DYNAMICS REPORT.

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The dynamics of conﬂicts related to land and natural resources in Rupa, Karamoja, Uganda
THE DYNAMICS OF CONFLICTS RELATED TO
LAND AND NATURAL RESOURCES IN RUPA
SUB-COUNTY, KARAMOJA REGION, UGANDA
With funding and support
from the European Union's
Instrument for Stability
The United Nations
Interagency Framework
Team for Preventive Action
EU – UN Partnership on Land, Natural Resources and Conﬂict Prevention
Charles Kabiswa
Isaac Kabongo
Tom Balemesa
Sylvia Atugonza
Dr. Arthur Bainomugisha
Ecological Christian Organisation
March 2014

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Source: Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development, MEMD), Department of Geological Survey and Mines, DGSM),
December, 2013
About ECO
Ecological Christian Organization (ECO) is a Ugandan non-governmental organization (NGO) working to improve the
quality of life and sustainable livelihoods of the poor and vulnerable groups in Uganda while building a sustainable
future. ECO supports grassroots community through natural resources governance, climate change and livelihood,
Ecosystems Management and Restoration. www.ecouganda.org
About the Associate Partners:
RIAMRIAM is an umbrella of CSOs operating in Karamoja mandated to coordinate, facilitate, build capacity of
organizations, and provide a common platform through which CSOs can advocate for peace, human rights, gender
equality and economic development. www.riamriamcsn.org
Advocates Coalition for Development and Environment (ACODE) is an independent public policy research and
advocacy think tank registered in Uganda with operations in the Eastern and Southern Africa sub region. Over the
last decade, ACODE has established itself as one of the leading public policy think tanks in Africa. Through research,
advocacy, representation, its convening power and expertise, ACODE has become the premier organisation that
facilitates policy dialogue and debate on emerging and cutting edge public policy issues. www.acode-u.org
Authorship
This Report was prepared by the ECO, Riamiriam and ACODE Team comprised of: Isaac Kabongo, Charles Kabiswa,
Sylvia Atugonza, Tom Balemesa, Roselyn Karatsi and Dr. Arthur Bainomugisha.

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Table of Contents
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5
1. INTRODUCTION 11
Objectives 13
Contextual Factors: Geography, Demography, NRM and Conflict in Karamoja Region 13
Land and Extractive Mineral Sector in Karamoja: An Overview 14
2. METHODOLOGY 19
3. Natural Resource Management and Conflict in Rupa 22
3.1 Natural Resources Prioritization 22
3.2 Land and Mineral Exploitation 23
3.3 Patterns of NRM related Conflicts 24
3.4 Drivers of conflict related to Natural Resources Management 26
3.4.1 Land related conflicts 26
3.4.2 Mineral related conflicts 29
4. Key actors, institutions and structures in NRM and Conflict 36
4.1 Introduction 36
4.2 Regional and International Mechanisms on NRM and Conflict 39
4.2.1 The East African Community 39
4.2.2 The Inter-Governmental Authority for Development 40
4.2.3 The Lokiriama Peace Accord 41
4.2.4 The International Conference of the Great Lakes Region (IC/GLR) 41
4.2.5 The Ngurdoto-Tanzania Agreement in 2007 42
4.2.6 Nairobi Protocol of April 21, 2004 and Eastern Africa Police Chiefs
Cooperation Organisation (EAPCCO) protocol 43
4.3 National Mechanisms on NRM and Conflict 44
4.4 Government Policies on Natural Resource Management 44
4.4.1 The Constitution of Uganda 1995 44
4.4.2 The Mineral Policy 46
4.4.3 The National Policy on Oil and Gas 2008 47
4.4.4 The National Land Policy 2013 47
4.4.5 Wildlife policy of 1999 48
4.5 Traditional Natural Resources Management Structures 49
4.6 Role of CSOs and their level of engagement 52
Text

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4.7 Capacity of other Actors, institutions and structures in NRM related
conflicts in Rupa Subcounty 54
5. Critical Issues in NRM Conflict Mitigation and Management 56
5.1.The interface between UWA, NFA and local community over access to
land and minerals resources 57
5.2 Capacity of the actors to deal especially with the emerging mineral related conflicts 58
5.3 Access to land and mineral Resources- Land Usage and Surface Rights 58
5.4 Co-existence of Artisanal and Small-scale Miners (ASM) and Medium
and Large Scale Mining 59
5. 5. Security of Land Tenure 60
5.6. Improved Information Flows and Communication channels 63
5.7. Inadequate Community Consultation and participation in decision making 64
6. RECOMMENDATIONS 66
Table 1: Exploration and Mining License Holders in Rupa Sub-county as
of January 31st, 2014 24
Annex One: Exploration and Mining License Holders in Moroto District
as of January 31st, 2014 71

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W
ith support from EU-UN, the Ecological Christian
Organization (ECO) in partnership with Riamiriam
and ACODE has conducted an Assessment of the
dynamics of conflicts related to land and natural resources in Rupa
Sub-county, Karamoja Region. This study intended to assess the
current situation, challenges and possible solutions regarding actual
and potential conflicts related to land and mining activities in Rupa
Sub-county. The environment of Karamoja offers a number of natural
resources upon which communities depend for daily functional,
economic and social purposes. The region, a home to about 1.147
million people, it is estimated that 80% of the total population is living
below the poverty line (UNDP, Human Development Report Uganda,
2007) relative to the national average of 31% making this region the
poorest part of Uganda, yet it holds over 50 different economic
minerals, including gold, silver, copper, iron, gemstones, limestone
and marble.
After decades of inter-clan and inter-tribal cattle rustling partly
ushered in by a decade of disarmament, many Karimojong and
non-Karimojong see a period of peace, at least in relative terms.
EXECUTIVE
SUMMARY
5
Overview
B
usoga Kingdom is composed of seven politically organised
districts that include; Kamuli, Jinja, Iganga, Bugiri, Mayuge,
Kaliro, Namutumba and the recently proposed Luuka district.
The Kingdom lies under the African tropical region bordering with
Lake Victoria shoreline in the South, River Nile in the West, Lake
Kyoga in the North and River Mpologoma in the East, located in the
Republic of Uganda, East Africa.
Her inhabitants are known as Basoga and their history is largely a
matter of speculation. However, there are a few facts that emerge
from the historical shadows of the past related to the neighbouring
tribes, the Baganda located in the West, South and Banyoro in the
Northwest direction from Busoga
Busoga is a land of peace-loving people who traditionally live
in small homesteads. The Basoga (people) subscribe to large
communities with similar traditional norms, culture and origin.
Their large families or communities are classified as clans and
so long as they shared common traditional norms, their sense of
freedom would be complete. With these values, the Basoga will
live in harmony with each other and to-date they continue to
extend such hospitality to their visitors.
“The Basoga (people)
subscribe to large
communities with similar
traditional norms”
View of the mighty Nile River which is the Kingdom’s lifeline
Contiued Next Page

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However, this peace is fraught with
another challenge, the increasing quest for
land by internal and external actors. Tensions
over control and benefit of resources tied
to land and minerals are tangible in many
communities throughout Karamoja Region.
Communities describe land disputes as
widespread in Karamoja, with acquisition
of land in the sub-region for the purpose of
establishing game reserves or to commer-
cially exploit minerals such as gold or
uranium pitching residents against the UWA,
local government and commercial investors.
Conflicts are also prevalent between
investors, titleholders and the communities
and in communal land between individuals,
sometimes referred to as the elite (educated/
prominent Karimojong) and the communities.
To better understand the status and
implications of conflicts related to land
and extractive mineral resources in Rupa
Sub-county, Karamoja Region, European
Union (EU) and United Nations (UN) funded
ECO to undertake a Natural Resource
Conflicts assessment in Rupa. It is
within this EU-UN Partnership on Land,
Natural Resources and Conflict that this
assessment was conducted to provide
insight into possible mitigation and response
mechanisms that could in turn improve
prevention of land and natural resources
from contributing to violent conflict in the
Region.
Land and Extractive Mineral
Sector in Karamoja
According to January, 2014 statistics from
the DGSM, 17,083.34sq.km (61.67%) of the
27,700 sq. km total land area of Karamoja
region is licensed for mineral exploration and
exploitation activities. The same data
indicates that Moroto district has 26
companies with 44 concessions (35EL, 5LL,
3ML & 1SML) covering a total land area of
3772,43sq.km. By comparison, regional data
indicates that the total land area licensed
for mineral exploration and exploitation
activities is 61.67% of the total land area in
Karamoja wherein 11.22% (1917.5sq. km) of
this land area lies in Rupa Sub-county. There
are currently 10 Mining companies with 22
mineral concessions (1 ML, 2 LL and 19
EL) in Rupa only. Local people say that it
is not clear how investors come to invest,
especially those who are clearing whole
mountainsides or fencing large areas. There
are companies from India and the Gulf,
as well as contractors from other parts of
Uganda.
Patterns of NRM related Conflicts
Communities in Rupa and Karamoja in
general are confronted by different types
of NRM related conflicts which are either
inter or intra (micro–micro) or micro–macro
levels but all relating to the spheres in which
the community find themselves interacting

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with other groups, individuals, communi-
ties, state or corporate actors on issues
related to land and mineral resources and
these included: Disputes over land and
resource ownership, e.g. between investors,
mining companies, lease holders and
the communities and in communal land
between individual elites or educated/
prominent Karimojong and the communities;
Disputes over land boundaries between
individuals or groups; Conflicts between
herders and cultivators (changing Karimo-
jong economy-conflicts between pastoralist
and agro-pastoralist approaches); Disputes
ignited by the speculation activities of
commercial companies-Mineral exploration;
Conflict between mining private companies
and communal land resource users; Conflicts
among the small scale miners themselves-
driven mainly by jealous and need for
access to perceived areas of better mining
results, sharing of proceeds, alcoholism and
other causes. Small scale miners and the
investors1 which are driven by need for
control of the mining activities, land,
unclear terms of operation, the perception
that investors came to know of the minerals
before the local people; Boundary disputes
over access to resources and; Contradictory
natural resource needs and values, e.g.
between wildlife habitat protection and
local livelihood security/UWA gazette reserve
and reduction in access to grazing land and
farming opportunities (Land conflicts are
evident in areas gazetted as reserves by the
Uganda Wildlife Authority-UWA)
Drivers of Land related conflicts
Land and minerals were reported by the
respondents, as the key drivers of conflict
in Rupa. Conflicts are common between the
investors and communities where mining
and prospecting are taking place, sometimes
driven by speculation and rumours over
unclear land acquisition by the
investors and how politicians made a kill in
the mining or prospecting deals, unfulfilled
promises by investors in terms of royalties
and compensation, investors ignoring of
surface rights regarding communal land,
royalties and utilising wrong channels of
communities to enter communities to do a
start-up of their activities.
The sale and lease of communal land to
private investors in Rupa is also on the
rise, and increasingly fuelling conflicts
amongst community members and between
communities and local government officials
and investors; Land and boundary disputes/
contested boundaries between communi-
ties and between mining companies holding
different concessions due unclear
demarcation of the areas of jurisdiction for
their activities; There exists conflict between
the communities and government and the
agencies like Uganda Wildlife Authority and
1
Investors imply mining companies and individuals who are either mining or prospecting

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National Forestry Authority in some areas
citing Lotithan and Kobebe cases.
Drivers of Mineral related conflicts
Rupa sub-county boasts large deposits
of valuable stones and minerals like gold,
limestone, copper, tantalum, tin and
phosphate. While most of these
valuable minerals remain underexploited, the
potential wealth derived from extracting
minerals has already sparked tensions.
Community members reported insufficient
consultation and participation of local
communities in the process of exploration
and exploitation of resources found in their
land is creating resentment and driving
conflicts across the area; There conflicts
between small scale miners themselves-
driven mainly by jealous and need for
access to perceived areas of better mining
results, sharing of proceeds, alcoholism and
other causes. Small scale miners and the
investors (mining companies or mining
license holders) which are driven by need
for control of the mining activities, land,
unclear terms of operation, the perception
that investors came to know of the
minerals before the local people and what
underlies it as one FGD a respondent
noted with concern; Prices of gold whereby
a few monopolies/buyers over bargain the
price of gold to meet their interest thus
exploiting the local miners; Attributed
these conflicts to have been mainly the
responsibility of governments, local
leaders, Uganda Wild Life Authority, Forestry
department for their failure to come out
clear and engage in discussions with the
local people about issues of demarcation,
gazetting, degazzeting, access and
compensation, concessions, royalties
and other information related to land and
mineral issues; The local government
insists that sometimes they are blamed with
no clear basis and attributes some conflicts
to the general lack of public awareness
about the exact location and abundance of
valuable resources leading to speculation
and rumours, while private investors’
exploration activities, though often
well within the bounds of the law, are
perceived with suspicion by local commu-
nities and lead to conflicts; The increasing
population in the mining sites and people
struggling for mining holes, the exploitation
of minerals and land use was reported to be a
major cause of conflict in this area; Reports of
licenses being awarded to companies away
from public scrutiny and of companies
operating fraudulently with expired
exploration licenses and failing to
comply with their obligations towards the
local community are fuelling resentment;
Lack of transparency and public informa-
tion about such transactions, fuels anger
amongst communities. Unclear property
rights and restricted communication as well
as lack of representation, consideration and
protection for traditional resource users (e.g.
pastoralists and small-scale and artisanal
miners), are common cause of conflict;

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Communities expressed high expec-
tations that mining companies would
create jobs and invest in community
development, though often the opposite has
beenthecase,withtheauthoritiesandprivate
investors expelling goldsmiths from the
mines, a crucial source of livelihoods for
local communities and; Some general
causes of conflict included rustling; arms
trafficking, background of colonisation that
involved sharing border lands with Kenya
and South Sudan; tax and royalty revenues
issues and, poverty.
Critical Issues in NRM Conflict
Mitigation and Management
Assessment of the dynamics of conflicts
related to land and natural resources in
Rupa Sub-county elicits a number of
critical needs and issues. These primarily
relateto:(i)theinterfacebetweenUWA,NFA
and local community over access to land,
minerals and other natural resources; (ii)
capacity of the actors to deal especially
with the emerging mineral related conflicts;
(iii) core governance issues including those
related to transparency, accountability and
benefit sharing; (iv) Traditional Natural
Resources Management Structures like
the Etem/Ekokwa (men’s gathering/ meet-
ing/ tree of men) and Akiriket (Sacred
Assembly) need to be supported,
(v) popularisation of Land and Mineral
policies; (vi) consultation and participa-
tion of local communities in the process of
exploration and exploitation of resources;
(vii) Effective Information Flows and
Communication Channels; (viii) Security
of Land Tenure and; (ix) Co-existence of
Artisanal and Small-scale Miners (ASM) and
Medium and Large Scale Mining.
Responsiveness to these issues will likely
determine whether Karamoja’s land and
mineral endowments can be used as a
platform for peace, stability and
development while inaction poses the risk
of further undermining the mitigation and
response mechanisms directed towards
prevention of land and mineral resources
from contributing to violent conflict in Rupa
and the entire Karamoja.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
There is need for widespread sensitiza-
tion on mining and land legislation, as well
as the peculiarities of the minerals sector,
would help mitigate such risks, indicating a
critical role for local government.
There is need to strengthen the
capacity of actors especially to deal with the
emerging mineral related conflicts. There is
need for harmonized and well coordinated
NRM conflict-resolution approaches and
tools should be created. There is also need
to support efforts directed toward strength-
ening the statutory land administration and
increases knowledge access of the land and
mineral laws to the NGOs CBOs, district
technical staff and local people.
There is need to reconcile and
harmonize the mining and land legislations
as they apply within the context of Karamoja
is urgently needed as is local capacity to
engage in reform processes.

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In cases where exploration companies
are active, geologists must (for their own
security) necessarily engage and sensi-
tize land owners as they enter areas (e.g.
for sample collection), typically through
government channels (LCIII or LCI Chairper-
sons) and to a lesser extent clan chiefs and
elders.
There is need for increased
collaboration between civil society and other
actors like Local and Central govern-
ment in addressing the conflict issues in
Karamoja. This should avail communities
with necessary information from all actors
so as to safeguard them from the negative
effects of development.
Blending of traditional and modern
approaches. Traditional systems like the
Etem and Akiririkit need to be supported
There is need to support or contribute
to formalization and improvements to ASM
including building functioning effective
local and regional ASM associations.
Building upon and Coordinating with
Existing Initiatives and other partners.
A significant number of initiatives
related to peace and security, land, mining,
livelihoods, environmental protection and
community health, among other critical
issues.

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T
he Karamoja region is one of the most
impoverished regions in Uganda yet it holds
considerable potential for gold, gemstones,
limestone, marble and other minerals. The environ-
ment of Karamoja offers a number of natural resources
upon which communities depend for daily functional,
economic and social purposes. The Karamoja
sub-region comprises the districts of Moroto,
Kotido, Kaabong, Nakapiripirit, Amudat, Abim and
Napak, The sub-region has suffered perennial conflicts
underpinned by a high level of insecurity, cattle
raiding and inter-ethnic violence. The security
challenges in Karamoja relate to the negative impact
of harsh climatic conditions on livelihoods, porous
borders with South Sudan and Kenya, easy access
to small arms within the population, cattle raiding
and prolonged political and economic marginalisa-
tion. The recent disarmament process in Karamoja has
significantly reduced gun possession, restored relative
peace and spurred economic recovery in some parts
of the sub-region2. The return to security has opened
the door for many corporations to poke their noses into
Uganda’s mineral-rich lands. Karamoja continues to be
plagued by insecurity and intra-Karimojong tensions, all
of which tend to mask the underlying and less well
known processes of mineral exploration, land grabbing
INTRODUCTION
5
Overview
B
usoga Kingdom is composed of seven politically organised
districts that include; Kamuli, Jinja, Iganga, Bugiri, Mayuge,
Kaliro, Namutumba and the recently proposed Luuka district.
The Kingdom lies under the African tropical region bordering with
Lake Victoria shoreline in the South, River Nile in the West, Lake
Kyoga in the North and River Mpologoma in the East, located in the
Republic of Uganda, East Africa.
Her inhabitants are known as Basoga and their history is largely a
matter of speculation. However, there are a few facts that emerge
from the historical shadows of the past related to the neighbouring
tribes, the Baganda located in the West, South and Banyoro in the
Northwest direction from Busoga
Busoga is a land of peace-loving people who traditionally live
in small homesteads. The Basoga (people) subscribe to large
communities with similar traditional norms, culture and origin.
Their large families or communities are classified as clans and
so long as they shared common traditional norms, their sense of
freedom would be complete. With these values, the Basoga will
live in harmony with each other and to-date they continue to
extend such hospitality to their visitors.
“The Basoga (people)
subscribe to large
communities with similar
traditional norms”
View of the mighty Nile River which is the Kingdom’s lifeline
Contiued Next Page
2
Saferworld, ‘Karamoja Conﬂict and Security Assessment’, September 2010

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and land gazetting, as well as government-
driven decentralisation processes which
intensify conflicts between pastoralist and
agro- pastoralist groups and livelihoods.
Community land disputes are widely spread
in Karamoja, with continuous acquisition
establishing game reserves or to
commercially exploit minerals such as gold
or uranium, some residentsturn against the
UWA, local government and commercial
investors. According to January 2014
statistics from the DGSM, currently 51
foreign and Ugandan companies with 136
concessions,
are actively exploring for large mineral
deposits throughout the region while
estimates also indicate that more than
20,000 Karamajong women and men are
permanently or seasonally engaged in
artisanal and small scale mining (ASM)
using crude, hazardous methods as a means
of day-to-day survival (ECO, 2011). Given
these tensions, a solid understanding of the
current situation of NRM related conflicts is
critically needed.
The assessment gathered information in
Rupa sub-county on mining licenses, the
areas covered by these licenses, verify
the level of access to that information by
concerned local authorities and communi-
ties; the types of land and natural resources
related conflicts and their drivers. The key
actors, institutions and structures in
NRM and Conflict including regional and
international mechanisms on NRM and
Conflict, the government policies on NRM
have been analysed. The study explores
the role of Traditional Natural Resources
Management Structures and the role of CSO
and their level of engagement including
assessing their capacity, institutions
and structures in mitigating and manag-
ing NRM related conflicts. As work of this
nature has not been conducted in
Rupa-Moroto, the findings of the survey
provides an insight into possible mitigation
and response mechanisms that could in turn
fill a critical gap and improve prevention of
land and natural resources from contributing
to violent conflict not only in Rupa but in the
entire Moroto and the region.

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Objectives
The primary aim of the Study was to
assess the current situation, challenges and
possible solutions regarding actual and
potential conflicts related to land and
mining activities in Rupa Sub-county,
Karamoja. By examining the nexus of
mining, land use and management and
conflict, the findings will inform the
subsequent implementation of the project
interventions and will help to formulate
integrated strategies for addressing them
NRM related conflict. Specific objectives of
the Baseline Study:
1. Determine the occurrence and distribution
of different mineral commodities and mining
activities (exploration, artisanal, small and
large scale mining) across Rupa Sub-county
2. To identify the key NRM conflict drivers in
Rupa Sub-county, Moroto District
3. Outline the Mineral Policy and related
legislation, institutional roles and responsibili-
ties and their interface with land policy, with
consideration of their joint and individual
applicability given the unique context of
Karamoja.
4. Understand the current and potential role
of key stakeholders, including local govern-
ment and central institutions with respect to
addressing NRM related conflict.
5. To make targeted policy and
programmatic recommendations to improve
responses to the identified NRM conflict
drivers and inform conflict-sensitive program-
ming by actors
operating in Karamoja
Contextual Factors: Geography,
Demography, NRM and Conflict in
Karamoja Region
The Karamoja Region a home to about
1.147 million people, 80% of the total
population is estimated to be living below
the poverty line (UNDP, Human
Development Report Uganda, 2007)
relative to the national average of 31%
making this region the poorest part of
Uganda yet it holds over 50 different
economic minerals, including gold,
silver, copper, iron, gemstones, limestone
and marble. For many decades, conflict
and armed violence have undermined
development in the region, resulting
in some of the lowest poverty, human
development and service delivery indica-
tors for Uganda (Saferworld, 2010, p.6).
About 7,506 families with a total population
of 34,800 people live in Rupa mineral rich
sub-county in Moroto district.
After decades of inter-clan and inter-tribal
cattle rustling partly ushered in by a
decade of disarmament, many Karimojong
and non-Karimojong see a period of peace,
at least in relative terms. However, this
peace is fraught with another challenge,
the increasing quest for land by internal
and external actors. Many say it is “the
peace” that has given ground to land con-
flicts3. The recent disarmament process in
Karamoja has significantly reduced gun
possession, restored relative peace and
3Civil Peace Service Programme, ‘Assessment of land related
conﬂicts and current interventions in Karamoja’, December 2013

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spurredeconomicrecoveryinsomepartsofthe
sub-region4. The return to security has
opened the door for many corporations to
poke their noses into Uganda’s mineral-rich
lands. Karamoja continues to be plagued by
insecurity and intra-Karimojong tensions,
all of which tend to mask the underlying
and less well known processes of mineral
exploration, land grabbing and land
gazetting, as well as government-driven
decentralisation processes which intensify
conflicts between pastoralist and agro-
pastoralist groups and livelihoods. Acute
poverty, poor service delivery, crumbling
infrastructure and perceived marginalisa-
tion are also described as driving conflict
in the sub-region and not having been
effectivelyaddressedbycurrentdevelopment
interventions. The natives, politicians
and opinion leaders in the area warn that
serious conflict might emanate from the
scramble for resources. From the shabby
outposts of Rupa, Bobong, Nakilipa in
Moroto district, to Rata in Amudat district
and Moruita in Nakapiripirit, gold lies in
every tiny pocket of Karamoja, a
region, ironically, enveloped in poverty5.
Communities describe land disputes as
widespread in Karamoja, with acquisition
establishing game reserves or to
commercially exploit minerals such as gold
or uranium pitching residents against the
UWA, local government and commercial
investors6. Land conflicts are evident
in areas gazetted as reserves by the
UgandaWildlifeAuthority(UWA)anddistrict
border areas resulting from the creation of
new Districts and the quest for resources
and fertile land. Conflicts are also prevalent
in mineral-rich areas, between investors,
title holders and the communities and
in communal land between individuals,
sometimes referred to as the elite
(educated/prominent Karimojong) and the
communities7
Land and Extractive Mineral
Sector in Karamoja: An Overview
Approximately 61.67% of the land area in
Karamoja is Exclusive Mineral Exploration
Licenses, Location Licenses and mining
licenses however the status of mining,
extent of concessions, nature and nature or
volume of mineral deposits is not known at
district level; Community knowledge has
remained very law if at it exists in some
areas on mineral rights, land rights,
legal issues, environmental issues and
advocacy engagements, with investors and
leaders at all levels; Investors and Private
Companies estimated to be over 40 com-
panies are taking advantage of the
community’s ignorance, poverty and
4Saferworld, ‘Karamoja Conflict and Security Assessment’, September 2010
5See Mutaizibwa, ‘Secret gold mining sparks conflict fears in Karamoja’, The Observer, 27 MAY 2012
http://www.observer.ug/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=18957&Itemid=114
6Advisory Consortium on Conflict Sensitivity (ACCS), ‘Nothern Uganda Conflict Analysis’, September 2013
7Civil Peace Service Programme, ‘Assessment of land related conflicts and current interventions in Karamoja’, December 2013

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illiteracy to confuse communities with partial
or incomplete information to stealthily acquire
land in the region; there is no community
involvement and consultation over land
acquisition or for exploration set by law and
where it exists obligatory compensation
or royalties to land owners as mandated
by law are unpaid due to lack of proof of
customary ownership. There is lack evidence
of land ownership, the basis of claim and
negotiations for the communities with the
companies for acquisition or compensation
for rights over land is not in place; the intent
of government is questioned by communi-
ties and the suspicion of selling off the entire
mineralwealthoftheKaramojaisalso existent in
the minds of the community and it is merely
consideredtobelandgrabbing,albeitsanction
by either government or those in government;
Exploration and mining is based on
information from private companies
applying for licenses and not understood and
appreciated by the local leaders and
community who view it as a ploy to grab
their land; Local leaders are accusing
government of conniving with mining
companies to grab land of the Karamojong.
These individuals connive with district
officials to stealthily survey land (sometimes
at night), facilitated by concealable hi-tech
handheld digital survey equipment. These
transactions are done in utmost secrecy, and
quickly concluded. Rugadya, et (2010: 42)
claimed that Karamojong elites and political
leaders, who had access to information about
degazettement of PUWR, opted not to share
it or publicize it, and instead, used it for
political mileage and self aggrandizement,

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securing for themselves hectares of land and
personal interests in entities investing in
either tourism, mining or commercial
agriculture ventures in Karamoja.
Ultimately, responsiveness to these
critical issues will partly determine whether
Karamoja’s mineral endowments can be used
as a platform for stability, wealth creation
and development while inaction poses the
risk of further undermining environmental
integrity, human wellbeing, tenuous peace
and security and the invaluable cultural
assets that are unique to the region. The 1995
Constitution of Uganda (article 237) vests
protected areas in government, which holds
them in trust for the people of Uganda. Under
section 44(1) of the Land Act, government
is obliged to protect and conserve natural
resources for the common good of the
people of Uganda. The dominant social
classes mainly target communal lands. They
use their positions and power, because of
the access to information on investment
opportunities, to acquire land likely to
be of interest to investors, which they
alienate from the customary domain by
titling it. Although the 1995 constitution
places all minerals under the custody of the
government, the 2003 Mining Act prescribes
that “revenue shall be shared amongst the
central government, the local government
and the lawful occupants of the land”
(section 98.2) and that districts are
responsible for receiving and forwarding
applications for various mineral rights,
arbitrating compensation, resolution of
disputes and granting of licenses. While
most of these valuable minerals remain
underexploited, the potential wealth derived
from extracting minerals has already sparked
tensions in mineral-rich communities in
Karamoja; one of these communities is
Rupa Sub-county, the location target for this
project.
So far Government has awarded over
seven mining licenses to international and
local companies in Moroto district. These
include Tororo Cement, African Minerals, India
Marble, Jay Magal Gold Mining Company,
and Dao among others. Tensions over

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control and benefit of resources tied to land
are tangible in Moroto especially in Rupa
Sub-county. For example, in June 2012 two
investors were attacked by a mob as they
attempted to off-load equipment for gold
mining in Rupa sub-county, Moroto district
(Karamoja sub-region)9. Communities that
have lived in these villages and grazed their
livestock on fields for centuries are routinely
displaced to make room for gold and copper
mines with little benefit from its extraction.
Allegations are emerging that compradors
working on behalf of powerful individuals
are running an opaque gold mining industry.
Exploiting the internecine conflict
pitting clans against one another, powerful
individuals are said to be carting off vast
amounts of gold and other minerals10. The
licensing of mineral exploration without
adequate community involvement will
continue to drive conflict in many parts
of the region and escalate as more
mineral sites are identified and licensed for
exploitation. District land Boards are also
culprits over leasing large pieces of land in
what apparently appears to be a form of
land grabbing trend. In Rupa sub-county,
Moroto District, a Christian NGO called the
‘Ministry of Prayers Praise’ had been issued
a lease for 10,000 acres of land to construct a
University called ‘Karamoja University’. This
raised eye-brows because the area claimed
is rich in minerals, and elders have demanded
that the district relocates the proposed
university project elsewhere, ‘We are
supporting the idea of Karamoja
getting a university but we want it to be
relocated from where the minerals are
because it’s occupying a large part of land
where we could do mining’11.
In 2009 the government concluded a World
Bank-funded airborne geophysical study of
over 80 percent of the country’s landmass
9See Ariong, Steven, ‘Investors barred from putting up gold mining plant’, Daily Monitor, 30 June 2012.
10See Mutaizibwa, ‘Secret gold mining sparks conﬂict fears in Karamoja’, The Observer, 27 MAY 2012
http://www.observer.ug/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=18957&Itemid=114
11See Steven Ariong, ‘Karimojong elders stop varsity project’, The Daily Monitor, August 12, 2011
http://mobile.monitor.co.ug/News/-/691252/1217428/-/format/xhtml/-/2mxbsh/-/index.html

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to map mineral deposits12. Due to ongoing
security concerns, the survey did not include
the Karamoja sub-region. This has fuelled
uncertainty and reinforced perceptions of
exclusion amongst local communities,
generating disputes as investors move
into the area for tentative exploration
operations. Reports of licenses being awarded
to companies away from public scrutiny and
of companies operating fraudulently with
expired exploration licenses and failing to
comply with their obligations towards the
local community are fuelling resentment.
The sale of communal land to private
investors in mineral-rich areas, for example in
Moroto district of Karamoja, is also on the
rise, and increasingly fuelling conflicts
amongst community members and between
communities and local government
officials and investors. Residents have fear of
having their land taken by investors and the
government, with reports of “secret surveys”
being carried out on their land. Investors
showing up to begin mining exploration
activities without previous knowledge of the
local residents, fuels resentment and
mistrust13. Although large areas are
covered by exploration rights (and a few
sites are licensed for extraction of limestone
and marble) the reality of exploration and
distinctions between “surface rights” and
“mineral rights” is often misunderstood and a
source of conflict at local levels14.
Nevertheless, in Karamoja as found across
Uganda, areas are often rapidly picked
up by speculative exploration companies
leaving little opportunity to legalize ASM
activities. Other factors contributing to
over 85% of ASM operating outside of the
legal framework seems to include lack of
awareness and capacity to obtain a
license (including cumbersome bureaucratic
procedures and complex legal demands),
unclear and/or discriminatory land
tenure systems contributing to a lack of local
responsibility for sustainable mining
stewardship; communities’ perception of lack
of benefits from legal operation to balance
legal obligations; policy and legal gaps
making illegal operations more profitable
than legal activities; weak law enforcement
and inadequate penalties for illegal operators
when caught (in particular mineral dealers);
and, potentially, a perception among miners
that the law is unfair and out of touch with
reality15
Most mineral trade is illegally transact-
ed across the borders representing gross
revenue loss to the government and the
regional economy. Gold in the region is
reportedly purchased by Somalis and, to a
lesser extent, Kenyans. Also cross border
with South Sudan (links between gold and
the arms trade is suspected). However, since
most ASM is unlicensed, there is a problem
tracking such illegal practices. The protract-
ed insecurity situation in the region seems to
have given rise to powerful actors that may
engage in lucrative illegal mineral trading
given the relative ease to “get away with it”.
Thus, artisanal miners in Karamoja may also
be operating illegally because they may feel
they have no choice .
12Department of Geological Survey and Mines, ‘Uganda: Mineral Sector for National Economic Development’, www.uganda-mining.go.ug/dgsm-
flyer-low-res.pdf.
13Advisory Consortium on Conflict Sensitivity (ACCS) 2013: Northern Uganda Conflict Analysis. http://www.saferworld.org.uk/downloads/pubdocs/
accs---northern-uganda-conflict-analysis-report.pdf
14Ecological Christian Orgainisation (2011): The Mining and Mineral Sector in Karamoja region: Development Opportunities and Constraints.
15
Ecological Christian Orgainisation (2011): The Mining and Mineral Sector in Karamoja region: Development Opportunities and Constraints.

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The research presented in this report is based primarily on
assessment conducted by ECO, ACODE and RIAMRIAM
staff between December 15th, 2013 to February 24th, 2014. The
research team conducted interviews in Rupa sub-county
and Moroto town in Moroto district; and at national level in
Kampala and Entebbe. We collected qualitative data in 11
semi-structured focus group interviews comprising of 175
community members (100 male and 75 female participants)
in the parishes of Rupa, Lobuneit, Mogoth, Nakadeli and
Pupu. Villages with an eye to variation in natural resource
access and exposure to conflict and highly exposed to NRM
related conflicts were purposively selected for interviews. These
communities were: Nakabaat, Nakiloro for gold mining;
Rata, Lomareo for marble& gold; Musupo, Naturumurum,
Kadilakeny, Lokitela’kapes, Akwapuwa and Kalenyo for land
use in relation wildlife reserves. For community interviews the
interview guides were conducted in N’gakarimajong using the
translated interview guides.
2. METHODOLOGY
16 Ibid

20
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The team also conducted interviews with the
members of Moroto District Mineral Watch
Platform, as well with 35 representatives of
national and international nongovernmen-
tal organizations, United Nations agencies,
soldiers of the Uganda Peoples’ Defense
Forces,UgandaPolice,miningcompanies(DAO
Africa Limited and Jan Manga Uganda Ltd),
journalists, and other persons with knowledge
of land and minerals in Rupa and Karamoja.
A final round of validation and consen-
sus-building workshops was held in
Moroto on 12th March 2014, where the draft
findings of the report were presented and
discussed with key stakeholders in the field.
Participants from local government, civil
society and communities endorsed the
findings as well as contributing to the
sub-regional and local levels of analysis with
specific recommendations.
This report also draws on synthesis and
analysis of secondary data Maps and reports
from the Dept. of Geological Survey and Mines
describing status of mining in Rupa,
Moroto and Karamoja in general, inclusive
of the concession holders (exploration and
mining licenses), distribution of minerals,
officially reported production (primarily
limestone and marble), unofficial estimates
of “illegal” mineral production of gold and
number of artisanal miners; Land and
Mineral Policy and Legislation, inclusive of a

21
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recent Statutory Instrument to revise royalty17
sharing arrangements to increase percent-
age sharing benefits to local land owners and
recently approved 2013 national land policy
for Uganda. This is particularly significant to
Karamoja where the “land owner” definition
(subcounty versus clan) has not yet been
well defined. The EU-UN Guidance Notes on
addressing NRM and conflict prevention. These
Guidance Notes included: (i) Land and Conflict (ii)
Extractive Industries and Conflict (iii) Renewable
Resources and Conflict, (iv) Strengthening Capacity
for Conflict-Sensitive Natural Resource Management.
Source of data also included Moroto District and
Rupa Sub-county Development Plans and a number of
other development agencies’ study reports and press
monitoring related to conflict, land and natural
resources in Karamoja Region.
17
A royalty is essentially a tax imposed on mineral production. While technically this is to be collected by the licensed mineral right holder
(producer), in the case of unlicensed artisanal mining, this is often deferred to a licensed mineral dealer (buyer) upon declaration of intent to
export (in the case of gold).

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3.1 Natural Resources Prioritization
Respondents mentioned that the existing key natural
resources in the community included: Land, minerals,
pasture, water, trees, soil, gardens and wild fruits. The
respondents were asked to rank, the natural resources
most important to their lives and livelihoods; Focus Groups
Discussions overwhelmingly prioritized land, minerals,
pasture, water and trees.
Land is the most important resource. Land, water, pasture
and minerals co- exist and all these natural resources are
found on the land, which makes it the most important18.
Water is very important to our animals and us. It
can be used for crop and tree irrigation, bathing,
washing clothes and utensils, cooking and making local
brew, building bricks and smearing huts among others19.
Gold, Marble, Limestone, redganets, granites, sand,
gravel, and other precious stone that we don’t know are
3. NATURAL
RESOURCE
MANAGEMENT
AND CONFLICT
IN RUPA
18
Key informant interview with ofﬁce of the DPC Moroto Superintendent of Police Obia George 15th Feb 2014
19Community FGDs, Nakiloro Village (translated from Karamojong)

23
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some of the minerals that exist in this area.
These minerals, especially Gold, limestone
and marble, are very important to communi-
ties in income generation20. We also use the
stones for grinding food21.
We use pasture for grazing animals and
animal feeds, even wild animals feed on the
pasture. During thatching of our manyattas
and protecting granaries, we use grass and
shrubs. We also eat some shrub species,
which are medicinal. Never the less most of
the time trees are used for charcoal burning
and fuel wood22.
Forests or trees are ranked highly for a
number of uses including: firewood,
charcoal and poles for sale. The trees also
provide us material for fencing kraals,
manyattas and water troughs. They are
also considered sacred when identified as
akiriket; shaded sacred groves for elders’
decision-making and community ceremonies.
We eat tree leaves and fruits and our animals
feed on them too. In treatment of a number of
diseases some trees are used as medicine23.
Wild fruits are important resources for
meeting our feeding, nutrition and
medicinal needs. We highly value these fruits.
But all these exist on the soil but soil is also
valued for crop cultivation, plastering
manyattas among others24
The Karamoja region is believed to have
Uganda’s largest deposits of valuable
minerals such as gold and limestone and has
the potential to become the “next frontier of
mineral exploitation after oil in the Albertine
region. According to January, 2014 statistics
from the DGSM, 17,083.34sq.km (61.67%) of
the 27,700 sq. km total land area of Karamoja
region is licensed for mineral exploration
and exploitation activities. The same data
indicates that Moroto district has 26
companies with 44 concessions (35EL, 5LL,
3ML & 1SML) covering a total land area of
3772,43sq.km (Annex One). By comparison,
regional data indicates that the total land
area licensed for mineral exploration and
exploitation activities is 61.67% of the
total land area in Karamoja wherein 11.22%
(1917.5sq. km) of this land area lies in
Rupa Sub-county25. There are currently 10
Mining companies with 22 mineral
concessions (1 ML, 2 LL and 19 EL) in
Rupa only (Table 1). However, the natives,
politicians and opinion leaders in the area
warn that serious conflict might emanate
from the scramble for resources. Local people
say that it is not clear how investors come
to invest, especially those who are clearing
whole mountainsides or fencing large areas.
There are companies from India and the Gulf,
as well as contractors from other parts of
Uganda26.
20
Key Informant Interview with Deputy CAO Moroto 17th Feb, 2014
21
Community FGDs, Kadilakeny village (translated from Karamojong)
22
Community FGDs, Nakabaat village (translated from Karamojong)
23
Interview with Opinion Leader Naturumurum village (translated from Karamojong)
24
Community FGDs, Musupo village (translated from Karamojong)
25
This was computed from the data provided by DGSM on Mineral Concession Holders as of 31st January 2014.
26
Karamoja Action Research Team, Patta Scott-Villiers, “Eki and Etem in Karamoja: A study of decision-making in a post-conﬂict society”. 2013
3.2 Land and Mineral
Exploitation

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Type # License holder Location Granting
date
Expiry
date
Sheet
number
District Commodity / mineral Area/
km2
Mineral rent per
year (ugx)
EL 0803 Gold Hunters Limited Kampala 7/25/11 7/24/14 18/3&4. Kaabong Gold and Base Metals 48.00 960,000
EL 0804 Gold Hunters Limited Kampala 7/25/11 7/24/14 26/2 & 27/1. Kaabong Gold and Base Metals 54.00 1,080,000
EL 0807 Gold Hunters Limited Kampala 7/25/11 7/24/14 18/3&4. Kaabong Gold and Base Metals 48.00 960,000
EL 0809 Gold Hunters Limited Kampala 7/25/11 7/24/14 26/2. Kaabong Gold and Base Metals 54.00 1,080,000
EL 0851 East African Mining Limited Kampala 9/22/11 9/21/14 27/1. Moroto Gold, PGEs and Base
Metals
72.00 1,440,000
EL 0852 East African Mining Limited Kampala 9/22/11 9/21/14 27/1. Moroto Gold, PGEs and Base
Metals
86.00 1,720,000
EL 0876 Pramukh Steel Limited Jinja 10/20/11 10/19/1
4
27/3. Moroto Limestone/Marbles 36.90 740,000
EL 1001 Jan Manga (U) Ltd Kampala 7/20/12 7/19/15 27/3&4. Moroto Gold & Base Metals 74.20 1,500,000
EL 1016 Great Lakes Mining Ltd Kampala 8/10/12 8/9/15 18A/3. Moroto REE & Base Metals 55.00 1,100,000
EL 1083 Infinity Minerals Ltd Kampala 2/11/13 2/10/16 27/3&4 Moroto Gold and Base Metals 437.00 8,740,000
EL 1090 Dao Africa Limited Kampala 2/20/13 2/19/16 27/1 Moroto Limestone and Marble 40.70 820,000
EL 1115 Infinity Minerals Ltd Kampala 3/22/13 3/21/16 26/2&18/4 Moroto &
Kaabong
Gold and Base Metals 480.00 9,600,000
EL 1164 Sikander Meghani Kampala 6/4/13 6/3/16 27/3 Moroto Gold and Base Metals 2.00 40,000
EL 1165 Dao Marble Limited Kampala 6/13/13 6/12/16 27/3 Moroto Limestone, Chromite,
Gold & PGMs
124.23 2,500,000
EL 1207 Aljouda Mining Company
Limited
Kampala 10/14/13 10/13/1
6
27/3 Moroto Limestone, Gold &
Base Metals
15.00 320,000
LL 1171 Jinja Marble Products (U)
Limited
Jinja 6/24/13 6/23/15 27/3 Moroto Marble 0.16 250,000
LL 1210 Sikander Meghani Kampala 10/17/13 10/16/1
5
27/3 Moroto Gold 0.11 250,000
ML 1129 Jan Manga (U) Ltd Kampala 4/18/13 4/17/34 27/3&4 Moroto Gold 74.20 148,400,000
Table 1: Exploration and Mining License Holders in Rupa Sub-county as of January 31st, 2014
27
Source: Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development, MEMD), Department of Geological Survey and Mines, DGSM), 31st January, 2014
3.3 Patterns of NRM related Conflicts
The recent disarmament process in Karamoja has significantly reduced gun possession,
restored relative peace after decades of inter-clan and inter-tribal cattle rustling.
However, this peace is confronted with another challenge, the increasing quest for land by
internal and external actors. Many say it is “the peace” that has given ground to land mineral
relatedconflicts28.DiscussionswithcommunitiesinRuparevealedthattheyareconfrontedby
different types of NRM related conflicts which are either inter or intra (micro–micro)
or micro–macro levels but all relating to the spheres in which the community find
27
Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development, MEMD), Department of Geological Survey and Mines, DGSM), 31st January, 2014
28
Civil Peace Service Programme, ‘Assessment of land related conﬂicts and current interventions in Karamoja’, December 2013

25
REPORTTOEU-UN
themselves interacting with other groups,
individuals, communities, state or corporate
actors on issues related to land and mineral
resources and these included29:
• Disputes over land and resource
ownership, e.g. between investors,
mining companies, lease holders and
the communities and in communal land
between individual elites or educated/
prominent Karimojong and the
communities
• Disputes over land boundaries between
individuals or groups
• Conflicts between herders and
cultivators (changing Karimojong
economy-conflicts between pastoralist
and agro-pastoralist approaches)
• Disputes ignited by the speculation
activities of commercial companies-
Mineral exploration.
• Conflict between mining private compa-
nies and communal land resource users
• Conflicts among the small scale miners
themselves-driven mainly by jealous and
need for access to perceived areas of
better mining results, sharing of
proceeds, alcoholism and other causes.
Small scale miners and the investors30
which are driven by need for control
of the mining activities, land, unclear
terms of operation, the perception that
investors came to know of the minerals
before the local people.
• Boundary disputes over access to
resources
Contradictory natural resource needs
and values, e.g. between wildlife habitat
protection and local livelihood security/
UWA-gazetted reserve and reduction in
access to grazing land and farming
opportunities (Land conflicts are evident in
areas gazetted as reserves by the Uganda
Wildlife Authority-UWA)
29This is a generalized and summarized responses from all interviews conducted by the research team.
They are further discussed in next section-Drivers of conﬂict related to Natural Resources Management.
30
Investors imply mining companies and individuals who are either mining or prospecting

26
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3.4 Drivers of conflict related to Natural Resources
Management
3.4.1 Land related conflicts
The end of armed conflict in Karamoja has
opened up economic opportunities but the
region continues to be affected by disputes
over land and natural resources, including oil,
gold, timber, and the agricultural potential of
the soil. Rupa sub-county is not immune to
these current land related conflicts.
The question of land was never an issue
in the past free Karamoja. People would
grow maize or sorghum anywhere and
graze animals anywhere any time with-
out restriction. But this has changed as
people fight each other over land. Now
that there are minerals all over this
land, the situation has worse and will
continue to be hopeless because land
has become an issue of life and death
on this soil31
Land and minerals were reported by the
respondents, as the key drivers of conflict
in Rupa and the community interviews
revealed that the current conflicts which
revolved around land and mineral will even
become worse if nothing is done to change
the situation for now and in future. “The
entire sub-county is covered with Gold,
Marble and limestone and other minerals
which we don’t know more so the land on
which these minerals are found is big. The
conflict we currently experience revolves
around land and minerals as there are many
speculators and insecurity of tenure is
widespread because land is communally
owned. As investors move in to exploit these
resources, conflicts over land and minerals
will continue to increase even beyond what
we are experiencing”32.
31
Focus Group Discussion, Rupa
32
Focus Group Discussion, Rupa

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The conflicts are evident between the
investors and communities where mining
and prospecting are taking place sometimes
driven by speculation and rumours over
unclearlandacquisitionbytheinvestorsand
how politicians made a kill in the mining or
prospecting deals, unfulfilled promises and
obligations by investors in terms of royal-
ties and compensation, investors ignoring
of surface rights regarding communal land,
royalties and utilising wrong channels of
communities to enter communities to do a
start-up of their activities. One respondent
noted: …the fencing off of big chunk of land
by Jan Manga in Rupa has scared away
some local miners in Rupa and there is
latent conflict between the two parties33.
The study further revealed that the sale/
lease of communal or customary land is
considered an infringement on common
interest and readily triggers conflicts.
Land remains an important factor in
shaping the socio-economic and political
relationshipsbetweenindividuals,investors,
and the state. The difficult transition from
customary land to private ownership,
coupled with a lack of knowledge amongst
many ordinary citizens about land
legislation and the difficulty in obtaining
property titles is a common source of
conflict in Rupa. “Land conflicts and
disputes are so many and are even becom-
ing too many for us to document. They are
complex for example; before you respond
to an investor who needs surface rights,
you have community elders/members
claiming land ownership without proof
of ownership since it doesn’t exist in
communal land ownership. Then the
next day you hear cases of communities
complaining about investors who come
and go without consultation. The investors
expect us to endorse prospecting and
exploration licence applications in the
shortest time, which limits scrutiny of the
documents. On the other hand you have the
conflicting law between land usage/owner-
ship and surface rights... and so muchmore.
All these day to day experiences make the
mineral and land issues very complex with
disputes that become almost impossible
to handle given the magnitude and the
frequency within which they occur, many
times it difficult to reach a consensus with
different conflict parties”34
Respondents in Rupa sub-county cited Land
and boundary disputes/ contested boundar-
ies to be one of the conflict drivers. “All
you see around is conflict; this is between
families, institutions like local govern-
ment, churches, schools, investors and the
community. It is all originated by
boundary disputes, complete ownership
issues and sharing of proceeds from
the natural resources”35 . There are a
number of conflicts in the area; Rupa and
Katikekile sub-counties have a dispute of
over boundaries because of the minerals.
This is a conflict that existed before the
minerals were discovered but the presence
of the minerals has intensified the disputes.
We have been trying to help resolve this
issue together with the ministry of land and
local authorities but with little success”36.
33
Key Informant Interview, Moroto town
34
Key Informant interview with an ofﬁcial in Moroto local government
35
Key Informant interview with Ofﬁce of the DPC Moroto Superintendent Police Obia George 15th Feb, 2014
36
Key Informant Interview with Deputy DISO Moroto Charles Muhanguzi 17th Feb, 2014

28
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37
Key Informat Interview Moroto
38
Interview with Lokeris Paul, an elder –Kadilakeny village
Cases of the boundary disputes were
also cited to be between mining compa-
nies holding different concessions. Some
respondents also noted the presence of
conflict between the investors themselves,
though they feared to mention an example
for security reasons. The conflicts come
from unclear demarcation of the areas of
jurisdiction for their activities. The same
respondent noted that the conflicts are
not easy to resolve because of the fragile
nature of the actors. “They have immunity,
come in unclearly, some could be armed
and in fact we are not sure of who we are
dealing with”37.
There exists conflict between the commu-
nities and government and their agencies
like Uganda Wildlife Authority and National
Forestry Authority in some areas. The
UWA protected areas for the establish-
ment of national parks or natural reserves,
is seen by the community as an attempt
which prevent or limit access to traditional
sources of livelihoods for the community
members. The conflict between the UWA
and residents of Rupa is a dispute over
access to Lotithan and Kobebe. Extension
ofUgandaWildlifeAuthority(Nayoko’tiang)
to areas with high potential of crop and
livestock production is one of the causes of
conflict over land use in communities. “The
Authority has taken away lands where we
would farm and graze our livestock. This
has also prohibited us from settling in such
fertile lands. ‘Kobebe is our cradle land, but
because of insecurity, we moved to this
present place called Kadilakeny village.
After the gun was taken away, govern-
ment allowed us to go back to our former
homesteads. There was a big challenge
of water for both human and livestock.
Through our elected leaders, we requested
government to construct a dam and
Kobebe dam was constructed. All this time
round UWA was nowhere to be seen and
we settled with our small crop fields and
grass thatched shades, UWA came in and
harassed us by burning our shades and
destroying our crops claiming that we had
encroached in the wildlife reserves. We
were forced to come back to Kadilakeny
area where we are not sure how long we
will stay because we are told some minerals
have been discovered”38
Respondents further reveal that there
seems to be a preference of wild life to stay
in Lotithan by the government other than
the people-who are trying to resettle after
the conflict. Community members knew of
the Bokora-Matheniko Game Reserve, but
little did they know of Lotithan gazetting,
a place they claim to be their land. The
area is suitable for agriculture and grazing
with water points like Kobebe dam. One
respondent from Rupa noted: …the issues
with NFA and UWA are a serious cause
for conflict over access and utilisation
of the land and water points, given our
background this is a very serious issue
that deserves attention before it gets out
of hand. For instance we are the ones who
chose Kobebe for the construction of the
dam, then how can it considered part of
thereserve”.Whereasthecommunitymem-
bers’ claim is based on tradition, livelihood
and ancestral right, the Wildlife Authority
invokes legal statutes and the necessity
for conservation for these disputed areas.

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3.4.2 Mineral related conflicts
Rupa sub-county boasts large deposits
of valuable stones and minerals like gold,
limestone, copper, tantalum, tin and
phosphate. While most of these
valuable minerals remain underexploited, the
potential wealth derived from extracting
minerals has already sparked tensions.
“Officials of any company got carrying
Karamoja minerals this month will be
arrested,” resolved the councilors. Mr. Joseph
Otita, the councilor for Rupa Sub-county, told
the council that a big chunk of land in Rupa,
a mineral-rich area, has been gazzetted by
unknown people and that some of them
have already processed land titles without
the knowledge of the local community and
the district39.
Community members expressed con-
cern over insufficient consultation and
participation of local communities in the
process of exploration and exploitation of
resources found in their land as it is creating
resentment and driving conflicts across
the area. “We have been mining Gold in
Nakabaat for many years even before the
coming of the foreign companies, when
they came they quickly set up permanent
buildings and water facilities for themselves
midway between Nakiloro and Nakabaat.
No one informed us about their coming but
we then moved away from that area deep
down the valleys were we finally settled to
continue with the mining. After few
months we were then told to move further.
Unfortunately some of the people who would
have defended us instead were moving
with them and they played a big role to
convince us that the investors were directed
by government to come and develop the area
by extracting gold. We now stay here but we
feel insecure and always in fear and under
threat, thinking that any time we may be
told to move further and further. Surprisingly
we are not even allowed to use the water
points the companies have set up. They have
support of the army and some selfish local
leaders”40 Such irregularities have fuelled
uncertainty and reinforced perceptions
of exclusion amongst local communities,
generating disputes as investors move into
the area for tentative exploration operations.
38
Interview with Lokeris Paul, an elder –Kadilakeny village
39
See Ariong, Steven, ‘Moroto council suspends all mining activities’, Daily Monitor, 15 September 2011. http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/-
/688334/1236554/-/bj8jxsz/-/index.html
40
Interview with local miner in Nakabaat Village

30
REPORTTOEU-UN
There conflicts between small scale miners
themselves-driven mainly by jealous and
need for access to perceived areas of better
mining results, sharing of proceeds, alcoholism
and other causes. Small scale miners and
the investors (mining companies or mining
licence holders) too conflict due to need for
controlling mining activities, land, unclear
terms of operation and, the perception that
investors come to know of the minerals
before the local people How come the
people from Kampala know about
minerals other than us the locals?41. While
another noted: In all the conflicts perceived
and experienced land is very critical, in fact
as people are looking for where to settle,
animals too have no where to graze, it’s
saddening42 The experience of Nakabaat
local miners with mining companies as
told by Awosit Marita is harsh ‘besides
sending us to the valleys, the investors
don’t allow us to use the water they have
piped all the way from Nakiloro river down
through to Nakabaat mining site. Life is
very challenging for us in this area especially
in this dry season of the year. The popula-
tion of the three different communities in
this place is growing steadily and yet we
have no source of basic necessities of life.
This is a very bitter experience; we feel we
are being treated unfairly in our own land’.
Price control is also a major cause of conflict
over minerals in Nakabaat and other mining
communities in Rupa. A few monopolies/
buyers over-bargain to meet their selfish
interest while exploiting the local miners.
According to the local miners, “We have had
many cases where an increase or decrease
in the price of gold has been a source of
conflict as one buyer wants to out compete
the other. Police always comes in settle such
disputes, buyers and miners always fight
because of the slight change in the
prices. We always feel cheated especially by
one buyer who always does not want other
buyers on the scene”43. We fear to complain
for any basic services including low prices
set by the few monopolies (gold buyers) that
claimtheyareallowedbygovernmenttocome
and buy gold from us. Many of them have
strongprotectionfrompolice/armyofficers”44
Respondents from all the FDGS claimed
these conflicts are the responsibility of
government, local leaders, Uganda Wild Life
Authority, Forestry department for their
failure to come out clear and engage in
discussions with the local people about
issues of demarcation, gazetting, degazzeting,
access and compensation, concessions,
royalties and other information related to
land and mineral issues. We are told that
Musupo, which is a forest reserve yet we
hear part of it, was given to the investors.
There was no consultation with the local
people when the land was being allocated.
It was also noted that the local leadership at
districtlevelareresponsiblefortheconflictin
Musupo because they don’t inform the local
community of the coming of the investors,
community members are surprised when
investors come being directed by local
leaders to such places of interest.
41
FGD interview, Rupa Parish
42
FGD interview, Rupa Parish
43Interview with Awosit Martina a local miner – Nakabaat village.
44Interview with local miner in Nakabaat Village

31
REPORTTOEU-UN
The local government and other government
agencies are argued to address these
many complaints and confusion through
continuous dialogue.
The local government asserts that they
are sometimes blamed with no clear basis
yet some conflicts are a result of general
lack of public awareness about the exact
location and abundance of valuable resources
leading to speculation and rumours, while
private investors’ exploration activities,
though often well within the bounds of the
law they are perceived with suspicion by
local communities which leads to conflicts.
“The gazetting of the Matheniko game
reserve also caused a conflict because
the community wants the land especially
because of the minerals. The Tepeth claim
the boundary is in the valley and the
Matheniko claim the boundary is on the
foot of the mountain. This conflict is mainly
because of mineral extraction and they
are both fighting for ownership of the land
that has more minerals. Tapach is too is
accusing Local government of not giving
them a chance to manage their resources.
But the district says that it’s the central
government in charge. There is an as-
pect of ignorance that needs to be sorted;

32
REPORTTOEU-UN
the people need to be enlightened. The
challenge however is the community
confronts the local government instead of
asking. From the ground analysis it is not
logical for the sub-county to accuse the
local government. They should instead ask
government to pay them their royalties”45.
The general misinterpretation or poor
understanding of the land and mining laws
seems to increase mineral and land related
conflicts. Although the 1995 constitution
places all minerals under the custody of the
government, the 2003 Mining Act prescribes
that “revenue shall be shared amongst
the central government, the local govern-
ment and the lawful occupants of the land”
(section 98.2) and that districts are responsible
for receiving and forwarding applications for
various mineral rights, arbitrating compen-
sation, resolution of disputes and granting of
licenses which is information that the local
people lack.
The struggle for mining holes is
manifest in the mining sites because of the
increasing population. Since the disarma-
ment was completed, people have spread
out from where they were confined, going
back to their places. This movement has
increased the pressure on land and revealed
disagreements between those who have
claims to it; a case in point is the Karimojong
and the Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA).
The increasing population has further led to
increased pressure on other resources like
water. And exploitation of minerals and land
use are seen as a major cause of conflict.
“The population in Nakabaat is growing
rapidly, as a result local miners struggle for
mining sites. And in some other areas the
land and minerals have been sold yet we
thought we would settle their, UWA is on
alert to arrest any one who goes there”46.
Reports of licenses being awarded to
companies away from public scrutiny and
of companies operating fraudulently with
expired exploration licenses and failing
to comply with their obligations towards
the local community continue to upturn
45
Key Informant interview with ofﬁce of the DPC Moroto Suprintendet of Police Obia George 15th Feb 2014
46
Interview with Natur Teresa, a local miner, Kadilakeny village

33
REPORTTOEU-UN
resentment. “Involvement in unclear deals
by investors intensifies conflict; initially
some other investor had the prospecting
licence which he sold to Dao and got a
dealers licence. Such an event causes
confusion in the community if they don’t
come out clear though the law does not
prevent the investors from this kind of
dealings47.
The sale and lease of communal land to
private investors in Rupa is also on the
rise, and increasingly contributing to
conflicts amongst community members and
between communities and local government
officials and investors. Participants
described residents’ fear of having their
land taken by investors and the govern-
ment, with reports of secret surveys being
carried out on their land. They noted that
investors showed up to begin mining and
exploration activities without previous
knowledge of the local residents, which
fuels resentment and mistrust “…. Whatever
companies are working on is not clear
even to the district leaders, CSOs and the
communities. We just see graders
clearing the land and not even our elders are
informed. They come in with a lot of immu-
nity and exploit the ignorance of the people
for their benefits”48
Lack of transparency and inability to share
information with the public about such
transactions is a recipe for anger amongst
communities. Unclear property rights and
restricted communication as well as lack of
representation, consideration and protection
for traditional resource users (e.g. pastoral-
ists and small scale and artisanal miners) are
a common cause of conflict. According to
the study findings, the licensing of mineral
exploration without adequate community
involvement will keep driving and escalat-
ing conflicts in many parts of the region
as more mineral sites are identified and
licensed for exploitation. Regarding the
question on whether or not, local communi-
ties are consulted when it comes to land use
and minerals; of the ten FDGs in 10
47
Key Informant interview with ofﬁce of the DPC Moroto Suprintendent of Police Obia George 15th Feb, 2014
48Key Informant Interview in Moroto town.

34
REPORTTOEU-UN
villages consulted by the research team only
one FGD could explain how the investors
get access to the land. In Namoru-Pokoi
(a newly discovered mine in Naturumrum
village), the experience was that there
was a company (an Indian) that consulted
the community but only twice to beg the
community to allow them to access this area
in order to extract marble.
“We said no because we would not want
to sell our land to such people. The
company was not satisfied with our
decision and promised to come back later
to adequately discuss with us, only to our
surprise a different company in the names
of Alhajji has accessed Namoru-pokoi area
this time. We were not aware of this”49 .
An except is Musupo whereby the
participants reported some levels of
community consultation. The local leaders
(LC 1s of 3 villages and an opinion leader)
who were among the participants testified
that the community was consulted about
DAO Africa Limited a marble company.
A number of times community dialogue was
held to inform the local community of their
intention. They also promised in writing to
support the communities by constructing
basic facilities of schools, health centers
provide employment for the local population
and construct a housing facility for elders
worth UGX 300,000,000. “Eight (8) of our
elders including district local authori-
ties were invited by DAO & Jan Manga
mining companies to Kampala to discuss
how the company’s presence in the area
would benefit the communities. All was
agreed upon and sealed through documen-
tation and signing of the agreement but
nothing has ever happen”50 .
“There are complaints from the
community about investors who promise to
do a number of things to get the community
cooperation. They just disappear with the
precious stones without fulfilling their prom-
ises. Abuse of the licenses is key in driving
conflict besides the other origins. It is said
that Dao Africa Limited was initially selling
a product that it had no right to sell since it
did not have a mining licence at the time.”51
Communities expressed high expectations
that mining companies would create jobs
and invest in community development,
though often the opposite has been the case,
with the authorities and private investors
expelling goldsmiths from the mines,
a crucial source of livelihoods for local
communities. In Rupa, the foreign
presence of Jan Manga Limited has
prompted mistrust among locals. It is
popularly assumed that the benefits will
flow toward the wealthy, leaving the poor
even poorer. “We don’t know where the
gold is going, we only hear the land is sold
to investors and we are afraid we will not
see any benefits from the gold. At least
if the landowners are able to build their
permanent houses as a result of gold, then
we would see the impact of Gold. Lokora
for instance has no schools and it would be
nice to have the investors in the areas put
up a school. The situation is horrible and
wanting as the locals have nothing to show
from Gold”52
49
Interview with Lokol Losigiria – an opinion leader of Naturumurum village.
50
Interview with Mzee Ochwe Zachary – LC 1 Musupo Village
51
Key Informant interview with ofﬁce of the DPC Moroto Suprintendent of Police Obia George 15th Feb, 2014
52
Key Informant Interview with employee at the gold mine Jan Mangal 15th Feb 2014

35
REPORTTOEU-UN
“There is almost no schools in the
sub-county of Rupa and ignorance is so high.
Some people use caves as their shelter without
caring about the risk of getting killed when
it rains. They hide their money instead of
using it to develop themselves. Despite the
risks that come with mining there are no
hospitals or health centers near the fields and
the few that survive the injuries incurred are
taken care of by the NGOs come to their rescue
in the mines. There have been some deaths
and injuries incurred in caves but people still
go there”53.
Some general causes of conflict gathered from
the respondents included the geographical
nature of Karamoja which has been exploited
for unhealthy reasons like cattle rustling, arms
trafficking, and avoidance of disarmament all
leading to resolving conflicts in the region.
Another respondent analysed the
conflicts in Karamoja in a historical perspective
giving the background of colonization that
involved sharing border lands with Kenya
and South Sudan, the government grabbing
of land and giving it to wild life in anticipa-
tion to curb rustling and ease disarmament
which were good intentions but have led
to latent conflict amidst the relative peace.
Central government officials often appropriate
taxandroyaltyrevenuesfromminingcompanies
without adequately consulting and compensat-
ing communities. This mismatch is closely tied
to the absence of democratic or participatory
decision-making processes and fuels conflict.
In some communities according to a district
official there is livelihood insecurity, he
preferred anonymity as he described
the situation; …there is a time bomb as
unknown people are taking unknown land
as people are sleeping, by the time they
wake up all the land will have been taken.
Poverty was noted as a significant
driving factor in all these land conflicts, and the
increasing commercialisation of land, teamed
with communities’ growing realization of
its worth, is dramatically increasing land
disputes. Widespread extreme poverty and
a complex tenure system leave communi-
ties vulnerable to property rights abuses and
exposed to a growing risk of violent conflicts.
53
Key informant Interview with employee at the gold mine Nakabat 15th Feb 2014

36
REPORTTOEU-UN
4. KEY ACTORS,
INSTITUTIONS
AND STRUCTURES
IN NRM AND
CONFLICT
4.1 Introduction
There are various actors, institutions and structures
in Natural Resource Management and Conflict54. The
Fig.1 below shows the different levels of interaction
among regional and national actors, institutions’ and
structures’. The structures are perceived as the laws
and principles, while the institutions are the formal
legal persons like the regional economic bodies.
They are interrelated which affects their relationship
accordingly. The cloud call out sign shows the
structures. The dotted blue
shows the relationship between predominantly
national level actors, institutions and structures. The
dark shows the deep relationship among the
actors at continental level. The green oval institutions
and their structures feed into the orange oval major
actors and vice versa.
54
USIP(2010) Measuring Progress in Conﬂict Environments Eds John Agoglia et-al, looks at % of natural resources brought under transparent
government regulation, compliance with International standards and level of investment in public and private sector in natural resources as key
indicators in Natural resource bases conﬂicts.

37
REPORTTOEU-UN
Fig.1 The regional and national key actors, institutions and structures in NRM and Conﬂict
Continental-EU/UN,AU
(Regional Economic Bodies
National
Central and Local
Government
Private Investors
Policies
Community
Intergovernmental
(IGAD, EAC,
Lokiriama)
Statutory bodies
(UWA,NFA)
Ministries (Energy and
Mineral Development, Water
and Environment, Lands,
Housing and Urban
DevelopmentCustoms and
National Laws
Acts and
Regulations
Treaties, Protocols
and Charters
Protocols
Formal and Informal
structures
Constitution,
Acts, Byelaws
Constitution
CSOs
Acts and
regulation
s
Source: Secondary and ﬁeld data, Illustration by Tom Balemesa

38
REPORTTOEU-UN
Below is the local level actor analysis (Rupa Sub county).
55
Source: Field Data, illustration by Tom Balemesa K
The government occupies the central role due to its mandate
Media plays a facilitating role for all actors
There exists a perceived and observed broken relationship between CSOs and Local
Government, Government, Community with local leaders and Government of Uganda, Community and
their local leaders, NFA and Community.
There is bad relationship between warrior groups, Government of Uganda and
Communities, Investors and Communities
There is a direct relationship between customary institutions and Community
There is observable and perceived good relationship between the different agencies of
government
The connection between Investors, Government and NFA was not clear
There was a mixed relationship between CSOs and Community.
NFA
Warrior
groups
CSOs
UWA
Local
Government
Investors
Community
Government
of Uganda
Community
Leaders Customary
institutions
Media
Media
Media
Media
Media
55
Design adopted from Africa Center for Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) (2002), Transforming Conﬂict Facilitators Reference
Manual, Durban South Africa and Miall, Ramsbotham and Woodhouse (1999) Contemporary Conﬂict Resolution. Wiley Publishers.

39
REPORTTOEU-UN
Natural resources are an important component in understanding the nature of conflict in
Africa because of their effect on such conflict. Arguably, natural resources are embedded in an
environment, geographic, geopolitical and interdependent space where actions by one
individual or group may generate effects far beyond specific localities or even national
jurisdictions. This is particularly true of shared trans-boundary resources as the term is widely
understood56. It’s from this background that regional and international mechanisms on natural
resource management and conflict shall be discussed.
4.2.1 The East African Community
The East African Community came into existence in Arusha on 30 November 1999. The Treaty
entered into force on 7 July 2000 following the conclusion of the process of its ratification and
deposit of the Instruments of Ratification with the Secretary General by all the three Partner
States57. The East African Community has a protocol on Environment and Natural Resources
Management that came into force in April 2006. Particularly there is:
Art.7 on Co-operation on Environment and Natural Resources Management,
Art.18. on Management of Mineral Resources for which Section1 states, The Partner States
shall develop and harmonise common policies, laws and strategies for access to and
exploitation of mineral resources for the socio-economic development of the Community.
Article 22, Management of Rangelands, Article 23, Combating Desertification and
Mitigating Effects of Drought58. The East African Community too has in place a protocol on Peace and
Security that came into BM8I V force in February 2013. Its scope of operation is shown below in Box 1:
4.2 Regional and International Mechanisms on NRM
and Conflict
In this protocol the scope of operation includes:
a) conflict prevention, management and resolution;
(b) prevention of genocide;
(c) combating terrorism;
(d) combating and suppressing piracy;
(e) peace support operations;
(f) disaster risk reduction, management and crisis response;
(g) management of refugees;
(h) control of proliferation of illicit small arms and light weapons;
(i) combating transnational and cross border crimes; including drug and human trafficking, illegal
migration, money laundering, cyber crime and motor vehicle theft;
(j) addressing and combating cattle rustling;
(k) Prisons and Correctional Services including exchange of prisoners, detention, custody
and rehabilitation of offenders.
56
Philip Arthur Njuguna Mwanika • ISS Paper 216 • SEPTEMBER 2010 Natural Resources Conﬂict Management Processes and Strategies in Africa
57
http://www.eac.int/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=44&Itemid=54
58
http://www.eac.int/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=5&Itemid=163

40
REPORTTOEU-UN
Below are some of the articles in the
protocol and some of their provisions;
Article 4 - Conflict Prevention, Manage-
ment and Resolution has the following
subsections related to
1. The Partner States undertake to
develop an East African Community
conflict prevention, management and
resolution mechanism.
2. For purposes of paragraph 1, Partner
States shall manage and seek to
resolve any dispute or conflict within
and between two or more Partner States
or with foreign countries by peaceful
means.
3. The Community may, in consultation
with the United Nations Security
Council and the Peace and
Security Council of the African Union,
offer to mediate in disputes or conflicts
within and between two or more
Partner States or with foreign countries.
Article.13 Preventing and Combating
Cattle Rustling for instance has the following
subsections:
1. The Partner States that do not have
policies and laws to prevent and
combat cattle rustling agree to develop
and adopt policies, law and strategies
to achieve this.
2. The Partner States agree to harmonise
their policies, laws and strategies to
prevent and combat cattle rustling59.
4.2.2 The Inter-Governmental
Authority for Development
It is another actor, institution with
structures regarding Natural Resource
Management and Conflict. The institu-
tion has the Conflict Early Warning and
Response Mechanism (CEWARN) since
200260. This is a collaborative effort of the
sevenIGADMemberStates(Djibouti,Eritrea,
Ethiopia,Kenya,Somalia,SudanandUganda)
targeted at mitigating and preventing
violent conflicts in the sub-region. Through
its national network of governmental and
non-governmental stakeholders – Con-
flict Early Warning and Response Units
(CEWERUs); National Research Institutes
(NRIs) and Field Monitors (FMs), CEWARN
undertakes its conflict early warning and
response function in three clusters or
pilot areas. These are the Karamoja Cluster
(covering the cross-border areas of
Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan and Uganda); the
Somali Cluster (covering the cross-border
areas of Ethiopia, Kenya and Somalia) as
well as the Dikhil Cluster (covering the
cross-border areas of Djibouti and
Ethiopia)61.
A cluster meeting focusing on Karamoja
was hosted by Janet Museveni with Cluster
affairs from Ethiopia, Kenya, South
Sudan and Uganda convened in Kampala’s
Munyonyo Commonwealth resort on 14
October 2013. The meeting concluded with
the launch of an annual ministerial forum
as well as a collective commitment on
59
East African Community (2013) East African Protocol on Peace and Security, p.12
60
http://cewarn.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=51&Itemid=53
61
Ibid

41
REPORTTOEU-UN
harmonizing peace, security and development
initiatives across the Cluster. In the same
meeting was a 12-point communiqué issued
by the meeting, ministers committed to the
establishment of strong institutional arrange-
ments that ensure multi-state coordination
and harmonization of interventions
4.2.3 TheLokiriamaPeaceAccord
This was signed in December 1973 as another
initiative that was brokered between the
Turkana people of Kenya and the Matheniko
of Uganda. Inter-tribal conflict amongst the
two pastoral communities between the Kenya
Uganda borders characterized by armed
clashes that led hundreds of lives being lost
informed the crafting of the peace accord.
The need to co-exist peacefully was greatly
influenced by the tragic Nakiloro River
encounter between the two communities
where hundreds perished. For many years,
a fore mentioned communities had engaged
in violent conflicts mostly over the access
and control of the resources revolving around
livestock and pasture.62
As a result of the peace treaty, the two
communities have had peaceful co-exis-
tence for more than four decades. The Peace
accord has withstood the test of time and has
enabled over 20,000 Turkana herders to move
to Uganda to access pasture and water
during the reporting period. This celebration,
which also brought on board the Toposa of
South Sudan, the Nyang’atom of South Omo
zone of Ethiopia, the Pokot of Kenya, the Jie
and Dodoth of Uganda was attended by over
500 people63.
4.2.4 The International
Conference of the Great
Lakes Region (IC/GLR)
This is an intergovernmental organization of
African countries in the African Great Lakes
region. It is a multilateral framework in the
diplomacy of conflict management that has
also been a major actor regarding natural
resources conflict management. It stemmed
from the conflicts and tragedies in the region,
especially the genocide in Rwanda and the
situation in the DRC, which constituted a
threat to international peace and security64.
In 2000 the UN Security Council, through
its resolutions 1291 and 1304, called for an
62
Ibid
63
http://www.ke.undp.org/content/kenya/en/home/ourwork/PBCR/successstories/lokiriama-peace-accord/
64
Opcit Philip Arthur Njuguna Mwanika, Natural Resources Conﬂict Management Processes and Strategies in Africa

42
REPORTTOEU-UN
international conference on peace,
security, democracy and development in the
Great Lakes region. Later that year such a
conference was established with its joint
UN–AU Secretariat in Nairobi, Kenya. The
11 core countries are Angola, Burundi,
Central African Republic, Republic of
Congo, DRC, Kenya, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania,
Uganda and Zambia. In November 2004 the
11 heads of state and government of the IC/
GLR member countries unanimously adopted
the Dar es Salaam Declaration on Peace,
Security and Development in the Great
Lakes Region in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
In this declaration they declared positive
determination to form the Great Lakes
region into a space of sustainable peace
and security, political and social stability,
and shared growth and development for all
its states and people. In December 2006 the
heads of state and government convened
again in Nairobi and signed a pact on
security, stability and development. This
pact incorporates the Dar es Salaam
Declaration’s programmes of action and
protocols65
4.2.5 The Ngurdoto-Tanzania
Agreement in 2007
This came into existence after prior
agreements a cross border initiatives
between Uganda and Democratic
Republic of Congo (DRC). Its history is
traced from 1990 when an agreement for
‘’cooperation for the exploration of hydro
carbons and exploitation of common fields’’
was signed with DRC (the Zaire). The
agreement sets the precedent for Joint
Exploration and Exploitation of Shared
Petroleum Deposits within the Albertine
Graben66. The nitty-gritties of the shared
65
The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region Pact on Security, Stability and Development in the Great Lakes Region of 15 December
2006 can be accessed in the ‘Repository’ section of the ofﬁcial ICGLR webpage http://www.icglr.org/
66
Tim Altork(n.d) The Ngurdoto-Tanzania Agreement in 2007 available at http://www.ehow.com/facts_7195673_ngurdoto-agreement.html accessed
on 1/03/2014

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