PART TWO OF THE REVIEW.

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“Medemer” by Abiy Ahmed,
Ph.D., An Interpretive Book
Review, (Part II)- Working
Through Political Entropy in
Ethiopia With Medemer
Posted by: Alemayehu G. Mariam in Opinions October 28, 2019
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“Medemer” (original in Amharic), Dr. Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister of
Ethiopia, 280 pp. (October 2019)
“Medemer” (original in Amharic), Dr. Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister of
Ethiopia and Nobel Peace Laureate 2019, 280 pp. (October 2019)
Reviewer’s Note:
Part I of my book review on the “philosophy” of Medemer appeared in
my October 20, 2019 commentary

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My review of “Medemer” is intended for the benefit and convenience of
English-speaking audiences who have a sincere desire to understand
and rigorously critique “Medemer” philosophy for what it is and is not.
I present my personal reflections and perspectives on Medemer
philosophy or idea and invite others to review the book and
thoughtfully discuss its usefulness and relevance to Ethiopia.
In Part II, I discuss the author’s Medemer praxis in a variety of areas.
In a postscript, I shall argue medemer philosophy/praxis is the antidote
to political, informational and economic entropy in Ethiopia.
Praxis of Medemer
Medmer is part philosophy/theory and part praxis and as such contains
a set of actionable measures and policy prescriptions.
I have previously written on the praxis of Medemer in the context of the
distressing, tragic and often aggravating politics of the Horn of Africa
and the application of Medemer principles to conflict resolution
there.[1] I argued, “What happens in each Horn country affects the
others. War in one country threatens the peace in the other. Peace and
democracy in one country becomes an example of good governance for
others. Regional integration is another phrase for ‘Medemer’.”
Indeed, in a recent speech[2] marking a breakthrough in the Sudan
negotiations which resulted in power sharing between the military and
civilians, the author explained “the people of Sudan have done well in
choosing cooperation over competition which is essential to our
collective survival”. He said, the Horn region must “act in synergy” and
Medemer becomes a “yarn weaving us together collectively” and help
us achieve “collectively what we can only imagine individually”.
In the second part of the book, the author explains the mechanics and
application of Medemer to a whole host of issues and problems facing
Ethiopia. His analysis begins with a discussion of “two types of
oppression”, man-made and other structural. He argues
oppression results when governments are unable or unwilling to meet
their people’s expectations and demands.

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“Man-made oppression” is forged in the minds of people who lack a
moral compass and are stone deaf to the voice of their own consciences.
They are depravedly indifferent to the suffering of people starving, in
poverty or facing abuse and mistreatment. Their sole concern and
preoccupation is keeping themselves in power with the barrel of the gun
or the power of the almighty birr (dollar). Their guiding philosophy is
“might makes right” and “get your money and run.”
“Structural oppression” involves the concerted actions of organized
groups within society. The author discusses nine typologies of
structural oppression ranging from gender to regime.
The author attributes the persistence of oppression in considerable part
to the failure of Ethiopian intellectuals. They generally tend to be
narrow-minded, incredibly naïve and misguided because they believe
they can implement ideas they have read in books or figments of their
imagination. They rarely do strategic planning to implement their ideas
into action. They are afflicted by indolence, negligence and indifference.
They are impetuous and often prone to emotional reactions casting
intellectual rigor to the wind. In sum, Ethiopia sorely lacks grounded
and matured intellectuals. The author argues the failure of Ethiopian
intellectuals to articulate alternate visions, silence in the face of wrongs,
complicity with brutal and corrupt regimes and ineffective leadership
styles have contributed to the systemic failure of governance and
persistence of oppression.
The author’s answer to dealing with oppression in Ethiopia is
establishing genuine multiparty democracy, and he explores various
“ways” of doing just that. He argues the essence of democracy is to
create a government based on consent and legitimacy. Past experiments
trying to establish democracy in Ethiopia based on class struggle,
identity politics, the right of secession, etc. have failed. That failure is
tied partly to intentional efforts by leaders to prevent the rise of a
democratic civic culture and institutions.

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The author discusses the principles of direct and representative
democracy and their respective (dis)advantages. He explores the
distinctions between the trustee (representatives that have sufficient
autonomy to deliberate and act in favor of the greater common good
and the national interest” and “delegate” models of representation
(delegates act only as directed representatives of their constituency
with little autonomy”.
The author’s prescription for Ethiopia is a democracy based on “civic
nationalism” (reviewer’s translation; an inclusive consensus-based
nationalism that thrives on the values of freedom, tolerance, equality,
individual rights, etc.) Democracy based on “group rights” is flawed and
ineffective. However, the author underscores the singular importance
of maintaining diversity in Ethiopian society and respect for cultural,
religious and linguistic integrity and protections. Groups should be free
to practice their faiths, use their languages in instruction and exercise
their cultural practices.
The author discusses the origins and evolution of ethnonationalism and
the politics of “nations, nationalities and peoples” in Ethiopia. He
argues the politics of ethnic identity, communalism, sectarianism, etc.,
have led to conflict, strife and war. They have no place in a 21st century
Ethiopia.
The author does not see insurmountable problems in reconciling civic
nationalism with group rights. Indeed, he believes by creating a
consensus/civic-nationalism based democracy it is possible to
maximize both individual liberties and group rights to cultural,
linguistic and religious autonomy.
Medemer provides the philosophical foundation to build a
consensus/civic nationalism-based democracy by creating structures
and processes that seek to correct past mistakes, build on existing
positive accomplishments and generating innovative new ideas for the
future. The author suggests much can be learned from Tunisia’s

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experience in “civic nationalism”[3] which has contributed significantly
to the emergence of a stable multiparty democracy.
The author’s prescription for the practical realization of
consensus/civic nationalism-based democracy is pursuit of national
reconciliation and development of national understanding on critical
issues that are important to the majority of the people in Ethiopia. In
the past, national reconciliation has been difficult for various reasons
including the shrill exhortations of leaders and activists who seek to
maintain the status quo of division and antagonisms for personal
political or economic gain.
The author is firmly committed to the pursuit of a process of national
reconciliation and goes into the details of how that can be achieved. He
also explains how a culture of recrimination has undermined the
emergence of such a process. He argues the starting point for a
consensus/civic nationalism-based democracy in Ethiopia is the
building of a long-term political culture and system based on consent,
civic engagement, inclusiveness, accountability, transparency, etc. This
requires setting up new, independent and viable civic institutions and
practices that promote civility, tolerance, rule of law, accountability,
transparency, etc. Existing institutions could also be enhanced and
improved.
The current system of nepotism and crony capitalism in Ethiopia must
be replaced by institutions that ensure equal opportunity for all. The
system and structure of patrimonialism (power flows directly from the
leader) and neopatrimonialism (use of state resources in order to secure
the loyalty of clients in the general population) must be uprooted and
replaced by systems, institutions and processes that are founded on
economic and social justice.
The author proposes Ethiopians use their commonly shared values that
have been the bedrock of their common heritage to develop consensus.
Ethiopians have lived in peace and harmony for much of their history.
They have shed their blood together against foreign aggression time

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and again as one people. They share deeply-rooted faith, cultural and
family ties.
However, as a preliminary step to developing national consensus, the
politics of stagnation (reviewer’s translation; those resistant to change
or do not change with change, “sticks in the mud”) and the defeatist
malaise that has pervaded Ethiopian society over the past decades must
be transformed by a dynamic medemer politics where all have an equal
opportunity to engage and contribute. No man, woman or child will be
left behind.
The author argues creating strong institutions to support a democratic
structure and process requires significant reforms to existing
institutions. The bureaucracy and civil service institutions require
major overhaul and professionalization. The bureaucratic culture
of malingering, indifference to public concerns and needs, the lack of
skills and professional capacity, improper political interference and
lack of capacity political interference need to be addressed swiftly.
In Ethiopia’s new consensus/civic nationalism-based democracy, there
must be a shift from “ruling” (by force, (neo)patrimonialism) to
leadership by consent, legitimacy and moral authority. There are many
leadership challenges in Ethiopia. Political leaders in the past have
failed to forge common goals to focus the people’s energies and
attention. Leaders have lacked a broader vision for the society and
instead have tried to promote their own self-interests. They have lacked
popular support, good will and legitimacy. They do not have
moral/social capital or broad popular acceptance. They tend to respond
with emotionalism instead of considered judgment. They have little
understanding of the public mood and sentiments. They lack self-
control.
To have an effective democratic transition, Ethiopians need to adopt
affirmative and positive values such as self-initiative, self-awareness,
global thinking, ethical behavior (goodness), pursuit of happiness

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without infringing on the rights of others, goodwill, security, decency,
service volunteerism and so on.
The author argues the command economy of the past has failed and the
time is ripe to follow free market principles. The role of government in
the economy should be limited to encouraging the expansion of the
private sector, attracting and supporting private investment and
intervening strategically to strengthen, regulate and create markets.
The problem in the past has been excessive state intervention in certain
areas and indifference in others. The state should play a decisive role in
policy selection, improving the regulatory environment, monetary and
fiscal policy.
The author spends a great deal of time discussing Ethiopia’s economic
problems and ways of addressing them. He has serious misgivings
about the economic legacy of the past quarter century. While Ethiopia
has made significant economic gains, the author laments the fact that
the price for those gains has been massive debt, runaway government
spending, abuse, waste and corruption in the use of public funds. The
author recognizes the reality that Ethiopia’s economy is not built on
creating opportunities for ordinary people. The massive inequality and
maldistribution of wealth inequality, lack of economic justice, rise in
the cost of living, etc., in society have roots in an economy based on
crony capitalism which only gives lip service to the interests of ordinary
people.
The author acknowledges the debt-based economic development has
helped a few in particular sectors of the economy. While clients of
previous regime have experienced extraordinary improvements in their
standard of living, the vast majority of Ethiopians remain in abject
poverty. There is massive youth unemployment. Fiscal policy to
increase government revenue has not generated sufficient tax revenues.
Domestic savings and investments are low and as a result Ethiopia has
to depend on foreign sources to cover its balance of payment and
foreign exchange deficits. Due to chronic shortages of foreign exchange,

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Ethiopia is unable to import light industry and mechanize its
agricultural sector and basic necessities have to be imported.
The author identifies various reasons for the country’s economic
problems. Among these are lack of economic process, a stagnant private
sector, lack of coordination between economic actors, lack of markets
and good governance, structural obstacles to creating wealth and
inability of individuals and groups to effectively participate in the
market, lack of knowledge and trust, absence of a level playing field and
formal and informal monopoly of markets.
The author perceives a very weak (broken) economic structure in
Ethiopia. Though market and governance deficiencies are critical
problems, the main economic culprit fingered is deficiency of
process/system (sirat) which incorporates key economic actors, lack of
knowledge and confidence in the market economy. The market
deficiency is manifest in a variety of ways: imbalances in supply and
demand, lack of market information, absence of effective regulatory
scheme to prevent concentration of economic power in few hands, a
very weak private sector and so on.
The author’s prescription to overcome these problems is to enhance
and strengthen the private sector by strategic and limited government
intervention. Government can play many critical roles in the economy,
e.g. building educational and technological infrastructure, expanding
logistics, improvements in the bureaucracy, funding research and
development, strengthening accountability structures and
transparency processes. Government can correct distortions in the
economy through regulation, strategic intervention, fiscal and
monetary policy. In the past, there has been too much government
interference which has stifled private entrepreneurship. There has been
lack of constructive engagement of the private sector, government
negligence, incompetence and indifference in various aspects of the
economy and lack of good monetary and fiscal policy.

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The author argues one of the major areas of economic failure has been
management of public development projects which have been plagued
by corruption, mismanagement, lack of accountability and
transparency. Enhancing and strengthening the administrative
structure of public projects is vital. Other problems include crony
capitalism, fraud, waste and abuse of resources, lack of systems and
processes and coordination of economic and political institutions.
The current development model must be changed. Manifestly, that is a
change from the so-called “developmental state” model led by the state
which has created a massive kleptocracy to a medemer economy where
the economic rules of the game are fair, transparent and supportive of
private entrepreneurship. Ethiopia can no longer afford to pursue old
economic theories in an era of globalization and a world economy that
is knowledge- and technologically-based. He emphasizes the role of
education in general and gives special attention to higher education to
drive Ethiopia’s economy. He perceives the lack of technical and
technology-based education as one of the major obstacles to economic
success. The economy does not create or support technological
innovations and technical education in the country is at the lowest level.
The author argues civil society institutions play critical role in the
economy and society. There are over three thousand NGOs in the
country that can help balance the government and private sectors.
Special attention must be given to the role of youth in the economy in
light of the fact that over 70 percent of the population (youth bulge) is
under 35 years of age and a much higher percentage live in non-urban
areas. He sees a central role for the young small holder farmers. He
argues there is much potential economic power in this population. At
the core of the economic problems of the country is the inability to
provide employment to rural youth who end up migrating to urban
areas in search of opportunity.
The author is optimistic Ethiopia can overcome its enormous economic
problems if the people practice medemer philosophy and work together

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in common cause and purpose. Ethiopia has enormous natural
resources though they are not developed. Ethiopia has gold, platinum,
nickel, copper, gypsum oil and gas which could be responsibly
produced. It has substantial livestock population and vast potential for
fisheries industry. Ethiopian can become a breadbasket for the rest of
Africa given its weather and natural terrain.
Ethiopia has the potential for economic leapfrogging through
technology and mechanization. Priority should be given to mechanizing
agriculture and improving farming techniques. Industrialization which
is now concentrated in the outskirts of urban areas needs to be spread
out more evenly.
In the last part of the book, the author addresses medemer principles
of foreign policy. He notes the rise of nationalism globally and spread
of radical right movements. He discusses the political gains such groups
have made in Western countries and the anti-immigrant sentiments
feeding the nationalist backlash. He perceives the rise of nationalism as
episodic and not as a fundamental shift or political realignment. He
believes the world is moving in the direction of medemer and not
fragmentation. Globalization and information technology have created
a global village. Returning to the old tribal village by retreating to racial,
ethnic, identity, ideological and religious is not practical in the
21st century.
In the field of international relations, the author argues Ethiopia should
follow a foreign policy based on medemer principles which include
competition and cooperation. He believes building relationships based
on trust and mutuality of interests is far more effective than zero sum
competition. Ethiopia will take the approach of working collectively
with neighbors on common issues over which there is consensus and
build trust and understanding to work on other issues. Common issues
include peace and regional security. He identifies problems of
Ethiopian refuges, exiles and migrant workers and the suffering and

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challenges they face. The government must take measures to ensure
they are treated with dignity and justice.
In the last couple of pages of the book, the author speaks passionately
about the role of the diaspora in shaping Ethiopia’s destiny and in
citizen diplomacy in their host countries. He sees many roles for
diaspora Ethiopians in promoting investments and tourism,
channeling remittances through established banking services to
increase the country’s foreign exchange reserves and in changing the
image of Ethiopia.
Medemer offers thought provoking and compelling arguments and
analysis to reimagine and even reengineer Ethiopian politics and
economics based on synergy, consensus and cooperation. I suspect
those who have find themselves trapped in a time warp of socialist,
revolutionary democracy and developmental state ideologies are likely
to find the ideas in the book maddening. Those who are not willing to
take the time and digest the author’s analysis will latch on a word or
phrase and spin it to discredit the ideas. Those who read the book with
closed minds and visceral opposition to the author’s political leadership
will find the book challenging and thought-provoking. Those who read
it with an open mind will find much that is inspiring, compelling and
intellectually rewarding.
I have found compelling arguments and analysis in “Medemer”. In
future commentaries, I hope to explore specific aspects of medemer
philosophy and engage those ready, willing, able in discussions and
debates.
POSTSCRIPT: Medemer as the antidote to political,
informational and economic entropy in Ethiopia
Entropy (“law of disorder”) is a term in physics (thermodynamics) used
to describe/measure molecular disorder or randomness of a system. In
nature (universe), there is always a “struggle” between order and
disorder.

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In Ethiopia today, the Lords of Entropy and Agents of Disorder (The
LEAD) are working 24/7 to create chaos, discord, anarchy and
lawlessness. They jockey with each other to unleash death, destruction,
alarm, fear and loathing.
There are the political LEAD
The LEAD who were kicked out on their tails after 27 years of operating
a barefaced kleptocracy are licking their wounds to their pride and
hanging out in hotels and bars boozed, buzzed and defanged. They
spend their stolen billions paying off unemployed youths to engage in
ethnic violence and destabilizing criminal activity.
There are the LEAD who are activists-cum-terrorists instigating
violence and lawlessness. They use social media to recruit virtual
suicide bombers and the conventional media to organize a ragtag thug
army.
There are the faceless and nameless invisible LEAD who hide in the
bureaucracy and government offices resisting any and all reforms and
punishing the public by unleashing hardship and inconvenience.
There are the Chicken Little LEAD who spread rumor and gossip
because they believe the sky is falling down their heads.
There are the digital/information LEAD.
These are the social media nitwits and ignoramus LEAD who live in
Fakebook, NiTwitterdom and propagate numbing videos of lies,
disinformation and hate.
There are social media thug LEAD who call themselves “digital this or
that” and coordinate campaigns of lies and disinformation to cause
conflict and strife so that their bosses could return to power. (That will
happen when hell freezes over and the Prince of Darkness and his
lackey demons go ice skating.)
There are the YouTube click bait LEAD who traffic in bad and fake news
to score a few pennies from Google. They sensationalize and exaggerate
news to terrorize, spread panic, alarm, anxiety, and fears among those
who are not internet savvy.

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There are the empty barrel, clueless pseudo-intellectual LEAD with the
brain power of jellyfish that appear as talking heads on YouTube and
such and barf words of hate and division.
The digital LEAD think political power grows out the web pages of
Facebook, Twitter and YouTube.
They have neither the capacity nor will to engage in organized political
competition or battle of ideas. They hope to exploit the ignorance of the
masses with belligerent megalomaniacal words of hate, war and rumors
of war.
The unvarnished truth is that the LEAD are a cancer on the Ethiopian
body politic. They are losers in their personal, professional, political
and social lives. Having thoroughly messed up their lives, now they
want to mess up everybody else’s. They want to drag down everyone
into their miserable world of endless gloom and doom. Losers always
lose and the LEAD will lose everything.
But there is no need to fear the LEAD. They are all paper tigers,
daylight hyenas, barking dogs and crybabies.
They become empowered when we give them attention and show fear.
The LEAD will lead Ethiopia down a path of division and destruction.
But we must always be mindful of this fact: The disorder created by few
should be a good reminder to the many what the alternatives are.
In the absence of medemer, the inmates will take over the mental
asylum.
Let there be no doubt: Medemer forces will create order regardless of
how much the Forces of LEAD try to create disorder.
Medemer is a philosophy for winners.
Medemer is a labor of love. It creates order out of disorder. It brings
unity out of division. It is a healing balm on the festering wounds of
hate, division and distrust.
Medemer is about hope and confidence in a better future, a brave new
Ethiopia.

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Medemer is about peace. By practicing medemer philosophy, Abiy
Ahmed has won the Nobel Prize for Peace in 2019.
Medemer is about love, forgiveness and reconciliation.
Medemer is about creating a new national political architecture
founded on consensus based civic nationalism and multiparty
democracy.
Medemer is in Ethiopia to stay because the alternative is to be
enslaved by the LEAD.
I have made many prophesies over the years that have come to pass.
Here is my prophesy for all LEAD in and out of Ethiopia: “Their sword
shall enter into their own hearts, and their bows shall be broken.”
The Lords of Entropy and Agents of Disorder in Ethiopia will be
defeated with Medemer philosophy in the final battle ideas, in the final
battle for the hearts and minds of the Ethiopian people!
MEDEMER MESSAGE TO LEAD:
GIVE IT UP.
RESISTANCE TO MEDEMER IS FUTILE!
[1] http://almariam.com/2019/03/07/the-praxis-of-medemer-in-the-
horn-of-africa/
[2] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i_ZZRjGlRyQ&feature=youtu
.be
[3] See, e.g. Veronica Baker, “For a state to maintain its democratic
status and protect against despotism requires citizens to embrace civic
values (the elements of civic culture that train citizens in activism,
reason, and engagement) that help them shape their own political lives.
The resultant civil society is a natural extension of these individual-held
values, expressed collectively to achieve community goals.”
https://scholar.colorado.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2212&conte
xt=honr_theses
3 COMMENTS

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1.
Dab
November 3, 2019 at 9:58 am
Is this hagiography or book review, professor Al Mariam? I have read the book and found
it full of inconsistencies, sweeping generalizations, and just too incoherent to even
understand what the author is conveying. Help us understand what is really going on. Civic
nationalism is nothing new or particularly Ethiopian. All the book says as I read it is go for
a free market economy. Peaceful and harmonious coexistence even TPLF has said it.
That is not new except many people have actually gone far beyond that point, realizing
that there isn’t (and shouldn’t be) such thing as a “free market”. The book mixes simple as
well as complex ideas. Seems socialism and communism are the same as far as the
medemer is concerned. So do you also miss the basics or you are fine as long as it serves
your political agenda.
Reply
2.
Mekenes
October 30, 2019 at 2:49 pm
Abiy is full of controversy and problems. He is leading behind demagogue Jawar, ignorant
Muslim so called leaders and Abba Gadda who proudly show the cutoff replica of male
genitalia on their forehead as in during Irrecha pagan celebration. How on earth those
kinds of people deserve to be listened to what they have to say. Instead those very people
must be given advice to stop their disgusting, ignorant and dangerous rituals and beliefs.
Reply
3.
Follower on this blog for long
October 29, 2019 at 2:39 am
Do you think it is the review on the book or life at stakes important at this moment, In
Otober, 2019? Are we serious ? Or is this what it is now?
Reply