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The Increasing Number and Complexity of Global Problems are Indicative of 
1 
the need for a new Global Order. 
INTRODUCTION 
The world is in chaos. The irreversible damage of the environment resulting from global 
climate change, the residual negative effects of the global financial crises of 2008 on developed 
and developing economies alike, as well as the exponential increase, wider geographic spread 
and the changing nature of transnational crimes have rendered the world into a fearful state of 
instability. These are only a few of the increasing numbers and complexities of global problems 
that have emerged over the century. Throughout this paper the three afore-mentioned 
contemporary issues that are indicative of current global instability will be prioritised. The paper 
will firstly issue a thesis that the world is in disorder, by briefly investigating Global Order as 
myth or reality. Consequently, highlight that during different epochs of time the word has 
undergone vagaries of convergence and divergence (politically, economically and ecologically), 
indicative of an ever-evolving, transitioning globe. For this essay, the immediate Post-Cold War 
period and the Globalization era of the 21st century will be considered to demonstrate the 
significant transition of the global architecture within one century. This will be addressed in the 
chapter entitled the Changing World. Furthermore, the paper will project the view that there is a 
need for a new Global Order. Another world is possible, whose structure and purpose is 
conducive to an International System that is in transition to that of multi-polarity and global 
governance. Finally, it will conclude and project support for a new Global Order in the 
International System.
2 
GLOBAL ORDER: MYTH OR FACT 
The concept of Global Order is both obscure and contentious in its ontology. Stabilising a 
globe in the realms of politics, economics and the environment is no easy task as there exist no 
supra- national entity above the state. However, generically it envisions a world society seeking 
to preserve stability and order everywhere. As such, the questions are: is the world organised? 
How is it organised? Is global order a reflection of purposeful geo-political, macro-economic 
strategies? Is there an invisible force that has randomly organised the globe? Answers to the 
questions postulated have resulted in theoretical concepts like, ‘the Great Divide’, ‘North vs 
South’ and ‘developed vs developing’. These inter-paradigm debates are centred in two equally 
robust ideologies- positivism and normativism. What is and what should be, fact as oppose to 
value. This conflict has strengthened the obscurity of defining global order. However, according 
to Hedley Bull, order is “a pattern [in the relations of human individuals or groups] that leads to 
a particular result, an arrangement of social life such that it promotes certain goals or values” 
(Bull in Hurrell 2007:3). Consequently, global order can be considered as a recognisable 
configuration of the International System, which is arranged in a specific manner that promotes 
required goals or values. Thus as global goals and values change so too does the configuration. 
That is, Global Order or dis-Order is the result of how the world responds to change. 
As such, from the inception of statehood- Treaty of Westphalia (1648), the great 
depression, World War I, the creation and failure of The League of Nations (1900’s), World War 
II and the consequent formation of the United Nations (1940’s), the Cold War (1980’s), to the 
modern Globalisation era (2000’s), the world has been in a constant state of transitioning from 
order to dis-order and in between, in response to changes in International Affairs. Thus Global
3 
Order is de-mythicized as it is a reality the world has lived, in its thrust for survival. Clearly, 
“...the core goals of International Social Order are survival and co-existence” (Hurrell 2007:4). 
THE CHANGING WORLD 
Post- Cold War, the ideologies and policies of the United States (US) emerged as the model 
to follow. The Global Order was centred with the US as hegmon, whose mandate was to liberate 
and expand the global economy. This dominant neo-liberal order featured a transformation of 
political and economic priorities to that of growth and development of commodities and national 
income. Trade was internationalised and controlled by the World Trade Organisation (WTO), 
where rules of trade were created by the dominant powers and issued for the rest of the world to 
follow. The modus operandi of International Trade was focused on an export- oriented model. 
Around the globe, national state agencies and companies were deregulated and privatised, in an 
attempt to stimulate economic growth. However, undeveloped structures and markets alluded to 
corruption and stagnant markets which ultimately lead to political bankruptcy and social unrest, 
especially in the labour front. “The bankruptcy of the dominant world order is leading to social, 
ecological, political and economic non-sustainability, with societies, ecosystem, and economies 
disintegrating and breaking down.” (Ponniah and Fisher, 2003:1). As the modern globalization 
processes unfolded, it further exposed socio-economic deficiencies. The corporate- driven globe 
was unsustainable. International capital became more fluid, and unregulated, underdeveloped 
financial markets crumbled, which catapult strong economies into recession as well as further 
weaken developing economies. Internationally, labour was easily and cheaply out-sourced, 
creating internal conflicts, with demands for equity. The Seattle riot articulated at the global level 
what citizens do not want. Additionally, international production escalated at the expense of the
4 
environment. “Unabated economic development can lead to environmental degradation- in both 
the short and the long term” (Alam et al 2011:3). Consequently, these deficiencies manifested in 
increased transnational financial and human crimes, along with environmental degradation. All 
nations were affected regardless of whether developed or developing, rendering the globe 
unstable. 
Thus, agreeably the global community has evolved over time, with globalisation as the 
catalyser of change. “Globalisation is the cluster of technological, economical, and political 
innovations that have drastically reduced barriers to economic, political and cultural exchanges” 
(Drezner 2001:60). The globe is now a unitary space - actions in one geographic location, 
transfer ripple-effects in many. The butterfly effect is clear. However, the rate at which the globe 
has transformed within the last century is remarkably astonishing and at the same time cause for 
concern as “…globalisation is changing the conditions in which people across the world live” 
(Adam etal, 2011:1).The growing number of alliances among civil societies and non-governmental 
organisations in the modern globalised era is positively noteworthy. This is a 
direct result of increased active engagement in global affairs by all. The robust desire of these 
networks of alliances to become involved in the global governance process and to be appreciated 
as a vital organ of a transitioning global community is a clear feature of a changing world. This 
thrust has been nurtured and facilitated by remarkable advancements in Information 
Communicative Technologies (ICTs) vis a vis social media networks, that has made 
communication and information sharing instantaneous. This is a clear contrast from the Cold 
War era, where information and communication were expensive and tightly guarded by states. 
The world has changed and will continue to evolve as time elapse.
5 
IS ANOTHER WORLD POSSIBLE? 
Almost 7 decades after its inception, the United Nations still remain the premier 
international governmental organisation in the world. During its existence it has sporadically 
attained both tremendous successes and dismal failures. Optimally, the world has not plunged 
into World War III. However, although more states exist now(192) than pre-World war II, which 
demonstrates international acceptance of self-determination and state sovereignty, the ‘Great 
Divide’ among developing and developed states has deepened and widened. This has been 
further compounded; post US-financial crisis of 2008 and the Euro-zone crisis of 2010- a clear 
reflection of the unequal accumulation and distribution of wealth in the globe, even among 
regional arrangements. In addition, the accelerated deterioration of the environment as states, 
transnational corporations and individuals thrust to attain income at the expense of the 
environment, leads one to hope that another world is possible. 
Clearly, the power dynamics of the international system has remained centred in those 
states that emerged victorious post-World War II – United States, Europe and Russia. “Policy-making 
always involves power….a synonym for influence” (Wiess et al, 2010: xiv). This is 
evident by their powerful presence and role in international affairs and international 
organisations. However, a new dynamic is imminent- a transitioning of the balance of power to 
include states that are not considered to be members of the global North. China, India, Brazil and 
South Africa have all impressively, weathered the storm of the global financial crisis to generate 
increases in production and national income that have been sustained to date. This is directly 
because these states did not allow their financial sectors to be left un-monitored and un-regulated. 
They instituted varying degrees of state protectionism in the face of an international 
political economy that demanded open and liberal markets as signalled by the Washington
6 
Consensus (1989). This portrays that divergence from the recommended norm is possible and 
can lead to success. 
The UN can be defended as an organisation that has tried tirelessly to initiate interstate co-operation 
to effectively address environmental deterioration. From the creation of the United 
Nations Environmental Program (1980) and subsequent international summits on the 
environment, namely; the World Commission on Environment and Development (1987), the UN 
Conference on Environment and Development (Rio, 1992) and the World Summit on 
Sustainable Development (2002), all reinforce that global compromise and cooperation is 
possible. One example of this is the Kyoto Protocol (1997) to combat climate change, which 
was observed by over 1400 NGO’s and to date ratified by 192 states. It is one agreement that has 
committed states to account for their individual gas emissions and implement measures to reduce 
their emission levels. However, it has been argued that despite the concise contribution the 
organisation continues to make in the humanitarian and environmental spheres, it is still 
dismissed as a failing institution due to the general perception that it has unable to maintain 
international peace and security, as well as enforce best practices with regards to environmental 
protection in the international community. To date the US has not signed on the Kyoto Protocol, 
despite having the largest economy with one of the highest levels of gas emissions. Detractors 
insist that at best the UN is a toothless tiger. As such, and agreeably, “UN decision making 
process includes some of the best and worst practices of international diplomacy and institutional 
procedure” (Gordenker in Weiss etal, 2010: xxxvii). However, the argument put forward is, can 
the UN be the facilitator of world stability? They doctrine of sovereignty is still the convenient 
weapon of many states who pursue their own national interests irrespective of the negative 
effects of the globe.
7 
However, there is still hope. Changing world politics from uni-polarity to multi-polarity can 
engender more inclusive collaboration in the international forum. In contemporary times there is 
evidence of a globe in transition. Although Africa has the largest continental population and 
geographic spread, it has no permanent representation in the United Nation Security Council. 
However, South Africa inclusion in the BRICS, as an emerging economy with projected 
sustained growth for the next two decades, demonstrates the possibility of Africa’s active 
participation in global politics. Additionally, despite the contentious issue of the extent of global 
cooperation from state actors on environmental issues. Non- state global schemes have emerged 
to fill that void. These non-governmental organisations are able to engage the private sector in 
decision making through the use of soft power and smart negotiations. As such, production 
health and safety codes, product standards and labelling and recycling have become normal 
practice in the production world today. This has fuelled public-private partnerships both at the 
domestic and international levels. Their work legitimises the need for full, all-inclusive 
cooperation to curb not only environmental degradation but also limit transnational crimes. 
Hence global cooperation is possible, among states and non-state actors. 
CONCLUSION 
It is clear, that the power dynamics of the old era, cannot effect containment of the 
traditional global order. “The view of world order to which we have fallen heir is dominated by 
the conception of statehood” (Mac Cormick in Hurrell 2007:25). However, in today’s world 
insularity at best is myopic. The divergence of issues- climate change, economic collapse and 
transnational crime, have transformed the structure of the global community from hegemonic to 
systematic. We live in a pluralistic international society and as such at the level of a normative
ambition, these evolving issues mandate a reconfiguration of global order to reflect state interests 
8 
alongside the interests of the global community. Hence, in contemporary times the stability of 
the International system depends on all global actors (state and non- state) being able to 
functionally adjust to multi-polarity, global cooperation and global governance. The top-to 
bottom model of the old world system is unable to address the complexities of issues facing the 
globe. An, all-inclusive, systematic model is recommended to institute and sustain stability in the 
world. Hence, convergence, of political and social wills to effect the change that can engender 
sustainability is mandatory. “Sustainability requires putting the environment and society above 
the economic focus of markets” (Fisher et al 2003). As such, an international paradigm shift is 
required to respond to the fragmentation caused by the old global order. This can only be 
attained by all stakeholders working towards a common goal of survival and co-existence in the 
global community with the intended effect of moving societies towards development, “which 
would ensure a true, free and just life” (Held 2010, a: 15), for global citizens.
9 
References 
*Drezner, Daniel. 2001. Globalization and Policy Convergence. International Studies Review. 
3(1):53-78. 
*Fisher, William and Thomas Ponniah, eds. 2003. Another World is Possible: 
Popular Alternatives to Globalization at the World Social Forum. London: Zed Books 
* Held, David. 2010. Cosmopolitanism: Ideals, Realities and Deficits. Cambridge: Polity Polity 
Press. 
* Hurrel, Andrew. 2007. On Global Order: Power, Value and the Constitution of 
International Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 
*Iriye, Akira. 2002. Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the Making 
of the Contemporary World. USA: University of California. 
*Pease, Kelly Kate S. (2008). International Organization: Perspectives on Governance in the 
Twenty- First Century. 3rd edition. 
USA: Pearson Prentice Hall. 
* Rosenau, James.2002. Governance in a New Global Order. In Governing Globalization: 
Power, authority and global governance. Cambridge: Polity Press. 
* Rodrik, Danni. 2011. The Globalization Paradox- Democracy and the Future of the World 
Economy .NY: W.W. Norton & Company. 
* Suter, Keith.2003. Global Order and Global Disorder, Globalization and the Nation State. 
London: Praeger. 
*Underhill, Geoffrey and Richard Stubbs. 2006. Political Economy and the Changing Global 
Order. 3rd edition. USA: Oxford University Press.
10 
*Weiss, Thomas, David Forsythe, etal. 2010. The United Nations and the Changing World 
Politics. USA : Westview Press. 
*Weiss, Thomas and R. Thakur. Global Governance and the UN- an Unfinished Journey. 
USA: Indiana University Press.

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THE OBSTACLES THAT IMPEDE THE DEVELOPMENT OF BRAZIL IN THE CONTEMPORARY ERA A...
 

Is there need for a new Global Order?

  • 1. The Increasing Number and Complexity of Global Problems are Indicative of 1 the need for a new Global Order. INTRODUCTION The world is in chaos. The irreversible damage of the environment resulting from global climate change, the residual negative effects of the global financial crises of 2008 on developed and developing economies alike, as well as the exponential increase, wider geographic spread and the changing nature of transnational crimes have rendered the world into a fearful state of instability. These are only a few of the increasing numbers and complexities of global problems that have emerged over the century. Throughout this paper the three afore-mentioned contemporary issues that are indicative of current global instability will be prioritised. The paper will firstly issue a thesis that the world is in disorder, by briefly investigating Global Order as myth or reality. Consequently, highlight that during different epochs of time the word has undergone vagaries of convergence and divergence (politically, economically and ecologically), indicative of an ever-evolving, transitioning globe. For this essay, the immediate Post-Cold War period and the Globalization era of the 21st century will be considered to demonstrate the significant transition of the global architecture within one century. This will be addressed in the chapter entitled the Changing World. Furthermore, the paper will project the view that there is a need for a new Global Order. Another world is possible, whose structure and purpose is conducive to an International System that is in transition to that of multi-polarity and global governance. Finally, it will conclude and project support for a new Global Order in the International System.
  • 2. 2 GLOBAL ORDER: MYTH OR FACT The concept of Global Order is both obscure and contentious in its ontology. Stabilising a globe in the realms of politics, economics and the environment is no easy task as there exist no supra- national entity above the state. However, generically it envisions a world society seeking to preserve stability and order everywhere. As such, the questions are: is the world organised? How is it organised? Is global order a reflection of purposeful geo-political, macro-economic strategies? Is there an invisible force that has randomly organised the globe? Answers to the questions postulated have resulted in theoretical concepts like, ‘the Great Divide’, ‘North vs South’ and ‘developed vs developing’. These inter-paradigm debates are centred in two equally robust ideologies- positivism and normativism. What is and what should be, fact as oppose to value. This conflict has strengthened the obscurity of defining global order. However, according to Hedley Bull, order is “a pattern [in the relations of human individuals or groups] that leads to a particular result, an arrangement of social life such that it promotes certain goals or values” (Bull in Hurrell 2007:3). Consequently, global order can be considered as a recognisable configuration of the International System, which is arranged in a specific manner that promotes required goals or values. Thus as global goals and values change so too does the configuration. That is, Global Order or dis-Order is the result of how the world responds to change. As such, from the inception of statehood- Treaty of Westphalia (1648), the great depression, World War I, the creation and failure of The League of Nations (1900’s), World War II and the consequent formation of the United Nations (1940’s), the Cold War (1980’s), to the modern Globalisation era (2000’s), the world has been in a constant state of transitioning from order to dis-order and in between, in response to changes in International Affairs. Thus Global
  • 3. 3 Order is de-mythicized as it is a reality the world has lived, in its thrust for survival. Clearly, “...the core goals of International Social Order are survival and co-existence” (Hurrell 2007:4). THE CHANGING WORLD Post- Cold War, the ideologies and policies of the United States (US) emerged as the model to follow. The Global Order was centred with the US as hegmon, whose mandate was to liberate and expand the global economy. This dominant neo-liberal order featured a transformation of political and economic priorities to that of growth and development of commodities and national income. Trade was internationalised and controlled by the World Trade Organisation (WTO), where rules of trade were created by the dominant powers and issued for the rest of the world to follow. The modus operandi of International Trade was focused on an export- oriented model. Around the globe, national state agencies and companies were deregulated and privatised, in an attempt to stimulate economic growth. However, undeveloped structures and markets alluded to corruption and stagnant markets which ultimately lead to political bankruptcy and social unrest, especially in the labour front. “The bankruptcy of the dominant world order is leading to social, ecological, political and economic non-sustainability, with societies, ecosystem, and economies disintegrating and breaking down.” (Ponniah and Fisher, 2003:1). As the modern globalization processes unfolded, it further exposed socio-economic deficiencies. The corporate- driven globe was unsustainable. International capital became more fluid, and unregulated, underdeveloped financial markets crumbled, which catapult strong economies into recession as well as further weaken developing economies. Internationally, labour was easily and cheaply out-sourced, creating internal conflicts, with demands for equity. The Seattle riot articulated at the global level what citizens do not want. Additionally, international production escalated at the expense of the
  • 4. 4 environment. “Unabated economic development can lead to environmental degradation- in both the short and the long term” (Alam et al 2011:3). Consequently, these deficiencies manifested in increased transnational financial and human crimes, along with environmental degradation. All nations were affected regardless of whether developed or developing, rendering the globe unstable. Thus, agreeably the global community has evolved over time, with globalisation as the catalyser of change. “Globalisation is the cluster of technological, economical, and political innovations that have drastically reduced barriers to economic, political and cultural exchanges” (Drezner 2001:60). The globe is now a unitary space - actions in one geographic location, transfer ripple-effects in many. The butterfly effect is clear. However, the rate at which the globe has transformed within the last century is remarkably astonishing and at the same time cause for concern as “…globalisation is changing the conditions in which people across the world live” (Adam etal, 2011:1).The growing number of alliances among civil societies and non-governmental organisations in the modern globalised era is positively noteworthy. This is a direct result of increased active engagement in global affairs by all. The robust desire of these networks of alliances to become involved in the global governance process and to be appreciated as a vital organ of a transitioning global community is a clear feature of a changing world. This thrust has been nurtured and facilitated by remarkable advancements in Information Communicative Technologies (ICTs) vis a vis social media networks, that has made communication and information sharing instantaneous. This is a clear contrast from the Cold War era, where information and communication were expensive and tightly guarded by states. The world has changed and will continue to evolve as time elapse.
  • 5. 5 IS ANOTHER WORLD POSSIBLE? Almost 7 decades after its inception, the United Nations still remain the premier international governmental organisation in the world. During its existence it has sporadically attained both tremendous successes and dismal failures. Optimally, the world has not plunged into World War III. However, although more states exist now(192) than pre-World war II, which demonstrates international acceptance of self-determination and state sovereignty, the ‘Great Divide’ among developing and developed states has deepened and widened. This has been further compounded; post US-financial crisis of 2008 and the Euro-zone crisis of 2010- a clear reflection of the unequal accumulation and distribution of wealth in the globe, even among regional arrangements. In addition, the accelerated deterioration of the environment as states, transnational corporations and individuals thrust to attain income at the expense of the environment, leads one to hope that another world is possible. Clearly, the power dynamics of the international system has remained centred in those states that emerged victorious post-World War II – United States, Europe and Russia. “Policy-making always involves power….a synonym for influence” (Wiess et al, 2010: xiv). This is evident by their powerful presence and role in international affairs and international organisations. However, a new dynamic is imminent- a transitioning of the balance of power to include states that are not considered to be members of the global North. China, India, Brazil and South Africa have all impressively, weathered the storm of the global financial crisis to generate increases in production and national income that have been sustained to date. This is directly because these states did not allow their financial sectors to be left un-monitored and un-regulated. They instituted varying degrees of state protectionism in the face of an international political economy that demanded open and liberal markets as signalled by the Washington
  • 6. 6 Consensus (1989). This portrays that divergence from the recommended norm is possible and can lead to success. The UN can be defended as an organisation that has tried tirelessly to initiate interstate co-operation to effectively address environmental deterioration. From the creation of the United Nations Environmental Program (1980) and subsequent international summits on the environment, namely; the World Commission on Environment and Development (1987), the UN Conference on Environment and Development (Rio, 1992) and the World Summit on Sustainable Development (2002), all reinforce that global compromise and cooperation is possible. One example of this is the Kyoto Protocol (1997) to combat climate change, which was observed by over 1400 NGO’s and to date ratified by 192 states. It is one agreement that has committed states to account for their individual gas emissions and implement measures to reduce their emission levels. However, it has been argued that despite the concise contribution the organisation continues to make in the humanitarian and environmental spheres, it is still dismissed as a failing institution due to the general perception that it has unable to maintain international peace and security, as well as enforce best practices with regards to environmental protection in the international community. To date the US has not signed on the Kyoto Protocol, despite having the largest economy with one of the highest levels of gas emissions. Detractors insist that at best the UN is a toothless tiger. As such, and agreeably, “UN decision making process includes some of the best and worst practices of international diplomacy and institutional procedure” (Gordenker in Weiss etal, 2010: xxxvii). However, the argument put forward is, can the UN be the facilitator of world stability? They doctrine of sovereignty is still the convenient weapon of many states who pursue their own national interests irrespective of the negative effects of the globe.
  • 7. 7 However, there is still hope. Changing world politics from uni-polarity to multi-polarity can engender more inclusive collaboration in the international forum. In contemporary times there is evidence of a globe in transition. Although Africa has the largest continental population and geographic spread, it has no permanent representation in the United Nation Security Council. However, South Africa inclusion in the BRICS, as an emerging economy with projected sustained growth for the next two decades, demonstrates the possibility of Africa’s active participation in global politics. Additionally, despite the contentious issue of the extent of global cooperation from state actors on environmental issues. Non- state global schemes have emerged to fill that void. These non-governmental organisations are able to engage the private sector in decision making through the use of soft power and smart negotiations. As such, production health and safety codes, product standards and labelling and recycling have become normal practice in the production world today. This has fuelled public-private partnerships both at the domestic and international levels. Their work legitimises the need for full, all-inclusive cooperation to curb not only environmental degradation but also limit transnational crimes. Hence global cooperation is possible, among states and non-state actors. CONCLUSION It is clear, that the power dynamics of the old era, cannot effect containment of the traditional global order. “The view of world order to which we have fallen heir is dominated by the conception of statehood” (Mac Cormick in Hurrell 2007:25). However, in today’s world insularity at best is myopic. The divergence of issues- climate change, economic collapse and transnational crime, have transformed the structure of the global community from hegemonic to systematic. We live in a pluralistic international society and as such at the level of a normative
  • 8. ambition, these evolving issues mandate a reconfiguration of global order to reflect state interests 8 alongside the interests of the global community. Hence, in contemporary times the stability of the International system depends on all global actors (state and non- state) being able to functionally adjust to multi-polarity, global cooperation and global governance. The top-to bottom model of the old world system is unable to address the complexities of issues facing the globe. An, all-inclusive, systematic model is recommended to institute and sustain stability in the world. Hence, convergence, of political and social wills to effect the change that can engender sustainability is mandatory. “Sustainability requires putting the environment and society above the economic focus of markets” (Fisher et al 2003). As such, an international paradigm shift is required to respond to the fragmentation caused by the old global order. This can only be attained by all stakeholders working towards a common goal of survival and co-existence in the global community with the intended effect of moving societies towards development, “which would ensure a true, free and just life” (Held 2010, a: 15), for global citizens.
  • 9. 9 References *Drezner, Daniel. 2001. Globalization and Policy Convergence. International Studies Review. 3(1):53-78. *Fisher, William and Thomas Ponniah, eds. 2003. Another World is Possible: Popular Alternatives to Globalization at the World Social Forum. London: Zed Books * Held, David. 2010. Cosmopolitanism: Ideals, Realities and Deficits. Cambridge: Polity Polity Press. * Hurrel, Andrew. 2007. On Global Order: Power, Value and the Constitution of International Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press. *Iriye, Akira. 2002. Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the Making of the Contemporary World. USA: University of California. *Pease, Kelly Kate S. (2008). International Organization: Perspectives on Governance in the Twenty- First Century. 3rd edition. USA: Pearson Prentice Hall. * Rosenau, James.2002. Governance in a New Global Order. In Governing Globalization: Power, authority and global governance. Cambridge: Polity Press. * Rodrik, Danni. 2011. The Globalization Paradox- Democracy and the Future of the World Economy .NY: W.W. Norton & Company. * Suter, Keith.2003. Global Order and Global Disorder, Globalization and the Nation State. London: Praeger. *Underhill, Geoffrey and Richard Stubbs. 2006. Political Economy and the Changing Global Order. 3rd edition. USA: Oxford University Press.
  • 10. 10 *Weiss, Thomas, David Forsythe, etal. 2010. The United Nations and the Changing World Politics. USA : Westview Press. *Weiss, Thomas and R. Thakur. Global Governance and the UN- an Unfinished Journey. USA: Indiana University Press.