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Running Head: Social Security 1
Social Security: Need for Evaluation
Randall L. Noggle
SOC320: Public Policy & Social Services
Instructor Dr. Denise Orpustan-Love
6/16/14
2
Social Security has become a very popular issue with the aging workforce. This
popularity has grown in tandem with the burdens that are being placed on the financial
infrastructure of this public program. With over 40 million Americans age 65 and older and
capable of receiving full social security benefits, and the number scheduled to more than double
within the next 40 years to 89 million, it is clear that this issue will continue to grow in
popularity (Jameson, Kent, Lee, & Mather, 2013). As the general population gradually ages and
more and more people begin to collect social security benefits, it will become imperative that
policy reform occur. A tightrope is being walked between public opinion and policy actor
idealism. For some, especially the younger generations, social security’s sustainability is a
nonissue, whereas with the aging population it is a priority. There is a lot to be considered when
evaluating social security: the scope of social security is a nation-wide issue that is receiving
both public and political awareness. Policy actor views and public opinions are dictating the
evolution of this public program, the necessity of structural evaluation and adoption of
reformation, and the public opinion and viable options for the direction of this program.
First, let us start with what social security is and what it was intentionally created for. We
have to go back to a very outdated ideological viewpoint to see how significant of a public policy
social security is. Obviously, social security is a recent development in the history of our
country. It was not a necessity with the earliest agriculturally based society America was socially
governed by. In this original form of society, retirement wasn’t planned in the way Americans’
plan it today. The agricultural nature of this early society’s retirement was based on the
inheritance of land, which was eventually passed on to a person’s children through inheritance or
the assumed ownership of farm land.
3
This form of “planning” never initially included any concept of or reliance on public
policy or government interaction. This, however, changed due to the industrialization of society
and general shift from rural farm life to people moving towards and into cities to acquire more
gainful forms of employment. In the Journal of Economic Growth (2013), Caucutt, Cooley, &
Guner state, “…that industrialization combined with demographic shifts can account for the
dramatic change in the social insurance system in the United States” (Caucutt, Cooley, & Guner,
2013). This dramatic change merited a new form of policy to be created being as people were
now no longer adhering to the traditional “land as retirement funding” ideology where their
children were able to provide for them in nearly every facet of their retirement. The need for
public policy regarding a new structure for retirement became evident, and thus, social security
was born.
Much like any other form of public policy, evolution was essential for social security in
order to remain a viable and effective policy. Unfortunately, the changes that were necessary
have been very slow to be enacted from the very beginning and realization that the policy was no
longer fitting the needs that were presented. It nearly remained unchanged from its inception, and
many people were falling in the “cracks”. In the Social Security Bulletin, DeWitt states, “The
1950 legislation (like the 1939 legislation) emerged out of the recommendations of an advisory
council. The most dramatic provision in the new law raised the level of Social Security benefits
for all beneficiaries an average of 77 percent” (DeWitt, 2010). This is a drastic change is policy
that is nearly unheard of in this day and age. However, later in the same article, DeWitt states
further change in policy, “The 1954 amendments produced a major expansion of coverage—
bringing an additional 10 million workers into the system. This law extended coverage to most
remaining uncovered farm workers, selfemployed professionals, and state and local government
4
employees (on a voluntary group basis). Benefits were also increased an additional 13 percent”
(DeWitt, 2010). Clearly, there was a definite situation to be dealt with and basically, a partial
overhaul took place through these changes. It made some necessary changes to become more
relevant to social need.
While these changes were fairly broad and essentially pertained to inclusion of the
uncovered individuals into program and increasing the benefit amounts, there were also more
integral changes that took place. In the Harvard Journal on Legislation (2013), Gokhale goes on
to give a brief description of those integral changes, “Survivor, dependent, and child benefits
against the loss of income from old age (or loss of the primary Social Security benefit recipient)
were added in 1939. Benefits to disabled workers were introduced in 1956. The early retirement
age was introduced for women in 1956 and for men in 1961…” (Gokhale, 2013). All of the
changes that took place, both regarding inclusion and specific entitlement, were absolutely
necessary to maintain policy effectiveness.
This brings us to how pervasive social security is in society as a direct result of the
aforementioned policy changes. In the Harvard Journal on Legislation (2013), Gokhale goes on
to explain that under the current laws, over 95% of professions are covered under the policies of
social security (Gokhale, 2013). This is a far cry from the initial very low percentage of
coverage. Paying into social security is done by a great majority of individuals. Everyone from
the 16 year-old part-time worker to the nearly retired career individual has been or is paying into
the program. We are all allowed to draw upon social security after reaching, at the very
minimum, age of 62. However, while we are allowed to decide when to start begin collecting
social security benefits, paying into the program is statutory, and we are not afforded the option
to decline payment.
5
This statutory payment is hardly noticed by the general public and most in the private
sector. However, there is much ado by policy actors regarding this minute amount of money that
is being paid by nearly every individual. There is a lot of number-crunching being done by those
involved in this policy, whether in private or public actor roles, to understand how to deal with
the demands being placed on this program by an aging population. Policy makers involved with
the financially stability and sustainability of this program are in debate of viable remedies to the
current policy as well as trying to formulate supplemental and also alternative methods to what
may possibly be the demise of social security as we know it.
While all the previous policy changes in social security have included both more people
into the program and have also entitled those people to better benefits as a necessity to the ever-
increasing financial demands of retirement, further change is becoming more of a pressing issue.
The previous changes no longer carry the same overall beneficial effect they once had. In the
Social Security Bulletin, Goss states, “Since the last major amendments to the Social Security
program were enacted in 1983, the annual reports have presented a succession of developments
in the actual experience of the economy and the program benefits that show a need for more
change to address the future challenges we face” (Goss, 2010). No major changes in policy in
over 30 years is beginning to take its toll on the financial infrastructure of social security and
lack of policy evolution or alteration is becoming a social need.
The baby boomers play a major role in this desperate need for change. While it was
known that this generation had an incredibly high birth rate, it was impossible to predict that
medical advances would be prolonging active life with additional functional years, incurred
health costs, and also, the drop in birth rates of subsequent generations. Social security will
shortly be unable to sustain itself as the baby boomer generation has already started to collect
6
benefits. The public is becoming very aware that the balance is in the beginning process of
shifting from functional to dysfunctional in regards to social security’s ability to provide for
those of retirement age. It is in social security’s benefit that many of the policy actors involved in
social security reform are part of the baby boomer generation, whom these changes must be
made for in order to accommodate to.
Social security reform is a must, and is a topic of great debate. No changes have been
made in three decades and the system is showing signs, given supporting societal factors, of
eventual failure. The biggest issue of reform is not that it needs done, to the contrary, that is a
general consensus in both the private and public sectors. The issue lies in how and what must be
done regarding change. The changes that are being discussed regarding policy reform in order to
keep social security sustainable are privatization, partial privatization coupled with minor benefit
allocation, and delayed claiming.
The first major idea is privatization of social security. Although privatization is
considered a viable option for the wealthier of policy actors, the realities of it entail a more subtle
approach. In the Journal of Financial Service Professionals (2012), Koleva states, “Full
privatization is viewed by some as a drastic measure fraught with risk and uncertainties. There
have been proposals that offer a more balanced package consisting of a combination of partial
privatization, reduction of benefits, and increase in tax revenues under the current Social
Security system. Based on past experience, such proposals would most likely be able to stabilize
the current Social Security system and ensure its solvency for a longer period of time” (Koleva,
2012). Full privatization seems like a very risky proposal because it places an individual’s
retirement solely as a result of their planning and limits government’s role of responsibility of
the social health of its citizens. This concept is not going over too well with a good majority of
7
policy actors involved because, in essence, it is harshly limiting our citizen’s “safety net” in
retirement, and thus, is very unlikely and those involved are straying away from this idealism.
Partial privatization is the preferred concept and idealism to be supplemental help to the
crumbling system currently in place.
In addition to this partial privatization, delayed claiming of social security can be an
effective alternative for both the public and private sector. In the Journal of Financial Planning
(2014), Shoven & Slavov suggest, “recent low real interest rates combined with improved
mortality and concluded that delaying Social Security is actuarially advantageous for most
individuals. In addition, the delayed retirement credit (the adjustment for delaying Social
Security beyond full retirement age, which was 65 for those turning 62 in 1992, and has risen to
66 for those turning 62 today) has become much more generous” (Shoven & Slavov, 2014). If
the current social security system were to employ the ideas and proposals expressed of partial
privatization coupled with decreased benefits and delayed claiming, many of the financial woes
of social security may be able to be delayed until a more suitable remedy is found.
This would be a massive change in the structure of social security, and would be a far cry
from what is currently in place. Full privatization seems too risky, but doing nothing leads to a
much sooner than anticipated collapse. No one wants to pay more into taxes, but it may be a
necessary evil in order to prevent elderly poverty. Also, by delaying claiming benefits,
individuals would be both helping themselves and also giving our policy makers more adequate
time to come to a reasonable solution. To the younger generation social security reform is not
nearly as pressing as such other political debates such as Gay Marriage, Gun Rights, Educational
Reform, etc. But it ought to be because it affects not only the elderly or those of retirement, but
8
also their future. At any rate, this issue has been acknowledged by society in general as well as
policy makers as requiring evaluation and reform on some level.
Social security, or the system as we know it, is heading towards imminent financial
failure. While the course of 40 years may seem like a long time, it is not in the policy making
process. It has been over 30 years since the last major change in policy, and both the financial
situation and increase in those who are collecting benefits have both changed in ways that were
never initially planned. The public opinion of this issue simple enough: something needs to be
done. It is very similar in the political realm, but there are a great deal of factors to be considered
with any policy change, let alone something as pervasive as social security. This is a public
policy in which the amount of public and political awareness will continually grow as the
population ages and begins collecting and there simply is no other option but to evaluate and
change current policy. There are numerous factors to consider when viewing social security: the
nation-wide level of participation in both the public and political realms, the evolution of this
program through policy actor involvement, structural evaluation and reformation and the public
view of the viable options or alternatives to the current program.
9
References
Caucutt, E. M., Cooley, T. F., & Guner, N. (2013). The Farm, the City, and the Emergence of
Social Security. Journal Of Economic Growth, 18(1), 1-32. doi:http://dx.doi.org.proxy-
library.ashford.edu/10.1007/s10887-012-9086-5
DeWitt, L. (2010). THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL SECURITY IN AMERICA. Social
Security Bulletin, 70(3), 1-26.
GOKHALE, J. (2013). SOCIAL SECURITY REFORM: DOES PRIVATIZATION STILL
MAKE SENSE?. Harvard Journal On Legislation, 50(1), 169-207.
Goss, S.C. (2010). The Future Financial Status of the Social Security Program. Social Security
Bulletin 70(3). Retrieved from
http://www.ssa.gov/policy/docs/ssb/v70n3/v70n3p111.html.
Jacobsen, L.A., Kent, M., Lee, M., & Mather, M. (2013). America’s Aging Population.
Population Reference Bureau. Retrieved from
http://www.prb.org/Publications/Reports/2011/americas-aging-population.aspx.
Koleva, Y. (2012). The Outlook for Social Security Reform: Proposals and Implications. Journal
Of Financial Service Professionals, 66(3), 26-31.
Shoven, J. B., & Slavov, S. (2014). Recent Changes in the Gains from Delaying Social Security.
Journal Of Financial Planning, 27(3), 32-41.

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Social Security Final

  • 1. Running Head: Social Security 1 Social Security: Need for Evaluation Randall L. Noggle SOC320: Public Policy & Social Services Instructor Dr. Denise Orpustan-Love 6/16/14
  • 2. 2 Social Security has become a very popular issue with the aging workforce. This popularity has grown in tandem with the burdens that are being placed on the financial infrastructure of this public program. With over 40 million Americans age 65 and older and capable of receiving full social security benefits, and the number scheduled to more than double within the next 40 years to 89 million, it is clear that this issue will continue to grow in popularity (Jameson, Kent, Lee, & Mather, 2013). As the general population gradually ages and more and more people begin to collect social security benefits, it will become imperative that policy reform occur. A tightrope is being walked between public opinion and policy actor idealism. For some, especially the younger generations, social security’s sustainability is a nonissue, whereas with the aging population it is a priority. There is a lot to be considered when evaluating social security: the scope of social security is a nation-wide issue that is receiving both public and political awareness. Policy actor views and public opinions are dictating the evolution of this public program, the necessity of structural evaluation and adoption of reformation, and the public opinion and viable options for the direction of this program. First, let us start with what social security is and what it was intentionally created for. We have to go back to a very outdated ideological viewpoint to see how significant of a public policy social security is. Obviously, social security is a recent development in the history of our country. It was not a necessity with the earliest agriculturally based society America was socially governed by. In this original form of society, retirement wasn’t planned in the way Americans’ plan it today. The agricultural nature of this early society’s retirement was based on the inheritance of land, which was eventually passed on to a person’s children through inheritance or the assumed ownership of farm land.
  • 3. 3 This form of “planning” never initially included any concept of or reliance on public policy or government interaction. This, however, changed due to the industrialization of society and general shift from rural farm life to people moving towards and into cities to acquire more gainful forms of employment. In the Journal of Economic Growth (2013), Caucutt, Cooley, & Guner state, “…that industrialization combined with demographic shifts can account for the dramatic change in the social insurance system in the United States” (Caucutt, Cooley, & Guner, 2013). This dramatic change merited a new form of policy to be created being as people were now no longer adhering to the traditional “land as retirement funding” ideology where their children were able to provide for them in nearly every facet of their retirement. The need for public policy regarding a new structure for retirement became evident, and thus, social security was born. Much like any other form of public policy, evolution was essential for social security in order to remain a viable and effective policy. Unfortunately, the changes that were necessary have been very slow to be enacted from the very beginning and realization that the policy was no longer fitting the needs that were presented. It nearly remained unchanged from its inception, and many people were falling in the “cracks”. In the Social Security Bulletin, DeWitt states, “The 1950 legislation (like the 1939 legislation) emerged out of the recommendations of an advisory council. The most dramatic provision in the new law raised the level of Social Security benefits for all beneficiaries an average of 77 percent” (DeWitt, 2010). This is a drastic change is policy that is nearly unheard of in this day and age. However, later in the same article, DeWitt states further change in policy, “The 1954 amendments produced a major expansion of coverage— bringing an additional 10 million workers into the system. This law extended coverage to most remaining uncovered farm workers, selfemployed professionals, and state and local government
  • 4. 4 employees (on a voluntary group basis). Benefits were also increased an additional 13 percent” (DeWitt, 2010). Clearly, there was a definite situation to be dealt with and basically, a partial overhaul took place through these changes. It made some necessary changes to become more relevant to social need. While these changes were fairly broad and essentially pertained to inclusion of the uncovered individuals into program and increasing the benefit amounts, there were also more integral changes that took place. In the Harvard Journal on Legislation (2013), Gokhale goes on to give a brief description of those integral changes, “Survivor, dependent, and child benefits against the loss of income from old age (or loss of the primary Social Security benefit recipient) were added in 1939. Benefits to disabled workers were introduced in 1956. The early retirement age was introduced for women in 1956 and for men in 1961…” (Gokhale, 2013). All of the changes that took place, both regarding inclusion and specific entitlement, were absolutely necessary to maintain policy effectiveness. This brings us to how pervasive social security is in society as a direct result of the aforementioned policy changes. In the Harvard Journal on Legislation (2013), Gokhale goes on to explain that under the current laws, over 95% of professions are covered under the policies of social security (Gokhale, 2013). This is a far cry from the initial very low percentage of coverage. Paying into social security is done by a great majority of individuals. Everyone from the 16 year-old part-time worker to the nearly retired career individual has been or is paying into the program. We are all allowed to draw upon social security after reaching, at the very minimum, age of 62. However, while we are allowed to decide when to start begin collecting social security benefits, paying into the program is statutory, and we are not afforded the option to decline payment.
  • 5. 5 This statutory payment is hardly noticed by the general public and most in the private sector. However, there is much ado by policy actors regarding this minute amount of money that is being paid by nearly every individual. There is a lot of number-crunching being done by those involved in this policy, whether in private or public actor roles, to understand how to deal with the demands being placed on this program by an aging population. Policy makers involved with the financially stability and sustainability of this program are in debate of viable remedies to the current policy as well as trying to formulate supplemental and also alternative methods to what may possibly be the demise of social security as we know it. While all the previous policy changes in social security have included both more people into the program and have also entitled those people to better benefits as a necessity to the ever- increasing financial demands of retirement, further change is becoming more of a pressing issue. The previous changes no longer carry the same overall beneficial effect they once had. In the Social Security Bulletin, Goss states, “Since the last major amendments to the Social Security program were enacted in 1983, the annual reports have presented a succession of developments in the actual experience of the economy and the program benefits that show a need for more change to address the future challenges we face” (Goss, 2010). No major changes in policy in over 30 years is beginning to take its toll on the financial infrastructure of social security and lack of policy evolution or alteration is becoming a social need. The baby boomers play a major role in this desperate need for change. While it was known that this generation had an incredibly high birth rate, it was impossible to predict that medical advances would be prolonging active life with additional functional years, incurred health costs, and also, the drop in birth rates of subsequent generations. Social security will shortly be unable to sustain itself as the baby boomer generation has already started to collect
  • 6. 6 benefits. The public is becoming very aware that the balance is in the beginning process of shifting from functional to dysfunctional in regards to social security’s ability to provide for those of retirement age. It is in social security’s benefit that many of the policy actors involved in social security reform are part of the baby boomer generation, whom these changes must be made for in order to accommodate to. Social security reform is a must, and is a topic of great debate. No changes have been made in three decades and the system is showing signs, given supporting societal factors, of eventual failure. The biggest issue of reform is not that it needs done, to the contrary, that is a general consensus in both the private and public sectors. The issue lies in how and what must be done regarding change. The changes that are being discussed regarding policy reform in order to keep social security sustainable are privatization, partial privatization coupled with minor benefit allocation, and delayed claiming. The first major idea is privatization of social security. Although privatization is considered a viable option for the wealthier of policy actors, the realities of it entail a more subtle approach. In the Journal of Financial Service Professionals (2012), Koleva states, “Full privatization is viewed by some as a drastic measure fraught with risk and uncertainties. There have been proposals that offer a more balanced package consisting of a combination of partial privatization, reduction of benefits, and increase in tax revenues under the current Social Security system. Based on past experience, such proposals would most likely be able to stabilize the current Social Security system and ensure its solvency for a longer period of time” (Koleva, 2012). Full privatization seems like a very risky proposal because it places an individual’s retirement solely as a result of their planning and limits government’s role of responsibility of the social health of its citizens. This concept is not going over too well with a good majority of
  • 7. 7 policy actors involved because, in essence, it is harshly limiting our citizen’s “safety net” in retirement, and thus, is very unlikely and those involved are straying away from this idealism. Partial privatization is the preferred concept and idealism to be supplemental help to the crumbling system currently in place. In addition to this partial privatization, delayed claiming of social security can be an effective alternative for both the public and private sector. In the Journal of Financial Planning (2014), Shoven & Slavov suggest, “recent low real interest rates combined with improved mortality and concluded that delaying Social Security is actuarially advantageous for most individuals. In addition, the delayed retirement credit (the adjustment for delaying Social Security beyond full retirement age, which was 65 for those turning 62 in 1992, and has risen to 66 for those turning 62 today) has become much more generous” (Shoven & Slavov, 2014). If the current social security system were to employ the ideas and proposals expressed of partial privatization coupled with decreased benefits and delayed claiming, many of the financial woes of social security may be able to be delayed until a more suitable remedy is found. This would be a massive change in the structure of social security, and would be a far cry from what is currently in place. Full privatization seems too risky, but doing nothing leads to a much sooner than anticipated collapse. No one wants to pay more into taxes, but it may be a necessary evil in order to prevent elderly poverty. Also, by delaying claiming benefits, individuals would be both helping themselves and also giving our policy makers more adequate time to come to a reasonable solution. To the younger generation social security reform is not nearly as pressing as such other political debates such as Gay Marriage, Gun Rights, Educational Reform, etc. But it ought to be because it affects not only the elderly or those of retirement, but
  • 8. 8 also their future. At any rate, this issue has been acknowledged by society in general as well as policy makers as requiring evaluation and reform on some level. Social security, or the system as we know it, is heading towards imminent financial failure. While the course of 40 years may seem like a long time, it is not in the policy making process. It has been over 30 years since the last major change in policy, and both the financial situation and increase in those who are collecting benefits have both changed in ways that were never initially planned. The public opinion of this issue simple enough: something needs to be done. It is very similar in the political realm, but there are a great deal of factors to be considered with any policy change, let alone something as pervasive as social security. This is a public policy in which the amount of public and political awareness will continually grow as the population ages and begins collecting and there simply is no other option but to evaluate and change current policy. There are numerous factors to consider when viewing social security: the nation-wide level of participation in both the public and political realms, the evolution of this program through policy actor involvement, structural evaluation and reformation and the public view of the viable options or alternatives to the current program.
  • 9. 9 References Caucutt, E. M., Cooley, T. F., & Guner, N. (2013). The Farm, the City, and the Emergence of Social Security. Journal Of Economic Growth, 18(1), 1-32. doi:http://dx.doi.org.proxy- library.ashford.edu/10.1007/s10887-012-9086-5 DeWitt, L. (2010). THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL SECURITY IN AMERICA. Social Security Bulletin, 70(3), 1-26. GOKHALE, J. (2013). SOCIAL SECURITY REFORM: DOES PRIVATIZATION STILL MAKE SENSE?. Harvard Journal On Legislation, 50(1), 169-207. Goss, S.C. (2010). The Future Financial Status of the Social Security Program. Social Security Bulletin 70(3). Retrieved from http://www.ssa.gov/policy/docs/ssb/v70n3/v70n3p111.html. Jacobsen, L.A., Kent, M., Lee, M., & Mather, M. (2013). America’s Aging Population. Population Reference Bureau. Retrieved from http://www.prb.org/Publications/Reports/2011/americas-aging-population.aspx. Koleva, Y. (2012). The Outlook for Social Security Reform: Proposals and Implications. Journal Of Financial Service Professionals, 66(3), 26-31. Shoven, J. B., & Slavov, S. (2014). Recent Changes in the Gains from Delaying Social Security. Journal Of Financial Planning, 27(3), 32-41.