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Samuel Gilboard – Writing Sample
This is an adjournment debate speech I wrote for Simon Danczuk MP on the topic of
Kashmiri ethnic representation in the UK census. Mr. Danczuk has a large Kashmiri
population in his constituency of Rochdale, but they feel they are underrepresented
in the services they receive from the government because they are not listed as an
ethnicity on the national census. Mr. Danczuk spoke at this debate to expose the
injustice that was being done. NOTE (spelling is in English type)
March 3rd, 2014.
Adjournment Debate on Kashmiri Ethnic Representation in the UK Census
I am extremely grateful finally to have this debate. As some may be aware, the
Kashmiri ethnic representation question was first raised in 2007 by Baroness
Nicholson in the other place. Seven years later, it is finally being debated in this
Chamber. Various Kashmiri organisations have estimated that about one in four
British Muslims are of Kashmiri origin—that is one quarter of the British Muslim
population who live in our communities, pay taxes and contribute to our economy.
But the true accuracy of that statistic can never be known, as there is no official
documentation of their ethnicity on the census.
British Kashmiris play a major role in the social, political, cultural, economic and
religious life of the United Kingdom. The Kashmiri people are proud, hard workers
who have brought a taste of Kashmir to our cities and towns. We have three
Members of the Commons of Kashmiri origin: the hon. Member for Gillingham and
Rainham (Rehman Chishti); and my hon. Friends the Members for Birmingham,
Ladywood (Shabana Mahmood) and for Birmingham, Perry Barr (Mr Mahmood). In
addition, Kashmiris hold hundreds of positions as local councillors across the country
and heavily influence more than 30 constituencies at election time. This is why it is
distressing that as a result of not having a Kashmiri ethnicity category, a community
that totals well over half a million people is left vulnerable—I would go as far as to
say that this is an injustice.
I wish to focus on two consequences of ignoring Kashmiri ethnicity in the census:
under-representation and deprivation. I am of the belief that British Kashmiris run
the risk of being under-represented in a population that does not specify their
ethnicity. In my constituency, the vast majority of people of Kashmiri origin live in
the most deprived wards. They are therefore most likely to be under-represented in
terms of higher educational attainment and most likely to be over-represented in
terms of poor, overcrowded housing. I have heard from people in my constituency
that unemployment in Kashmiri communities is extremely high, perhaps 60% to 70%
in some areas. It is also the case that people in these communities are
disproportionately likely to rely on state benefits and most likely to be extremely
economically deprived. Evidence from the Joseph Rowntree Foundation supports
those conclusions. Please note my emphasis on the phrase “most likely” because
speculation is all that we can do at this point. Minister, there is a community of
people in our constituencies who are suffering because their needs are disregarded
and their identities are lost.
Let me take this opportunity to put it on the record that an incredible amount of hard
work has been done by councillors of Kashmiri origin in my constituency. They have
put in many hours trying to address the concerns that I have just outlined.
Councillors Daalat Ali, Amna Mir, Aftab Hussain, Iftikhar Ahmed, Mohammad Zaman
and Shah Wazir all do incredible work for their communities. The work is extremely
demanding because of the challenges that those communities face.
In my weekly surgery, I carry out a large amount of immigration casework. I
sometimes make a point of asking people where they are from—what is their
ethnic origin. Some respond, “Bangladesh.” Some say, “Ukraine.” Others say,
“Poland”, but most respond, “Pakistan.” I stop them and clarify, “Do you mean
Kashmir?” Their faces light up. They are delighted that someone in the political
system recognises the difference.
It is troubling that while the census forgets about Kashmiris, Kashmiris are being told
that their ethnic identity is not valid. Many have an incredibly strong sense of ethnic
identity. They do not want to be counted as Pakistani or Indian because that is not
how they think of themselves. Is it right for us as a democratic society, built on the
differences of the many, to help to strip away the identities of the few? Should we
not be celebrating the diverse cultures and identities within our country?
Since 1991, the number of ethnicities on the census has doubled. That reflects the
growing diversity of our country and the economic opportunities available to people
here.
Before the 2011 census, the Office for National Statistics tested more than 20 new
ethnicities, of which two would be added to the census. The ONS decided that any
additional ethnicities beyond its quota would lead to compromises in the layout of
the census. It decided that Gypsy/Irish Traveller and Arab ethnicities deserved to be
represented in the census.
We now know, because of inclusion in the census, that Gypsies and Irish Travellers
experience huge levels of unemployment, poor health, and often have poor
educational attainment, according to ONS figures. They have few qualifications and a
significant portion of their young population is not actively searching for work. Such
results may be frustrating to hear, but, at the very least, preparations can be made
to address the problems. After all, is not the fundamental reason of a census to
convert population statistics into efficient, beneficial services?
The British Kashmiri community, the population of which is estimated to be more
than four times that of Gypsies and Irish Travellers, will not receive special benefits
catered to their needs and, as a result, will continue on the path of deprivation.
Perhaps the most pressing issue surrounding these services is the language barrier.
People of Kashmiri origin are disproportionately likely to rely on various state and
local authority services. We therefore need to make sure that an appropriate number
of staff are able to speak Parahi. It is my belief that inclusion on the census will help
to ensure that we can take such steps and therefore better co-ordinate our services.
The Kashmiri population in my constituency makes up a significant portion of the
night-time economy work force as taxi-drivers, take-away operators and by working
in other jobs with unsocial hours. Again, knowing this information in a more
statistical way would allow better community engagement strategies to be
developed. Improved community engagement from my own local authority and
many like it could create vital links to economic and social opportunities, so that
Kashmiris can achieve their fullest potential. We could also look at introducing
education and integration programmes among Kashmiri communities, who are
historically very tight-knit and sometimes hesitant to take outside assistance.
As well as looking at our own communities, we should also be aware of the
development of Kashmir itself. The Department for International Development is
very active in Kashmir and a large amount of UK aid money is spent there. I recently
met people from the RSA—the Royal Society for the encouragement of Arts,
Manufactures and Commerce—to discuss its Pakistan Calling project, aimed at
engaging the British Pakistani diaspora with development issues in Pakistan. The
efforts of such fantastic projects would be greatly assisted if we had proper
information about the number of people of Kashmiri origin in our country.
Now, obviously, it is almost impossible to discuss Kashmir without mentioning the
current disputed state of that region. I understand that neither the Indian nor
Pakistani Governments might be overjoyed by the United Kingdom Government
recognising the Kashmiri identity as valid, but I would just like to make this point: I
am strongly of the view that we should not let our own domestic arrangements be
dictated to us by a desire to keep other countries happy. I hope that the Minister
shares this view.
To conclude, I would like to ask the Minister a number of questions. First, will he
update the House on the preparations for the next census and whether the
Government intend to hold one? Will he clarify whether they will consider adding new
ethnicity categories and will Kashmiri be one of those considered? Finally, does he
share my concerns about the challenges that face the Kashmiri community in this
country, and does he agree that we need proper information if we are to meet these
challenges?
If we continue to ignore the issues that people in this community face then it is not
just they who will suffer but all British society. This seems a rather dramatic
argument for what, at the end of the day, is simply a very small box on a very big
form, but I really do feel that it would have important symbolic and practical value;
practical, because it would allow us to gather more information on this important
group and therefore target resources more effectively to meet their needs; and
symbolic, because it would say to British Kashmiris that we accept them for who they
are. It says to them that just because they are British does not mean they are not
also Kashmiri.

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Kashmiri Ethnic Representation Speech

  • 1. Samuel Gilboard – Writing Sample This is an adjournment debate speech I wrote for Simon Danczuk MP on the topic of Kashmiri ethnic representation in the UK census. Mr. Danczuk has a large Kashmiri population in his constituency of Rochdale, but they feel they are underrepresented in the services they receive from the government because they are not listed as an ethnicity on the national census. Mr. Danczuk spoke at this debate to expose the injustice that was being done. NOTE (spelling is in English type) March 3rd, 2014. Adjournment Debate on Kashmiri Ethnic Representation in the UK Census I am extremely grateful finally to have this debate. As some may be aware, the Kashmiri ethnic representation question was first raised in 2007 by Baroness Nicholson in the other place. Seven years later, it is finally being debated in this Chamber. Various Kashmiri organisations have estimated that about one in four British Muslims are of Kashmiri origin—that is one quarter of the British Muslim population who live in our communities, pay taxes and contribute to our economy. But the true accuracy of that statistic can never be known, as there is no official documentation of their ethnicity on the census. British Kashmiris play a major role in the social, political, cultural, economic and religious life of the United Kingdom. The Kashmiri people are proud, hard workers who have brought a taste of Kashmir to our cities and towns. We have three Members of the Commons of Kashmiri origin: the hon. Member for Gillingham and Rainham (Rehman Chishti); and my hon. Friends the Members for Birmingham, Ladywood (Shabana Mahmood) and for Birmingham, Perry Barr (Mr Mahmood). In addition, Kashmiris hold hundreds of positions as local councillors across the country and heavily influence more than 30 constituencies at election time. This is why it is distressing that as a result of not having a Kashmiri ethnicity category, a community that totals well over half a million people is left vulnerable—I would go as far as to say that this is an injustice. I wish to focus on two consequences of ignoring Kashmiri ethnicity in the census: under-representation and deprivation. I am of the belief that British Kashmiris run the risk of being under-represented in a population that does not specify their ethnicity. In my constituency, the vast majority of people of Kashmiri origin live in the most deprived wards. They are therefore most likely to be under-represented in terms of higher educational attainment and most likely to be over-represented in terms of poor, overcrowded housing. I have heard from people in my constituency that unemployment in Kashmiri communities is extremely high, perhaps 60% to 70% in some areas. It is also the case that people in these communities are disproportionately likely to rely on state benefits and most likely to be extremely economically deprived. Evidence from the Joseph Rowntree Foundation supports those conclusions. Please note my emphasis on the phrase “most likely” because speculation is all that we can do at this point. Minister, there is a community of people in our constituencies who are suffering because their needs are disregarded and their identities are lost. Let me take this opportunity to put it on the record that an incredible amount of hard work has been done by councillors of Kashmiri origin in my constituency. They have
  • 2. put in many hours trying to address the concerns that I have just outlined. Councillors Daalat Ali, Amna Mir, Aftab Hussain, Iftikhar Ahmed, Mohammad Zaman and Shah Wazir all do incredible work for their communities. The work is extremely demanding because of the challenges that those communities face. In my weekly surgery, I carry out a large amount of immigration casework. I sometimes make a point of asking people where they are from—what is their ethnic origin. Some respond, “Bangladesh.” Some say, “Ukraine.” Others say, “Poland”, but most respond, “Pakistan.” I stop them and clarify, “Do you mean Kashmir?” Their faces light up. They are delighted that someone in the political system recognises the difference. It is troubling that while the census forgets about Kashmiris, Kashmiris are being told that their ethnic identity is not valid. Many have an incredibly strong sense of ethnic identity. They do not want to be counted as Pakistani or Indian because that is not how they think of themselves. Is it right for us as a democratic society, built on the differences of the many, to help to strip away the identities of the few? Should we not be celebrating the diverse cultures and identities within our country? Since 1991, the number of ethnicities on the census has doubled. That reflects the growing diversity of our country and the economic opportunities available to people here. Before the 2011 census, the Office for National Statistics tested more than 20 new ethnicities, of which two would be added to the census. The ONS decided that any additional ethnicities beyond its quota would lead to compromises in the layout of the census. It decided that Gypsy/Irish Traveller and Arab ethnicities deserved to be represented in the census. We now know, because of inclusion in the census, that Gypsies and Irish Travellers experience huge levels of unemployment, poor health, and often have poor educational attainment, according to ONS figures. They have few qualifications and a significant portion of their young population is not actively searching for work. Such results may be frustrating to hear, but, at the very least, preparations can be made to address the problems. After all, is not the fundamental reason of a census to convert population statistics into efficient, beneficial services? The British Kashmiri community, the population of which is estimated to be more than four times that of Gypsies and Irish Travellers, will not receive special benefits catered to their needs and, as a result, will continue on the path of deprivation. Perhaps the most pressing issue surrounding these services is the language barrier. People of Kashmiri origin are disproportionately likely to rely on various state and local authority services. We therefore need to make sure that an appropriate number of staff are able to speak Parahi. It is my belief that inclusion on the census will help to ensure that we can take such steps and therefore better co-ordinate our services. The Kashmiri population in my constituency makes up a significant portion of the night-time economy work force as taxi-drivers, take-away operators and by working in other jobs with unsocial hours. Again, knowing this information in a more statistical way would allow better community engagement strategies to be developed. Improved community engagement from my own local authority and many like it could create vital links to economic and social opportunities, so that Kashmiris can achieve their fullest potential. We could also look at introducing
  • 3. education and integration programmes among Kashmiri communities, who are historically very tight-knit and sometimes hesitant to take outside assistance. As well as looking at our own communities, we should also be aware of the development of Kashmir itself. The Department for International Development is very active in Kashmir and a large amount of UK aid money is spent there. I recently met people from the RSA—the Royal Society for the encouragement of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce—to discuss its Pakistan Calling project, aimed at engaging the British Pakistani diaspora with development issues in Pakistan. The efforts of such fantastic projects would be greatly assisted if we had proper information about the number of people of Kashmiri origin in our country. Now, obviously, it is almost impossible to discuss Kashmir without mentioning the current disputed state of that region. I understand that neither the Indian nor Pakistani Governments might be overjoyed by the United Kingdom Government recognising the Kashmiri identity as valid, but I would just like to make this point: I am strongly of the view that we should not let our own domestic arrangements be dictated to us by a desire to keep other countries happy. I hope that the Minister shares this view. To conclude, I would like to ask the Minister a number of questions. First, will he update the House on the preparations for the next census and whether the Government intend to hold one? Will he clarify whether they will consider adding new ethnicity categories and will Kashmiri be one of those considered? Finally, does he share my concerns about the challenges that face the Kashmiri community in this country, and does he agree that we need proper information if we are to meet these challenges? If we continue to ignore the issues that people in this community face then it is not just they who will suffer but all British society. This seems a rather dramatic argument for what, at the end of the day, is simply a very small box on a very big form, but I really do feel that it would have important symbolic and practical value; practical, because it would allow us to gather more information on this important group and therefore target resources more effectively to meet their needs; and symbolic, because it would say to British Kashmiris that we accept them for who they are. It says to them that just because they are British does not mean they are not also Kashmiri.