16. 16
24 11:45-12:10
韓國社會安全網所排除的貧困者：從始興市的住宅調查談起
The Poverty Excluded from Social Safety Net in Korea :
Analysis Based on Housing Survey in Siheung
韓國都市與環境研究所 崔銀瑛
Korea Center for City and Environment Research, Eunyoung Choi
Siheung in Gyeonggi-do, which is 20 kilometers from Seoul, has a population of
400,000. Siheung is a symbolic place of the home of Korean residential community
campaign because residents from dwelling to be demolished or reconstructed in Seoul
built the first Korean social housings in Siheung, which are Bokumjari(1977), Handok
Housing(1979), and Mokhwa Village(1985).
Siheung is called a west end nest reached by subway because it is close to Seoul
and housing expenses are relatively inexpensive. However, housing instability is
increasing because of rise in housing expenses and monthly rent, so plans for the
resident stability are needed. Therefore, Siheung is trying to establish exemplary cases
for practically improving lives of vulnerable social group, going ahead of the Plan for
Housing Welfare, which is the first plan in Korea, based on Housing Survey in
Siheung. Housing Survey in Siheung was comprised of surveys from 4,000
households as of Dec. 1. 2014.
According to Housing Survey in Siheung, the rate of the poor people who is
excluded from social safety net is quite high. When only incomes except properties
are considered, there are 15,713 households under 100% of the minimum cost of
living and among these households welfare recipients are 3,173 households, which is
only 20.2% of households under 100% of the minimum cost of living in Siheung. To
be welfare recipients in Korea, the ability to work must be evaluated and person who
is under duty to support family must earn income below certain amount. Due to these
kinds of restrictions, the youths are excluded because of the ability to work and the
17. 17
elders are excluded because of the person who is under duty to support them.
Therefore, welfare policies do not reach all the vulnerable social people.
Because most of the housing welfare programs such as public rental housing and
housing allowance are provided especially for the welfare recipients, the poor who is
not the welfare recipients and need public support are excluded from a policy target
group. In other words, there are the poor who are completely excluded from the social
safety net. The living conditions of them are terrible or housing expenses are
excessively high compared to their income.
On the other hand, welfare recipients in social safety net who live in relatively
expensive private rental housing because of shortage of public rental housing also
suffer from the poor living conditions and overburden of the housing expenses. For
instance, in case of the single welfare recipients receive maximum of 500,000won per
month, most of the benefits are spent on housing expenses such as monthly rental fee
and utility bills if they live in private rental housing, not public.
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24 12:10-12:35
20 至 30 歲未婚女性的主體性：首爾 M 區居住不穩定的案例
Study on the Subjectivity of Unmarried Women in Their
20’s and 30’s : Focusing on the Case of Residential
Unstability in Seoul M district
韓國性別平等倡議與教育研究院 研究員 白美鹿
Korean Institute for Gender Equality Promotion and Education Researcher
Mi-rok Baek
This study starts from the issue of residential unstability unmarried women in
their 20’s and 30’s and approaches to a feminist residential issue. Accordingly, paying
attention on subjectivity of young women in their 20’s and 30’s who achieved their
spatial independence, it aims at specifying these women’s right for urban space. For
this, the study reveals the context that women reside in sub-housing through spatial
characteristics of sub-housing spaces and positionality of women residents by
reviewing characteristics of urban housing spaces of unmarried women in their 20’s
and 30’s. Also, by representing dependently dominant power relation of housing,
system to exclude women from space is visualized and this representation of space is
reviewed critically. Through this, this study tries to show contradiction of spatial
representation to assimilate women as beings to be married and housing as capitalist
value. Lastly, with diverse practices to shake assimilation of sub-housing space,
women’s alternative housing strategies are analyzed. And then, the study seeks
spatiality of women’s housing as alternative space against assimilating politics of
space and refiguration of its social spatial meaning of housing.
Accordingly, the studies are as follows:
First, M district is an area where many one or two-person households are located
and there are low-priced, multi-housing lease houses such as Y-dong focusing on
spaces of young generation’s consumption culture and universities. In M district,
sub-housings are low-priced lease residential spaces ranging between 40 and 60
million won and consist of rooftop, temporary building, semi-basement, and so on.
Women reside in these spaces in spite of gendered fear according to meaning
networks of space including school, work place, entertaining space and meaningful
networks but they are placed in path of moving housing of displacement due to urban
gentrification.
And women who reside in urban sub-housing in M district, is called “missy” in
housing market and it indicates their positionality as temporary residents before
marriage. However, in sub-housing space, women practice their study and adorning
themselves in their way and provide economic and emotional care to their own
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families even though they are currently separate from them. And as cultural subjects,
they pursue higher class cultures and show possibilities of production of space like
“artist” mentioned by Henri Lefebvre. Therefore, women residents are subjects to
combine different conditions in their lives with non-unified ways.
Second, urban space makes women as beings who lives temporary lives before
marriage, house as capitalist value and urban space itself as masculine space by
representing relations between gender, class and age dependently. Through this way,
women experience spatial exclusion about housing as abstract assimilated space.
Women are located in close set of housing movement by repeating residential
movement by one or two years, passing through M district. This residential unstability
may be extended by safe networks such as compressed body labor or loan and
repayment but this is contradictory because it strengthens the market’s assimilating
power.
In addition, spatial exclusion of sub-housing is maximized with fear for sexual
violence. Women defence against masculine gazes and noises from the outside by
cutting views and maximizing hearing in their housing space where the boundary
between inside and outside is unclear. And they perceive side streets connected to
their housing and experience fear for sexual violence.
Third, women who reside in sub-housing in M district, reset relationship between
space and them by intersecting their identities made in hometown and the overseas
cities with spatiality of sub-housing. Women’s independent space has a significance
to make non-regular female subjectivity. Unmarried women are subjects who make
housing as independent space to make autonomous self-identity and as space of
subjectivity of an autonomous citizen by practicing distancing from patriarchal
family.
As subjects of these spatial practice, women show various residential strategies
such as remaining in M district or moving to other areas. Firstly, they consist
non-bloodline family and live in one housing or make a autogenous communal
housings connected lives in each own housing space in M district. Also, they provide
mutual care by cohabiting with members of their own music groups or living in close
distance as queers and feminists, depending on their diverse identities. Lastly, in their
sharing housing, women make house as space of subjectivity of belonging based in
friendship and intimacy among women. As a result, women resignify housing as a
space to provide safety and belonging.
Such women’s spatial practice may extend as refiguration of urban space. Salt
way specifies abstract safety based on women’s fear on streets. This is an example
that how public space cam be refigured in women’s view, and it is a non-capitalist
production of space starting from linked housing of house-street, one of
characteristics of sub-housing.Based on these reviews, politics of production of space
starting from residential experiences of unmarried women in their 20’s and 30’s is
that of articulation. These women show methods of spatial politics to change from
space of assimilation to that of difference by articulating negativeness of sub-housing,
and their different identities and desires.
And meaning of housing in residential experiences of unmarried women in their
20’s and 30’s, derives safety, and urban right deduces right for the center. Meaning of
safety can be specified as freedom from view and interception, sense of protection
20. 20
from sexual violence and belonging in their wanted relationships. And in order that
women are not marginalized by moving of displacement from the center of urban area,
basic right as “a right for the center of city” that unmarried women in their 20’s and
30’s can use housing in more “universal” ways is suggested.
This study seeks possibility of resignification of feminist housing by approaching
residential issues of the contemporary women in their 20’s and 30’s in feminist
perspective. New poor women in their 20’s and 30’s live in risks of displacement of
their location, no space and no subjectivity in public space. This is related to spatial
exclusion experience for housing. Without safe housing, realization of women’s
subjectivity and growth as civil subject are limited. Therefore, this study has a
significance to question the issue of housing as that of feminist and basic right.
Through this, it is expected to extend feminist issues and to become a foundation as a
specific case study about feminist residential right.
21. 21
24 12:35-13:00
公共住宅政策真的緩和社會弱勢的排除嗎？
Does Public Housing Policy Mitigate Social Exclusion of the
Socially Disadvantaged?
韓國住宅管理研究中心 主席 Ha, Seong-kyu
韓國住宅管理研究中心 研究員 鄭亨哲
Korea Research Institute of Housing Management,
President Seong-Kyu Ha; Principal Researcher, Cyung-Chul Chung
In South Korea, national and local governments and public housing
corporation have tried to increase supply of public housing. Total public housing
stock in 2004 was 1,150,054 and the total number of public housing unit in 2014 was
1,706,000. Despite these efforts, social exclusion issues of public housing
communities have not much improved; rather it may be getting worse. In this sense,
this study attempts to investigate public housing policies with an emphasis on Korean
experience. It also examines the role of public housing policy on social exclusion of
the socially disadvantaged people by reviewing statistical data, historical articles,
papers and reports, and other relevant documents.
Social exclusion is process by which individuals or communities are excluded
from a socioeconomic opportunities and resources. Although public housing policy
aims to promote housing welfare, resolve social issues, and achieve social mix, public
housing policy involves social exclusion in nature in terms of construction and
management of public housing.
First, planning and construction of public housing naturally is associated with
social exclusion in terms of local governments’ financial burden, social mix, and
community opposition. Generally, local governments are reluctant to build additional
public housing developments due to increase in government spending. In the
neighborhood context, residents concern a growing stigma around public housing
because some public housing tenants engages in crime, drugs and poverty. This
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negative perceptions largely make higher income group “fly out”, decrease property
values and exacerbate poverty concentration in neighborhoods. Additionally, it is hard
to achieve social mix and community cohesion due to the negative perception on
public housing residents.
Second, management of public housing plays an important role in altering
housing welfare for the socially disadvantaged people. Imperfect housing
management system can cause uneven distribution of housing welfare resources. This
unbalanced system could generate social exclusion. Partial target groups, tenant
selection process, income bracket and simplified rent level system could threaten the
justice of public housing management system. In contrast, good public housing
management system increases social capital through a variety of community
engagement activities. Therefore, it is important to examine how legal and
institutional changes in public housing management contribute to reducing social
exclusion pertaining to housing welfare services.
There are some policy implications. First, it is advisable to develop suitable
and various community programs in each housing estate to promote residents
participatory program. Developing various community programs could mitigate social
conflicts within the public housing estates. Second, the system should encourage the
public housing resident to actively participate in housing management through
building a good relation with a housing manger. Third, it is required to establish
governance system and establish a strong network among government, public housing
corporations, housing managers, and residents. Through this governance system,
public housing communities should be safe and inclusive, and provide equal
opportunity and good housing management services. It should be noted that good
public housing policy and practice can lead to socially sustainable and livable
community development.
45. 45
25 09:30-09:55
蝸牛住宅：青年社會住宅的新挑戰
SnailHousing:NewChallegeofSocialHousingforYoungPeople
無殼蝸牛聯盟 研究員 丁南鎮Namjin Jung(Minsnail Union)
Young people come to new type of vulnerable social group in Korea. Youths,
who drop out of economically active population because of employment unstability,
low wage, unemployment and so on, are in social and economic instability. Therefore,
they are more difficult to enter the society normally because they cannot prepare for
the future while they are in trouble to have a stable residence. MinSnail Union is
organized in 2011 and started to helping youths’ residence problem. The main
purposes of MinSnail Union are to test nonprofit housing model such as social
housing, to guarantee housing rights, and to relax housing instability through
improvement of a system.
To guarantee citizens’ housing rights is the basic duties of nation. However, in
Korea the housing welfare programs are focused on the vulnerable social group like
the elderly, the disabled, and welfare recipients. Public rental housing is consisted of
only 5% of entire housing, so it is insufficient to support the vulnerable social group.
Korean housing allowance, paid in full, supports basically the extremely vulnerable
social group, and it is not working properly as an universal house rental subsidy
system. Therefore the housing welfare programs could not include young people who
are new type of vulnerable social group.
In community, they not only call for the measures from the government, but they
also work to solve the problems themselves. As a part of their work, ‘Social
Housing’ model is tested by Seoul. Social housing generally includes all housing
which promotes the public interest provided by private and public, but in Korea social
housing is just divided into private and public. ‘Snail Housing’ which is provided
by MinSnail Union is a representative example of new social housing model.
Snail Housing started with the idea, 20 young people save rental fees for 20
years, then the house is supplied, and now 17 people live in 5 Snail Housings. 1
46. 46
housing is invested by members of union, and 4 housings are supported Social
Finance from Seoul. Snail housing, which supplies 70% of market rental fee, targets
not only lower rental fee, but also communal values, and returns the values to society.
In Seoul, young people are searching various social housing models. Reducing
rental fee is not the only reason. In various groups, they have their own values, and
using these values, they organize people and draw social resource to test new housing
models. This idea is for the public rental housing focused by suppliers, but newly
appeared social housing model is to build new housing culture focused by consumers’
values and activities.
47. 47
25 09:55-10:20
縉紳化影響下廉價旅館再開發的趨勢與替代方案
A Study for the Impact of Gentrification on Dosshouses
Redevelopment Trend and Counterplan
遊民行動聯合 運動者 黃誠喆 Sung-cheol Hwang(HomelessAct Activist)
1. Korean Gentrification
∙Korean Gentrification in Korea has been started with opening galleries, workshops,
and small cafes with distinctive atmospheres in urban area which rent is inexpensive.
With obtaining fames, a floating population has been growing, and rent is raising
naturally. Lessees are leaving to the other area because of increased rent. Since 2000,
Gentrification in Korea is noticeable in Seochon, Hong-ik University, Mangwon-dong,
Gyeonglidan-gil, Samcheong-dong, Sinsa-dong Garosu-gil.
∙While Western Gentrification includes high-quality of whole region which contains
residential and commercial area, Korean Gentrification limits only lessees who are
expelled because of expensive rent on their business. However, Gentrification is also
shown on dosshouses. Dosshouses were tore down overall in type of redevelopment
and reconstruction in the past, but nowadays dosshouses are changing to expel natives
by alternation of the building use to luxury accomodations for landlord’s profits.
This case can be called dosshouses gentrification.
2. Redevelopment flow on dosshouses impact on Gentrification
⓵ Meaning of dosshouses
∙Over 3,000 people live in about 3,500 dosshouses in Seoul. Dosshouses are usually
less than 3.3 ㎡ without any fundamental facilities such as kitchens and washrooms,
but they are the latest dwelling that the poor people who cannot afford expensive rent
in urban area can only choose. The rent is not cheap, but no deposit is required.
Moreover, transportation is convenient, and manpower and conventional markets are
nearby. However, It means a lot to the people who are worried about their lives and
beds everyday.
