1. The Future of
University Education
– A case study in
Buenos Aires
Student perspectives on the
future of university education
at public universities in
Buenos Aires.
By Sara Correia & Carys Rhiannon Thomas (February 2014)
University of South Wales Students’ Union

2. 2
Introduction & Methodology
Introduction & Methodology
In November 2013, we took part in the NUS Global Student Exchange programme. Our
research aimed to explore student perspectives on the future of university education, at
public institutions in Buenos Aires Capital Federal, Argentina. With over a third of
Argentina’s thirty million people living within the Greater Buenos Aires area (Slocum and
Rhoads: 2009), we were welcomed a city that never sleeps.
The objectives of our study were to answer the following questions from a
student perspective:
How appropriate is the current provision of public education in
Buenos Aires?
What aspects of the education system and/or institutional
arrangements are enabling of student development and which
create barriers?
How are student involved in the shaping of higher education
policy and how able are they to affect change?
Over the course of two weeks we met with a wide
spectrum of students including: home and
international, students actively engaged with the
student movement, student representatives and
students indifferent to student politics. We visited five
faculties, across two of three largest public universities
in Buenos Aires namely the University of Buenos Aires
and the University of Lomas de Zamora. We also
participated in a student protest and attended a student
assembly.
During our time in Buenos Aires, we met approximately forty students;
conducted 1 focus group and 6 interviews, with a total of nine participants.
The focus group included three elected student representatives from Lomas
de Zamora University. The interviews were conducted one-on-one, with
students, in a variety of locations. There was no overlap between the focus
group and the interview participants. We also kept a research diary of our
observations and experiences, some of which were published on our blog: Adventures in
Buenos Aires1
, and engaged students via social media with the #NUSGlobalExchange
hashtag.
Whilst referring to “students” throughout this report, we indicate students who engaged
with our study. This study does not claim to be representative of all university students at
public institutions in Buenos Aires or even of the students at the universities which we
visited. However, it provides a snapshot in time and highlights issues common to the
1
http://buenosairesglobalexchange.blogspot.co.uk/

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student movement across continents such as campaigning for affordable higher
education, better infrastructure and more learning resources.
We originally intended to also engage students at private institutions, in addition to public
institutions. However, due to restrictions on time and resources and the difficulties of
access and language barriers, we made the decision to direct our focus solely on the
student views at public universities.
This report hopes to generate ideas for the development of HE policy in the UK, by
sharing an insight into student engagement with HE policy in Argentina. Through this
report, student unions in the UK will gain an insight into the student movement and
Higher Education policy at a global level and hopefully drawn on similarities and
differences, to develop new ideas and drive positive change at home.
Background to student engagement
in Higher Education policy in BA
The higher education system in Argentina is very heterogeneous with around one hundred
and seven higher education institutions, hosting more than one thousand and five hundred
students at Undergraduate level and eighty thousand at Postgraduate level (Argentine
Ministry of Education 2013). These are broadly divided into “universities” with have an
academic focus and “institutes” with a professional focus. In the capital Buenos Aires alone,
there are two public and nineteen private universities, as well as seven public and nine
private institutes (ibid.). The three biggest among these are, in descending order, the
University of Buenos Aires (UBA), the University of La Plata and the University of Lomas de
Zamora. UBA is indeed a colossal university, with 294,000 undergraduate students, 13,500
graduate students, and approximately 25,000 faculty members and instructors (UBA Census
2004). As previously mentioned, for this study, we interview students at UBA and Lomas de
Zamora.
The Student Movement in Argentina has a long and inspiring history dating back to the
1918 Reform, a movement started in Córdoba University, which spread to other universities
in Argentina and then across Latin America (Weinberg and Walker 1969). This reform was
initiated and carried out in the large majority by the students themselves, with little aid or
encouragement from staff, making Argentina's university students a political force to be
reckoned with throughout the century (Walter 1969). The reform movement aimed to bring
the “ivory tower” university closer to the needs of the general public; to establish
“university extension” to the working class, as well as the lower and middle classes, through
measures such as adult night-time lectures, provisional of financial aid and training oriented
towards public health matters (ibid: 249) Following months of student action, in October
1918 the Argentinean President Hipolito Yrigoyen approved the introduction of the student
reform program by executive decree. Importantly, the 1918 Reform movement brought
about “co-gobierno”, the idea that students and academic staff representatives participate
in university governance (Weinberg and Walker 1969: 69), which is in place to this day.
This programme of reform also included voluntary class attendance, increased academic
freedom allowing professors greater choice of lecture material and more flexibility in
examination (Walker 1969: 248). Important players in this reform movement included
student leaders from two city-wide student federations, the Federación Universitaria de
Buenos Aires (FUBA) and the Federación Universitaria de Córdoba (Walter 1969). We were

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lucky to have met some of FUBA’s current members and leaders during our stay in Buenos
Aires. As it will be seen below, many of the student demands and the guiding principles of
the 1918 Reform resonate to this day with university students in Buenos Aires.
Throughout the 1990s, the political wind turned towards neoliberalism in Argentina, coupled
with structural adjustment policies imposed by the IMF and World Bank. Neoliberal policies
tend be characterized by reduced government financing of public services, especially higher
education, as this is viewed as another commodity subject to market forces (Slocum and
Rhoads 2009; Apple 2000; Harvey 2005; Paley 2001; Taylor 1999). This forces universities
to raise funds through tuition fees and partnerships with industry, further reducing the role
of the state in university provision and further enhancing its status as a commodity rather
than a public good (Slocum and Rhoads 2009; Santos 2006). This ideological stance, “is the
antithesis of the philosophy advanced by the Córdoba Movement of 1918” (Slocum and
Rhoads 2009: 90). In this context, it is not surprising that attempts to shrink UBA have
been met with resistance and remain largely unsuccessful (Marquis 2003). Nonetheless, the
Higher Education Law of 1995 brought about a push for privatization, with a shift from
government financing of HE towards government regulation of HE through CONEAU, the
National Council for University Accreditation and Evaluation (Slocum and Rhoads 2009) and
the opening up of higher education to the private market.
The Argentinean student movement is present almost exclusively within the tuition-free
public university system and it is overtly politically aligned. Formal channels of student
representation and “co-gobierno” are, with a few exceptions, an exclusive characteristic of
public universities. In addition, student elections operate within a list-system, rather than
individual nominations. In other words, students in each faculty elect a Centro de
Estudiantes (Students’ Union) which is clearly aligned with a particular ideology and a
political programme2
. In fact, student activism is a stepping stone for wider political
activism and political parties will consider universities as a recruitment ground for their
future leaders (Weinberg and Walter 1969). Finally, we will add that there is very little
contemporary research into the student movement in Buenos Aires. However, we have
found that whatever research there is, it is either aligned with a neoliberal ideological
agenda, or set in opposition to it (Slocum and Rhoads 2009).
2
We found faculties to be considerably more independent in Buenos Aires, therefore it
makes sense that there is a “Centro de Estudiantes” per faculty rather than per
university.

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Getting a university education
Expectations and Motivations
Participants had varied expectations as to the benefits of getting a university degree.
Many shared the expectation that a higher education degree would enable them to gain
successful and meaningful careers in the future (Focus Group, Interview 1). It was also
expected that gaining a University degree would lead to specialisation in the subject/field
i.e. leading to further education/specialised careers (Interview 1).
There was a perception that many students did in fact achieve economic improvements
for themselves and their families, after completing their studies and that this was one of
the main motivating factors that led them to undertake a higher education degree (Focus
Group). Participants also stated that they felt the vast majority of employers have come
to demand this level of education (Ibid.).
In addition, one participant indicated that they had always had an interest in learning
(Interview 2) and another was of the opinion that the knowledge attained through a
university degree would enable them to widen their horizons and contribute towards
bettering society in the future (Interview 6).
In a large number of interviews, it was also expressed that going to university following
highschool was expected of them (Focus Group, Interviews 1, 2, 4 and 6). These
expectations were often created by parents, older siblings and the ‘norm’ tendency to do
what other family members had previously done.
Three interviewees were international students, one from Spain, one from Germany and
one from Colombia. When asked why they chose to study in Buenos Aires, many
mentioned that they came because of the opportunity to benefit from a free education.
The exchange students, in particular, also came to be able to experience a new culture
and the traditions of Latin America. It was also noted that studying in Argentina would
equip them with knowledge outside and beyond “Eurocentric” narratives (Interview 1).
Facilities, Barriers and Enablers
As it was described above, expectations of what a university education would offer varied
between interviewees, but the majority felt that they were met by gaining knowledge
through taught lectures/seminars. Contrarily to the authors’ experience of UK universities,
there was not a high expectation for provision of opportunities that would contribute
towards the student experience in a broader sense, such as sports, societies or modern
learning facilities. We observed that students placed a high emphasis on the quality of
teaching, the learning facilities available i.e. library books and journals and the quality of
their course. This was clear in the way that all participants bar one defended the quality
of education within the public system, vis-à-vis the quality of infrastructure available
through private providers (Research Journal). Extra-curricular activities and aesthetically
pleasing/modern buildings were seen as a bonus and secondary to the quality of teaching.
There seemed to be a general consensus that Wi-Fi, teaching space and modern learning
materials (e.g. white boards and computers) were helpful, but the quality of the learning
was paramount. Nonetheless, participants noted that certain faculties such as Law and
Economics had better facilities (Participants 2, 3 and 4) one participant noted that playing

6. 6
sports had enabled him to overcome stress (Participant 2). As such, extracurricular
activities such as sports (Interview 2) and conferences (Focus Group, Interview 3), were
recognised as enablers to success in higher education.
A number of barriers to accessing and completing a higher education degree were
identified by the interview and focus group participants. The barrier identified as most
significant by participants was financial (Focus Group, Interviews 2 and 4). As it is further
explored elsewhere (next section), economic difficulties are believed to be the root cause
of high university drop-out rates. In an interview with a student movement activist, they
mentioned a dropout rate of over half the students enrolled (Interview 3). They explained
that many students experience financial difficulties whilst at university, as many families
are not in a position to support them through their studies, living costs are high and, as
there are no student loans, these costs can only be met through employment, often to
detriment of studies (Focus Group, Interview 3). In line with the opinions expressed here,
as much as 40% of UBA students study part time (Marquis 2003).
In addition, students must purchase additional books and learning materials and some
have additional costs associated with children/caring responsibilities (Focus Group,
Interview 3). The participants noted that a small amount of scholarships are available
within the university and at a national level, to support students who struggle financially.
However, it was felt that these were not enough to support all the students in need,
leading some participants to campaign for discounts in books and other learning
materials, as well as for fixed fees to cover all extra and indispensable costs (Focus
Group).
In addition, other barriers to access and completion of a higher education degree
included:
Difficulties in communicating with the university before arriving in BA for the
exchange programme. (Interview 5)
International and Erasmus students in particular experienced a difficulty in feeling
a belonging to the institution and found it difficult to both engage and understand
processes, due to the short time studying there. (Interviews 1 and 5)
Managing the transition from college and adapting to the new university learning
environment, where students must undertake independent learning. (Focus Group)
Difficulties in balancing university, work, family and friends. (Focus Group)
A number of students felt that university enabled them to gain a greater knowledge of
their subject area. They mentioned that university allowed them to gain key analytical
skills as well as a range of transferrable skills such as time management, working to
deadlines, communication, listening skills, organisational skills, social skills and
independent living skills (Focus Group, Interviews 1, 2 and 5).
As it is further explored below, the Students’ Unions, or Centros de Estudiantes (CEs) in
Buenos Aires, are central hubs dedicated to assisting students with study skills and
workshops facilitated by students in collaboration with staff. The participants felt that
these sessions helped lower dropout rates (Focus Group). As it is further explored
elsewhere, CEs are open to students at any time from early morning to late evening, to
accommodate students studying at various hours. Finally, in many faculties across various
institutions, the CEs organise talks which foster the individuals’ interest in learning.

7. 7
In some public institutions class attendance is not compulsory, which allows students with
other commitments such as family or work, to study in their own time and solely attend
examinations. Lecturers at many of the institutions also provided a ‘virtual campus’
service, where students can contact the lecturers without needing to physically attend. As
it was mentioned in the introductory section, non-compulsory attendance is part of the
1918 Reform. Then as now, it gives students facing afore mentioned economic difficulties,
the opportunity to organise their time in the way that suits their needs the most.

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Public & private provision
The pros and cons of public university
The general consensus among all the students and teaching
staff we met in Buenos Aires was that university education
should remain public and free. This was confirmed
throughout all interviews and the one focus group,
without exception. We observed that people were
genuinely proud of the public university and the principles
it embodies: academic freedom, production of knowledge
for its own sake and not as consumer good, as well as the
principle of equity. The public university is also home to a
vibrant student movement.
Participants articulated the view that public universities enjoy
a reputation for excellence which is uncharacteristic in the
private sector in Argentina (Focus Group, Interviews, 1, 2, 3,
4, and 5). There is a perception that the courses offered by
the private sector are easier and that public universities
cover content more widely and encourage independent
learning. There was also an understanding that there was
more academic freedom within the public sector (Focus Group,
Interview 6), where critical thinking is valued and, perhaps for
this reason, most research originates in the public institutions
(Interview 6). This reputation is compounded by the idea that at private
universities one is “paying to get the grades”, a thought echoed by a number of
participants (Interviews 2 and 4). That students at private universities “pay to progress”,
was put forward as commonly held view and the reason why employers prefer public
university graduates (Focus Group).
There was an understanding among participants that the “public [university sector]
serves knowledge” whereas the “private serves business” (Interview 1). Not only was
there a belief that it was wrong to put a price on knowledge, but also an understanding
that education is not a commercial service, as “getting a better service does not make
one a better professional” (Interview 2). Hand in hand with this, was the principle of
equity which public education embodies. We found a widespread belief that “privatising
education enhances opportunities for the rich and takes from the poor” (Interview 1).
Public free provision on the other hand, strives to provide a level-playing field – even if,
given the economic circumstances of the majority, being able to attend university, is still
a privilege. The majority study alongside work and for many supporting their families is
their main priority, at the expense of attending class and purchasing learning materials.
As it has been already mentioned, scholarships from either the university or the CE
intended to alleviate the economic pressure were limited.
The public university system is much defended in principle, but it is not without criticism.
Some students and lecturers questioned the extent of the societal benefit of public
provision where people are excluded from it– either due to education level or the need to
work (Interview 4, Research Diary). Without addressing these reasons for exclusion,

9. 9
much money is spent in the public system for a small number of people to benefit, given
that many enrol but never finish their degrees.
In fact, previous research indicates that the majority of those who attend tuition-free
public universities ”belong to the top deciles of the income distribution and to relatively
highly educated families” (Rozada and Menendez 2002). Furthermore, despite the gaps in
the available data, the disparity between the number of students who enrol in tertiary
education (HE and FE) and the percentage of the workforce which has completed tertiary
education corroborates the low completion rates perceived by participants:
Alongside non-completing rates, the requirement to complete the one year long
programme of the Ciclo Básico Común (Basic Common Cycle or CBC) before enrolling on
any course at the public university, excludes those who need to work and therefore do
not have the opportunity/time to achieve this pre-university qualification. The CBC was
created by the University of Buenos Aires in 1985, with very broad aims to ensure the
consolidation of basic knowledge prior to university entry (UBA 2014). The programme is
constituted of 6 modules, 2 of which are common to all students, 2 which are area
specific3
and 2 which are specific to the course students which to pursue at University
(ibid.).
The challenge posed by the CBC is something the student movement has sought to
address, with a Student Assembly4
called to reform the CBC curriculum so as to include
professionalising modules/skills, that can be used to obtain employment during or after
the CBC (Interview 6). This is important as most university students work throughout
their studies, taking lectures mostly in the evenings/night time. In its current form, the
CBC requires prospective university students to take one, or sometimes two years out of
full-time/day-time employment and is not perceived as increasing students’ employability
on its own merit. It is therefore a long-term investment that many cannot afford.
3
There are three distinct areas including Social and Human Sciences; Biologic & Health
Sciences; and Exact Sciences, Technology & Design.
4
This is a meeting organised by the CE which is open to all students who want to attend.
Student Assemblies are explained further elsewhere.
Figure 1 - Tertiary Education in Argentina. Source: World Bank 2014.

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At the same time, the students who self-identify with the radical left movement5
point
towards another issue – that both public and private universities enjoy limited academic
freedom, as they are equally linked to business interests. This is partly a result of
universities having no independent budget for research (Interview 3). The university’s
limited budget is mostly spent on salaries, despite having thousands of (“Ad Honorem”)
teaching staff that are unpaid, and many more on low salaries (ibid.). In fact, 25% of the
faculty at UBA work without remuneration and 85% are part time (Marquis 2003). It was
felt by Participant 3 that the limited budgets led the university to look for private funding
and sell its services to private companies, instead of doing research that is free from
private interest. The perception was that this is prejudicial as publically funded research
would create greater benefit for the wider society (Interview 3). Furthermore, public
universities have the greatest number of students paying for degrees, as postgraduate
study is not tuition-free (ibid.).
Financial pressure on universities is also seen to be driving a number of changes to
undergraduate education. For example, free undergraduate degrees are being shortened
and learning that was once covered at this level has been moved to paid postgraduate
degrees, in order to enable universities to raise funds (Interview 3). At the same time,
quality assurance regulation and procedures appears to enforce standards at a lower
level, meeting the needs of private providers and contributing towards the erosion of the
quality of public education (Interview 3). This is in line with the view that quality
assurance policies were “developed in the 1990s as part of a neo-liberal agenda for
university modernization” (Mollis and Margison 2002: 311) Nevertheless, participants
were of the opinion that much learning remains free to public access at undergraduate
level, as a result of constant campaigning by the student movement (Focus Group,
Interview 3).
The Pros and Cons of the Private University Sector
As previously mentioned, the majority participants favoured a public university system
and believed that it provided a better quality education. Nonetheless, a number of
reasons for choosing a private university were identified and a number of well established
and good private universities were mentioned.
Despite the strong public education system, it was felt that students may chose to study
at a private university for a number of reasons:
If they were unable to complete the two years of the Ciclo Basico Commum (CBC)
required to access public university.
To access certain courses that are more practical/technical (e.g. accountancy), as
private universities as are perceived to be more organised; for courses in subjects
where the public universities would not provide the materials or best infrastructure
e.g. fine arts or cinema.
For the possibility of combining particular subject areas.
5
There are a number of parties which would self-identify as belonging to the radical left.
Students are often affiliated to these parties and will often run in CE elections as a party
list. One such party is the Partido Obrero (Labour Party), which performed well in the
mid-term national legislative elections in October 2013 under the coalition banner of the
“Frente de Izquierda y los Trabajadores (FIT)”.

11. 11
Students may be better looked after at an individual level because class sizes are
smaller, meaning more on-to-one attention from teaching staff;
Given that private universities are well equipped, often have better/newer facilities
and offer a better “service” to students (Interview 1); Whereas public universities
are “falling to pieces” (Interview 3)
Given that there is a perception that private universities are better placed to
facilitate employment opportunities due to their close links with businesses and
the provision of courses designed to meet specific business needs. Where students
prefer the less politicised environment offered by private universities.
Nonetheless, because of their “mercantilism”, public universities are not very well
regarded by students and public opinion more generally (Interview 4). Courses such as
law, accountancy or public administration can be found more or less everywhere in the
private sector as they bring profits to the universities, but humanities subjects are less
profitable and therefore are less common.
However, one participant noted that the general student population are very disparaging
of private universities, especially at UBA, where this is “almost like a prejudice” (Interview
4).At the same time, this participant praised the quality of education at a few private
universities with “more history” (Ibid.). Interestingly, these were also the private
universities with a student representation system in place.

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Student voice & representation
How are students represented?
We found the student movement in Buenos Aires to be
historical, visible, vibrant and political. As previously
mentioned, formal student representation bodies are
common within the public university system, but quite
rare within the private university sector. At the centre of
the movement are a number of faculty-level grassroots
groups, broadly representing a variety of ideological
persuasions, although the centre-left and the radical left
predominate. Student representatives are elected by a
combination of direct and indirect elections. A student group is
elected via a direct individual ballot to lead the “Centro de
Estudiantes” (CE) in each faculty, the closest to a students’ union in
the UK. The CE is lead by a President (or General Secretary) and there may
be a vice-president, a number of different secretarial positions and an
Executive Commission. The highest authority is the General Assembly, similar
to an Annual General Meeting in the UK. A major difference from UK student
representation is that the student body elects a group, rather than individuals, to lead the
CE each academic year6
. We observed that campaigning happens all year long, with
stations for the different student groups displaying banners and leaflets throughout
corridors and/or main entrance halls.
In terms of representation in university decision-making, each course has a “junta”
(council) and above that there is the faculty level “Consejo Directivo”(directive council)
where students are represented by two CE representatives (Interview 4). However, where
the professors and the graduates vote in unison, the concurring vote of the student
representatives is not necessary for decisions to be taken.
From the pool of student representatives in each faculty, an indirect election takes place
to elect around four individuals to represent the wider student body in the University’s
“Consejo Superior”. This is the highest authority within the university and, much like
University Senate in the UK, it is responsible for learning and teaching. The University
Assembly, made up of all the “Consejos Directivos” of each faculty, elects the University’s
Rector every five years (the position equivalent to Vice Chancellor in the UK).
The main functions and services provided by the CE include:
Organising the student movement, including Student Assemblies and protests,.
The CEs are a politicizing factor, providing students with the opportunity to engage
with a political programme whilst at university. They also campaign for students’
rights and social justice more broadly e.g. the murder of Mariano Ferrera7
; student
demonstrations against the increase of bus fares; campaigning for better
6
This, in electoral studies terms, is the same as a party list system.
7
A FUBA militant – an you expand the acronym, so people can google?, killed while
demonstrating alongside the “tercerizados”.

13. 13
pensions; or against the payment of the national debt, which is seen as
extortionate. (Interview 3)
Lobbying the university for student rights by campaign on relevant HE policy
issues (e.g. maintaining a public and free university system), better conditions and
more learning resources. (Interview 3)
Providing cheap food and a social space where students are able to purchase
cheap food and drink. (Interviews 1, 3)
Providing photocopies of course reading materials. Lectures often liaise with the
printing services directly to provide reading lists. CEs sell these notes to raise
funds in order to provide them for free to students who have economic difficulties.
(Interviews 1, 3, 4, 6, Focus Group)
Organising seminars, talks and “Jornadas” (conferences) on academic
subjects of relevance to faculty subject areas. (Interview 2, Focus Group)
Providing individual support for students struggling with academic or personal
matters. (Focus Group)
Providing charitable services such as collections (e.g. where there was a flood
in Ciudad de la Plata, students were mobilized to collect kitchen appliances and
clothes for those in need); free services (e.g teaching in poor areas or providing
free legal advice to people). (Interview 2, Focus Group)
Student representation is a universal feature of the public university system in Argentina
and our background research indicated that very few private universities have a formal
structure of student representation.
We found the critics of the student representation system fell into two categories:
a) those who believed students were not given enough power within university decision
making bodies n so far as students are a small minority within the decision-making
bodies of universities
b) those who feel unrepresented due to the party-political nature of the student
movement itself.
The former tended to be students who were actively involved in the student movement
and found the number of student representatives the university included at faculty level
(two students), in the Directive Commission and at University Assembly (four students
each), to be too few to matter. The latter tended to be those who were disengaged from
student politics and believed the student groups to be too ideological in nature,
unrepresentative of the silent majority and ineffective at achieving results.

14. 14
Student Voice and Ability to Make a Change
In general, students felt teaching staff were approachable and
listened to students. Two factors that contributed towards
positive student-teacher relations include 1) the anonymous
module feedback at the end of each semester (Interview
5); and 2) Teachers being sympathetic towards student
grievances and campaigning as they themselves were a
part of the student movement once (Focus Group).
The good relationship with teaching staff was in contrast
to the relationship between the students and universities’
administration. This relationship with the Universities’
administration was sometimes characterised as:
a) distant and bureaucratic, particularly by those disengaged from the student movement
(Interviews 2 and 6);
b) as a strained dialogue. Students feel they need to pro-actively uphold their rights for
themselves, though the CE is viewed as important in supporting students to do this
individually and collectively (Focus Group); or
c) as an out-right conflict of interests where “faceless” administrators are perceived as
doing what they can to minimize the impact of student voice (Interview 3). For example,
the election of the new UBA Rector Prof. Dr. Alberto Edgardo Barbieri was organised
during a vacation period and took place behind a large police presence. This, was
anticipated by Participant 3, allegedly to avoid the full force of student mobilisation
against the election.
We identified a number of instances where the student movement was able to affect
changes, both locally and nationally.
National level change:
1995: During a period characterized by a drive for privatization, the government
wanted to reform the Statute of the Universities and the student movement
demanded that the concept of free education be included. Students from five
universities across Argentina collaborated and campaigned successfully to have
free education included in the new statute (Focus Group).
1990s: A new Ley de la Educacion Superior (Higher Education Law) proposed that
the election of the new Rector (VC) was to be ratified by the President of the
Nation (who holds the executive power in Argentina). The students protested and
did not let this happen, as it would have meant the universities’ loss of autonomy.
However, there were losses elsewhere, as the higher education market was open
for private institutions to emerge, lead to fears that this has caused the erosion of
the publicly funded university system (Focus Group).
Local level change:
More classrooms built (Interview 2).
Students lobbied the university to make funding available to help students attend
a women’s gathering in San Juan (Interview 3).

15. 15
The student space at the back of UBA’s Social Sciences department was gained for
CE use as a result of a student sit in (Interview 3).
Another occupation in UBA’s Social Sciences, managed to have a new building that
had been under construction finished (Interview 4).
All the students we spoke to believed it was necessary to be aligned with one of the
student groups in order to campaign for change (Interviews 1 to 6, Focus Group). This
was a barrier to those who did not want to commit to a particular political programme or
get involved in party-politics. Some students believed a handful of activists were costing
UBA students a reputation for being there to “do” politics and not to study (Interview 4).
These students did not feel represented by the CE or Student Assemblies and were more
likely to approach the university’s administration and teaching staff to raise any issues.

16. 16
Conclusion
The aim of this study was to consider student perspectives on the future of higher
education in Buenos Aires. The objectives of our study were to answer the following
questions from a student perspective:
1. How appropriate is the current provision of public education in Buenos Aires?
2. What aspects of the education system and/or institutional arrangements are
enabling of student development and which create barriers?
3. How are student involved in the shaping of higher education policy and how able
are they to affect change?
These questions are answered in turn below and consideration is given as to how we
believe the student perceptions of the future of higher education in Buenos Aires
compares and contrasts to what we expect to be the future of higher education in the UK.
The provision of public university education in Buenos Aires is shaped by and responds to
the the surrounding cultural and economic setting. As it relies heavily on unpaid teaching
staff, it excludes not only the poorer prospective students, but also academics that are
unable to reconcile paid work with the demands of learning and teaching. The perception
of those who participated in this study, was that the majority of students work their way
through university, mostly studying in the evenings and often having families to support.
The greatest barrier to attaining a university education is thus economic, which is
compounded by entry requirements at public institutions. As such, a university education
is still a hard earned privilege for many and out of reach for the majority. Nonetheless,
evening classes, lobbying and support by the Centros de Estudiantes (CEs) and hundreds
of “ad honorem” (unpaid) teaching staff make university possible for the hundreds of
thousands of enrolled students. With the emergence of “moocs” at a global level and the
economic pressures on prospective university students in the UK, the authors’ educated
guess is that flexible learning arrangements that allow students to balance education,
work and other responsibilities, may be where the future takes HE provision.
The Students’ Unions (or Centros de Estudiantes) in Buenos Aires are at the centre of
student involvement with HE policy. They affect change by building the student
movement, celebrating its achievements and its long history. A combination of dialogue,
mobilisation and direct action ensures that the student voice cannot be ignored.
The partisan nature of student politics in BA
means that it those who are not party-
political feel excluded from the student
movement. At the same time, it means that
Student Union representatives are elected as
a team with a clear political programme.
Furthermore, the party-political nature
situates the student movement in historical
terms, which contributes towards the
widespread understanding of the impact that
students can have in shaping policy both at
university and national levels. We conclude
“The principle of free
education is unlikely
to change as it is very
established and a
matter of national
pride in Argentina.”
Interview 4

17. 17
that fostering a shared sense of history and an understanding of the role and impact of
the student movement at a grassroots level would unite the student movement in the UK
and allow for a common purpose to emerge.
The students we encountered and interviewed in BA were overwhelmingly in favour of
defending a public and tuition-free higher education system, a perception which appears
to echo general public opinion. Nonetheless, students fear the erosion of the quality of
public education, as the tendency is to level the playing field by the lowest common
denominator, i.e. diminishing the quality of the public university to meet the education
levels of the private sector and not the other way around. As such, in BA as in the UK, it
is essential that the student movement scrutinises the role of HE regulation in its wider
political context.
In line with previous research (Slocum and Rhoads 2009), this small study indicates that
the grassroots student movement in Buenos Aires strives for a future where university is
neither an economic tool, nor an ivory tower. Instead, it is a “a socially transformative
agent” which “is embedded in the society (as opposed to standing above or outside of the
society), is concerned with active engagement in social problems (as opposed to claiming
a position of neutrality), and addresses a democratically negotiated social good (as
opposed to serving the highest bidder)” (Slocum and Rhoads 2009: 88). Despite the
challenges, the students we met were hopeful that an ever stronger student movement
will contribute towards fulfilling these principles by successfully lobbying for more public
spending on infrastructure and research, as well as for the democratisation of decision
making within institutions. In the present moment, the movement is vibrant and able to
achieve change both locally and nationally. There is no doubt that it also has the
momentum and the sense of justice to enable them to continue to shape HE policy and
defend the principle of free education.

18. 18
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