian Dowling (at 28), Denis Leamy (30),
Darragh Hurley (26) and Shane Horgan (33) have all had their careers brought to a premature end
because of serious injury” Conor George in the Irish Independent (27th
August 2013).
On the 20th
August 2013, at 25 years of age, Eoin O'Malley (Leinster and Irish A professional rugby
union player) was forced to announce his retirement from the game due to a long term knee injury.
Commenting at the time, to Leinster Rugby (2013) he says; "It is obviously an incredibly tough reality
that I am still trying to come to terms with….At the age of 25, it is surreal to be reflecting on your
career, especially when I hoped there were many more years ahead for me.” He had only turned
professional in 2009 for Leinster.
Ian McKinley (former Leinster player) saw his career ended at the age of 21 after suffering a serious
eye injury. Speaking in 2012 to the Donnacha Boyle of the Irish Independent he says of attempting to
return to rugby;"I weighed the pros and cons up with my dad. The pros were fame, for want of a better
word, and playing the sport you love. I didn't care about the money. The cons were, well, your whole
life”. And in closing remarked when asked, “was there life after rugby?”; “"There was life during it."
George (2013) highlights that as rugby has matured from its early days of professionalism, so too has
the cognisance of the governing bodies to the issues surrounding the transition of players into
retirement from the game, and that progress has been made in dealing with same, through IRUPA
which have “player advocates employed in the four provinces to liaise with the players and help the
likes of ….(injured players) and even those retiring on their own terms, to make the transition into the
'real world' after their careers come to an end”.
This progress is probably highlighted best by examining the comments of John O’Neill, who played
with Munster, until he was forced to retire in 2003 at the age of 29. At the time of his retirement he
commented to Munster Rugby (2003), “It goes without saying that I am pretty dejected about having

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to give up playing rugby. I thought I would have gotten a few more years out of a job I really enjoyed.
But in the end the decision was made for me and now it's a question of getting on with it. ….The
priority now for me is to get myself sorted out work-wise with a view to the future. As I said I thought
up to very recently that I would be involved in rugby for a few years to come but now I have to
readjust my thinking and think of another career.” In an interview with Conor George (2013) he
outlines how this transition unfolded; there was no contingency plan in place, no advisor on what to
do next, no support network. "I had to get a job. We had nothing in place. I thought I had another
four or five years of playing but then we had no systems in place, certainly not what the guys have
now. …It was a shake of the hand, your P45 and out the gate. There's no bitterness, absolutely none.
Back then, neither the provincial sides nor the national team were set up to cater for retiring players.
They had nothing in place….It was trial and error with us…... The generation before us had proper
jobs so it wasn't as much of a wrench. In my case I was lost. I wasn't set up for it."
De-selection : Svoboda and Vanek (1982) recorded that “de-selection is one of the harshest processes
that occur at every level of competitive sport”. Competitive sport is according to Ogilvie and Howe
(1982), “unlike other areas of life in which people may continue to function regardless of level of
competence, and relies on the Darwinian philosophy of “survival of the fittest”.
Alan Quinlan (former Munster and Irish Professional Rugby Union Player) (2010, p. 243) outlines
the dispensability of the modern sportsperson in the professional era ; “I’d like to stay forever as a
player. But that cannot be. Like products on a supermarket shelf, professional sportsmen are a
perishable commodity and my rugby best-before-date is getting closer and closer”.
Voluntary : The perception of control over an athlete’s retirement, does according to Marthinus
(2007, p41) referencing the work of Bandura (1997) aid “mental health and successfully
development, and also is strongly correlated to heightened feeling of self-efficacy, which plays a key
role in behaviour change and adjustment”. Research illustrates that adaptation to retirement is
dependent, in part, on the nature and quality of the sport experiences (Kerr and Dacyshyn ,2006).
With involuntary transition, athletes find themselves less prepared and more resistant to retirement,
than those who retire voluntarily (McPherson, 1980). Some researchers such as Coakley (1983),
Blinde and Greendorfer (1985) and Greendorfer and Blinde (1985) have found that retiring athletes
may actually experience liberation from the pressures and the punishing time commitment of sport.
Marthinus (2007, p41) references Sinclair and Orlick (1993) in stating that “the three most important
reasons for athletes selected for deciding to retire were;
1. They were tired of the lifestyle and decided that it was time to move on;
2. They had achieved their goals;
3. They had difficulties with the coaching staff.”

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Werthner and Orlick (1986) highlight that athletes “may seek new challenges and go their own way”,
with Greendorfer and Blinde (1985) finding that “they may look for other sources of satisfaction in
other areas of life, or may even have a change in values”.
John Hayes (former Munster and Irish Professional Rugby Union Player) (2012) in writing in his
autobiography states; “It was nice of him to ask, but my mind was made up. I was ready to let go now.
It was settled in my head. My career was over. It had reached its natural, organic end. There wasn’t a
tiny part of me that was tempted to hang on. ”(p.253)…. “Between the farm and the family I’m
looking forward to a long and contented life. I was steeped to get out of the game without any injuries
that could affect the quality of your life in later years” (p.258).
Sean Brophy who played for Leinster in 2004, spoke about his voluntary retirement. Having decided
at the age of 23 to pass up an opportunity to play for Connacht, he decided to study for his masters on
the basis that “pro rugby for me was looking in quite a narrow way, it can be monotonous and hard
work. I need something more than just sport for an income. I’m just glad it worked out”. (Drennan,
2013).

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2.5 DIFFICULTIES EXPERIENCED BY RETIRED PROFESSIONAL RUGBY
UNION PLAYERS
“The quality of the sports career transition and the adaptation to post-sports life thus depends upon
athletic and non-athletic factors. Their influence can result in a successful, relatively smooth
transition, or in more or less intense difficulties at the psychological, physical, psychosocial, and/or
occupational level” (Cecic´ Erpicˇ, Wylleman and Zupancic,2004, p.48, Wylleman, Lavallee and
Alfermann, 1999).
With retirement, the role transition of athletes to a new career, does according to Drahota and Eitzen
(1998) present a challenge, given that the athlete’s lose the primary source of their identities, coupled
with the loss of financial rewards, hero status amongst fans, media attention, social status and other
extrinsic and intrinsic rewards (Crook and Robertson, 1991; Sinclair and Orlick, 1993).
Omar Hassanein, CEO of IRUPA, and former professional rugby player in Australia, Japan, France
and Italy, who had to retire because of injury, states in an interview with George (2013) talking about
his own transition; "You experience a loss of identity,…. It's a rough transition and elite athletes at
this level are very susceptible to mental and psychological issues because of the heights and depths of
their careers and experiences”.
Emmet Byrne (retired Leinster player) speaking to Joe.ie (2012) outlined that difficulties in transition
into retirement appear commonly amongst former players in Ireland; “I haven’t found anyone within
my close circle of friends, who are professional rugby players, who haven’t struggled in some way or
form once they retired.”
Difficulties recorded on the psychological level include;
• Identity crisis - (e.g. Baillie and Danish, 1992; Crook and Robertson, 1991; Pearson and
Petitpas, 1990),
• loss of self-worth (e.g. CecicÉrpicˇ, 1998; Wylleman et al., 1993),
• decrease of self-esteem (Werthner and Orlick, 1986),
• decline of life satisfaction (Cecic´ Erpicˇ, 1998; Werthner and Orlick, 1986),
• emotional problems (e.g. Alfermann and Gross, 1997; Cecic´ Erpicˇ, 1998; Werthner and
Orlick, 1986),
• feelings of unaccomplished athletic goals (Cecic´ Erpicˇ, 1998; Werthner and Orlick, 1986),
• and alcohol and drug abuse (Mihovilovic, 1968, Hill and Lowe, 1974).

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The 2011 “NZRPA Retired Players Survey” highlighted that in relation to physiological and
emotional issues;
• 74% said they coped well with retirement
• 26% cannot say they coped well.
• 35% of retired players experienced depression or feelings of despair – 43% of players who
retire due to injury cited depression or feelings of despair;
• 30% experienced high levels of anxiety and stress;
• 23% experiences alcohol or substance abuse;20% experienced relationship issues;
• 13% experienced aggression issues.
Roberts’ (2010) research between former professional rugby union players from England, Wales and
South Africa found the following in relating to emotions and difficulties; that uncertainty
characterised the transitional period for former English rugby union players; while former South
African players reacted with more anxiety to same. South African players also showed a higher
likelihood to have difficulties in transition. She found that coping mechanism differed according to
nationality, with former English players more prevalent at coming up with strategies and plans,
expressing negative feelings and talking to other people concerning issues. The former Welsh players
were more vocal as a method of “letting unpleasant feelings escape”, while the South African players
were slightly more inclined to refuse to believe in retirement.
Physical difﬁculties recorded include;
• injuries and health problems (e.g. Svoboda and Vanek, 1982; Werthner and Orlick, 1986),
• problems with detraining (e.g. Cecic´ Erpicˇ, 1998; Wylleman et al., 1993),
• and dietary problems (e.g. Cecic´ Erpicˇ, 1998; Svoboda & Vanek, 1982).
The 2008 IRUPA survey found that “41% of players retired from rugby directly as a result of injury
out of which 72% are in regular pain or discomfort as a result of injuries sustained during their
playing career. Nearly half of players can no longer play rugby of any kind”. Other statistics revealed
by IRUPA include that “30% of players forced out of the game, and claiming insurance from the
injuries that curtailed their career, are under the age of 30” (thescore.ie, 2013).
The 2011 “NZRPA Retired Players Survey” found in relation to medical issues that;
• Players typically averaged 14 major injuries (out for 1 month of more or hospitalised for 1
night or more) during their career.
• Average career was 9 years, which equals 1.5 major injuries per player per year.

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• 8% sustained an injury that put them out for a year or more, 33% for 6 months or more and
65% 3 months of more.
• 37% of players are suffering major medical problems post rugby career while 51% believe
that injuries suffered during their career have impacted negatively on their current health and
well-being.
• 67% are worried about the implications that injuries sustained will have later in life.
• Average 2.5 medical issues per player post rugby.
The 2011 “NZRPA Retired Players Survey” finding in relation to health issues was;
• 58% of players retired as a result of injury or wear and tear;
• For 30%, one major injury directly resulted in their retirement;
• For 12%, a combination of injuries resulted in their retirement;
• 16% stated that “wear and tear” resulted in retirement.
Further findings from the 2011 survey on medical welfare in the comparing past players with current
players, highlights that while players may still take to the pitch injured under some outside influence
there has been a notable reduction in same;
TABLE 4: FINDINGS ON MEDICAL WELFARE (NZRPA RETIRED PLAYERS SURVEY 2011)
PAST PLAYERS CURRENT PLAYERS (2009 NZRPA SURVEY)
68% felt pressurised to play while injured 10% have been pressured to stay on the field after
a concussion/injury
70% felt pressured to play before fully recovering
from injury
18% have been pressured to play before fully
recovering from injury
52% felt pressured to stay on the field after being
injured
73% hid an injury from medical staff in order to
play
20% have not always told the medical staff about
concussions
3% felt pressured to take performance enhancing
drugs
8% have felt pressure to take performance
enhancing drugs.

35 | P a g e
Difficulties recorded on the psychosocial level include;
• social and cultural loneliness (Botterill, 1988),
• deficiency of social contacts (Cecic´ Erpicˇ, 1998; Danish et al., 1993),
• emotional and psychosocial breakdowns (Hearle, 1975; McPherson, 1980, Mihovilovic,
1968)
• and problems with building new relationships outside of sports (Cecic´ Erpicˇ, 1998;
Mihovilovic, 1968).
Difficulties recorded on the occupational level include;
• lack of an occupational career (Cecic´ Erpicˇ, 1998),
• lack of professional qualification (e.g. CecicÉrpicˇ, 1998; Wylleman et al., 1993),
• less suitable professional career choices (Wylleman et al.,1993),
• And a decline in financial income (e.g. Cecic´ Erpicˇ, 1998; Werthner and Orlick, 1986;
Wylleman et al., 1993).
Garraway et al, (2000) comments that, in rugby, the worker has a relatively short productive work
life, and is prone to serious injury, with Horne et al, 1999, stating that the chance of maintaining or
improving the level of income after retirement from sports is unlikely for many.
The 2008 IRUPA survey found that professionals; “experience a significant drop in earnings on
retirement. The results show that even two years after retirement most players struggle to achieve the
same salary. 9 out of 10 player’s salaries decreased in the first two years after retirement and of those
players earning up to €100,000 during their career, only 1 in 4 were able to maintain this level on
retirement”.
The 2011 “NZRPA Retired Players Survey” found that since retirement;
• 46% of players had been unemployed at some stage since retiring – of which 82% were
unemployed for a period of 3 months or longer;
• 93% are currently employed;
• 47% believed playing professional rugby inhibited their ability to work/study while 53%
would have liked more opportunities to work or study.
• 87% of current players are undertaking some form of meaningful career education and/or
personal development outside of rugby and 90% are actively seeking to develop a potential
career outside of rugby.

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• 50% of all players will earn less than $60k in their first 2 years after retirement (28% are still
earning less than $60k.
TABLE 5: SALARY FINDINGS OF RETIRED RUGBY PLAYERS IN NEW ZEALAND (NZRPA RETIRED PLAYERS
SURVEY 2011)
FINAL 2 YEARS PLAYING FIRST 2 YEARS AFTER PLAYING
$200k + / year 48% 7%
$100k+/year 79% 24%
$60k+/year 93% 56%
In relation to personal networks and work experience the survey found;
• 60% said they attained their job through personal networks;
• 28% worked at their current job before or during their rugby career;
• 33% of players ended up working in a rugby related environment;
• 24% found work in a professional services (tertiary education required);
• 15% own a business.
The survey also found that those who studied and/or undertook work experience during their career
had a smoother retirement transition with 88% of players agreeing that having and education or trade
is an important part of life after professional rugby;
• 42% said that the qualifications they obtained before or during their rugby career helped them
gain employment on retirement;
• 40% of past players had a degree before becoming professional rugby players and 29% had a
trade or workplace qualification;
• 52% of players actively studied during their rugby career;
• Only 25% of past players enrolled in an educational institution following their retirement but
47% would like the opportunity now that they have retired.

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2.6 LOCATING THE PROBLEM WITHIN THE LITERATURE
In the last forty years, research into the career development of talented and elite athletes has evolved
into a growing topic of study among the sport psychology community (Wylleman, Lavallee, &
Theeboom, 2004). The majority of both theoretical and applied sport psychology literature
concentrates on elite competitive sport and means to help athletes achieve top level goals, however,
with the development of sports sciences, due no doubt to the increased commercialisation of
professional sports, there has been a growing interest in conceptualising the sports career termination
process (Torregrosa et al., 2004).
Studies in relation to various aspects of this process include;
• Adaption to the difficulties and trauma associated with career termination -Mihovilovic, 1968;
Ogilvee and Howe, 1986; Taylor and Ogilvie, 1994; Werthner and Orlick, 1986).
• Retirement from competitive sport being a life event that influences former athlete’s well-being
and development – Alfermann and Gross, 1997, Greendorfer and Blinde, 1985; Wylleman, De
Knop, Menkehorst, Theeboom and Annarel, 1993.
Difficulties exist in the research to date which is said to stem from “a divergence between conceptual
and empirical matters” (Marthinus, 2007, p.2).
The conceptual formulations, such as Sussman’s Analytical Model for the Sociological Study of
Retirement, 1972 and Schlossberg’s Model of Human Adaptation to Transition, 1981, are drawn
externally to the world of sport and applied to the sports area without the consideration of findings
already reported in sport literature on retirement (Taylor & Ogilvie, 1994).
The empirical research in the area per Marthinus (2007, p. 3) in quoting Sinclair and Orlick, (2003),
examines the “dynamics of athletic transition and is grounded in crisis orientation”. This is a portrayal
of the post retirement life of an athlete as” traumatic and negative, as well as dysfunctional in terms of
psychological disorders” (Marthinus, 2007, p. 3). Other empirical research on the subject suggests that
there is evidence of relief amongst retiring athletes from the pressures and the extreme time
commitment of sport (Coakley, 1983; Blinde and Greendorfer, 1985;Greendorfer and Blinde, 1985).
Another notable limitation concerns the lack of effective interventions addressing the transitional
needs of athletes before, during and after termination (Smith & McManus 2008). While Schlossberg’s
Model considers characteristics of the individual, the transition and the pre and post retirement
environments in determining adaptation success (Lavallee & Wylleman 2000, Schlossberg 1981,
1984), and has progressed from identifying the causes and consequences of sports retirement to

38 | P a g e
investigating factors influencing the quality of career transitions and strategies preparing athletes for
sport (Anderson & Morris 2000, Smith & McManus 2008) it fails to still identify effective
interventions.
Aside from identifying trends in the factors influencing a positive or negative retirement experience,
limited exploration has been directed towards the broader psychological, social and physical
adjustments encountered by elite athlete’s upon career termination (Smith & McManus 2008). Greater
emphasis should be directed towards these areas in order to ensure a positive adaptation into post-
sports life.
This report will attempt to draw on the previous theoretical work both within and outside of sport,
coupled with both current research in the area and the findings of the research allied to this report, to
study the adaptations of professional rugby union players to retirement from their sport.
Another limitation in the literature is that the concept of “athletic retirement has been disregarded” to
an extent “because this transitional event is equated with the occupational retirement of older adults,
and there is a misconception that only a small number of individuals who compete in elite and
professional sport are likely to be affected by this transition” (Baillie and Danish, 1992). In this paper
we will seek to highlight some of the key differences that exist between the retirement of professional
athletes and the occupational retirement of older adults, which include;
• Athletes finishing their careers at a relatively young age (Baillie, 1983; Blinde and Greendorfer,
1985), often at the approximate age when their peers “are often beginning careers in other non-
sporting domains, getting married, and having children. These comparative situations may add to
the already stressful feelings inherent in athletic retirement” (McKnight et al. 2009).
• That the athlete’s identities are disrupted in their retirement transition (Pearson and Petitpas,
1990). The commitment of athlete’s to their sport from an early age may create a situation where
they may not develop interests in other areas. This “foreclosed identity” (Brewer, Van Raalte and
Linder, 1993) which may disrupt their “normal developmental events such as identity
development”.
Another significant issue, has been alluded to previously, is the relative youth of the game of
professional rugby union. Given that the sport has only adopted a professional status since 1995, the
amount of writing in relation to effects of retirement upon its players is limited. In Ireland, IRUPA
commissioned a report on the effects of retirement amongst players in 2008; however, the findings of
this report are confidential. This report will attempt to tackle the void in the current literature that
these presents.

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2.7 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
The main objectives of this report are to;
• Detail a quantitative analysis of the five influences according to Crook and Robertson, (1991)
that affect career transitions;
1. Anticipatory socialisation;
2. Identity and self-esteem;
3. Personal management skills;
4. Social support systems; and
5. Voluntary versus involuntary retirement; and
• Outline the effects on the retired athletes on an psychological, physical, psychosocial and
occupational level; and
• Highlight possible issues that may be make future retirement transitions more difficult for
current players.

40 | P a g e
CHAPTER THREE – METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this chapter is to outline the steps taken in the collection of data with enough detail
that the study could be replicated. It will also provide concise justification for the research strategy
taken.
The hypotheses upon which this research is based, is drawn from the research of (Cecic Erpic, 2000),
“that an involuntary and abrupt sport career termination, a lower evaluation of sports achievement, the
lack of post-sports life planning, and a high athletic identity while playing sports, would lead to a
more difficult sport career termination process” (Marthinus, 2007, p.1138).
This current study would appear to be the first academic research of its kind in Ireland on the subject
matter, which is probably due to the relative youth of professionalism in the sport of rugby union, the
small number of people who fit the demographic of “retired professional rugby union players in
Ireland”, and the minority of retired professional athletes from any sport in Ireland, due to the
inability of most sports to sustain full time professional athletes domestically. The research that has
been commissioned by the Irish Rugby Union Players Association (IRUPA) is confidential in nature,
and the result findings that have been made public are scant in detail. The most up to date academic
information on the effects of retirement of professional rugby players would appear to be the work of
Claire-Marie Roberts of the University of Worcester, who kindly offered me access to her two most
recent presentations of the subject, (her 2008 presentation for the University of Glamorgan Doctoral
Conference “An in-depth appraisal of transitions in rugby union”, and her presentation at the 26th
Annual Conference of the Applied Association of Sport Psychology, Providence, Rhode Island, , “ A
cross-cultural evaluation of rugby union transitions”). Miss Roberts has expressed an interest in the
examining the findings of this paper.
The initial hope for this project was to apply quantitative and qualitative approaches to extrapolate the
information required to answer the research question.
The quantitative approach was to be based on the use of the Sports Career Termination Questionnaire
II (SCTQ II). The SCTQ II assesses characteristics of the retirement from professional sports process,
evaluating the characteristics of an active sports career, sport career termination, transition to post-
sport life, and adaptation to post-sport life. The focus of this element of the report was to explore the
experiences of the retired professional rugby union players as they transitioned to retirement. This
questionnaire has been applied in previous research, and may have provided meaningful comparisons
to the effects felt by retired athletes from other sports and also from different nationalities and
cultures. Dr. Cecic Erpic, the author and copyright owner of the SCTQ II questionnaire gave written
consent for the use of the questionnaire on the 10th
May 2012.

41 | P a g e
It was hoped that through endorsement by IRUPA, that the questionnaire would be circulated to its
members, to achieve a sufficient sample size to draw valid and reliable results, and that interviews (to
be discussed later) with retired players might be arranged, however this endorsement was not
achieved.
Having failed to win an endorsement from IRUPA, and given that there was no available database of
retired professional rugby union players available, I took the decision to abandon the quantitative
aspect of my research, as it became apparent that I would not establish a sufficient sample size to
derive statistical analysis from. The only avenue left to pursue research on the subject was through
interviews with retired professional players who I could access through friends and acquaintances,
and indeed through social media in one example. This narrowed the sample to retired professional
rugby union players who played for Munster, given that through my personal connections these were
the individuals I would most likely gain access to. While all of the sample had also played
professionally for Ireland, given the current set-up of professionally rugby in Ireland, where players
are contracted to either clubs or provincially, and then offered central contracts to play for Ireland, it
is not possible to generalise the findings to an Irish context, as the individuals clubs or provinces may
instigate different approaches towards the transition of players in retirement, and these approaches
may impact on the effects of retirement on the individuals involved, as per the findings of Roberts
(2010).
Despite the lack of quantitative data, the data derived from the interviews undertaken, was considered
to be sufficient, as interviewing has been found to be one of the most effective techniques for gaining
insight into another person’s experiences (Kvale 1983). As the purpose of this research was to delve
into the experiences of former professional rugby union players on their transition into retirement, the
use of the data derived from the interviews appeared to be a legitimate research method, which
allowed for the enrichment and deepening of the body of knowledge on this matter, but not to
generalise or make predictions (Strean, 1998). Additional qualitative research within sports
psychology is gaining increased recognition, as researchers realise the potential benefits of same
(Strean, 1998).
“The interview consisted of a series of planned questions organised into a number of interrelated
sections (Marthinus, 2007);
• Beginning the interview. Introductory remarks and demographics.
• Initiation (training) stage.
• Maturity (performance) stage.
• Anticipation (realisation of retirement) stage.

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• Interview conclusion.
• Evaluation and summary”.
Each participant was presented with an identical sequence of open-ended questions (Kvale, 1996)
which were needed to stimulate an appropriate depth of disclosure. This is to ensure that responses
from all interviewees will be equal in value in accordance with recommendations of Scanlan, Stein &
Ravizza (1991). Should the interviewee not understand the question when asked, a clarification
process was used to have the athlete repeat and clarify the idea mentioned. In addition, an elaboration
process was used in the interview in order to fully understand what the interviewees have said, and to
elicit further ideas. These predetermined general probes will be utilised to minimise bias by ensuring
that all questions are answered in a similar manner. I personally interviewed all six interviewees to
maximise consistency. No inducements were offered to the interviewees, and they were consistently
reminded that they may withdraw at any stage and that their participation is voluntary.
The questions are drawn from the 2007 research from Marthinus, “Psychological effects of retirement
in elite athletes” and are detailed in appendix 1.
The interviewees were given a brief detail of what the interview will entail, and how their data will be
recorded and analysed. Interviews varied in duration from twenty five minutes to 1 hour and ten
minutes, depending on the openness of the individuals involved to speak on the various subjects. Five
of the interviews were carried out face to face, while one was carried out over the phone, due to work
commitments in that individuals life, however several studies have shown that self-disclosure and
interview responses do not vary between telephone and face to face interviews (Bermack, 1989).
Prior, to the interview, all participants were reminded that the process is voluntarily, and that they
may withdraw at any stage. They were also reminded that they can stop the interview at any stage and
remove their data at any stage up to final submission. They confidential nature of the interview was
also revisited at this time.
The interviews were voice-recorded, and transcribed immediately by me verbatim. This analysis of
one interview before beginning any further one, increased my familiarity with the data, and allowed
me to probe relevant themes in subsequent interviews. This allowed me to test emerging ideas with
the interviewees, what qualitative theorists have referred to as “participant checking” (Lincoln &
Guba, 1985, Rose & Jevne, 1983).
All of the participants in the interviews were asked to complete the questionnaire SCTQ II, of which
five of the six returned same. One other retired professional rugby union player also completed the
questionnaire, though it did not prove possible to interview him for the project. While we did have

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