1. Amachan – Thorpe
1
Amachan:
The Usage of Idol and Nostalgia to Aid
in the Tohoku Restoration Efforts
By: Maggie Thorpe
MA Candidate for Japan Studies
Master’s Degree Research Paper (2/2), January 9, 2015
JSIS 584: Media and Popular Culture in Japan (SPRING 2014)
Dr. Andrea Arai

2. Amachan – Thorpe
2
I. Introduction
The 2011 Tohoku (Great East Japan) Earthquake Disaster was the most powerfully
recorded earthquake in Japan’s history as well as the fifth most powerful in the world since
modern record-keeping began in 1900. Not only was there a 9.0-magnitude earthquake, there
was a large-scale tsunami and nuclear accidents in Fukushima. This three-disaster scenario was
unprecedented in Japan. The effects of the disaster reverberated throughout Japan and the world.
Concerns about radiation poisoning, missing persons, and government false reports circulated.
And while debates were being raised, a region that was already suffering in depopulation and a
stalled economy was the ultimate victim.
In 2013, NHK – the national public broadcaster – aired its new serial novelization
(renzoku terebi shousetsu), also known as a “morning drama” (asadora). The series, Amachan,
was broadcasted from April 1st to September 28th 2013 with a total of 156 15-minute episodes.
Amachan would air between 8 A.M. to 8:15 A.M. and would rebroadcast on various channels
such as NHK satellite. The series would take place in one of the disaster-affected regions, the
Sanriku coast in Iwate Prefecture. Overall, Amachan was wildly successful, with an average
viewership rate of 20.6%. It won the Grand Prix for best television program of 2013 at the 51st
Galaxy Awards, given by the Japan Council for Better Television and Radio. It also became a
social media phenomenon with its numerous key phrases, songs, and story developments.
I argue that Amachan was a way of communicating NHK’s ideology of a nation that
would work hard towards the purpose of restoring and revitalizing the disaster-affected region
through the use of stories, characters, and the idea of nostalgia and idol. These ideologues can be
traced back to the late Meiji period, an era in which conflicting values and views of country and
city life can still be felt in the fabric of postmodern Japan today. Through an “imagined”

3. Amachan – Thorpe
3
nostalgia that connects the viewer to the storyline, it encourages the creation of a substitute
fursuato. The conduit for the imagined nostalgia is from the characterization of an “idol” – a
representation of the Meiji ideologue of striving for success. By creating this imagined nostalgia,
Amachan ensures that people who are far away from or have no connection to the disaster-
affected region will still think about and support the recovery efforts in Tohoku – even after
many years. In Japan, nostalgia has been a key political tool in mobilizing efforts to protect a
certain Japanese area – and within that, a local and nationalized identity.
In this paper, I will first describe the historical background of NHK morning dramas as
well as a summary of Amachan. NHK morning dramas are a widely watched, daily aspect of
Japanese media life that will focus on an area that the nation should learn from. Next, I will
analyze elements from Amachan that will link to the ideas of nostalgia, idol, and recovery efforts.
These elements will show the underlying symbolic workings of a national media that will
subconsciously revitalize (or perhaps hinder) an area that the state cannot wholly fix. In addition,
these elements will show a potential for its effect in the next section. Third, I will analyze the
reception to the drama as well as connections to the effects on restoration efforts in Tohoku. This
section will allow me to show empirical evidence of the show’s effect on the Japanese public.
Lastly, I will finish the paper with some concluding remarks.
II. BACKGROUND
2.1 NHK and Morning Drama History
The NHK (Nippon Hoso Kyokai) is a public broadcaster that has been around since 1925,
starting as a radio broadcaster. The NHK was frequently used as a means of war propaganda
during the Pacific War mobilization. When Japan lost in World War Two, NHK was censored by

4. Amachan – Thorpe
4
the American Occupation and would instead relay messages of democracy and peace. In 1950,
the Broadcast Law was passed and the NHK would be re-established as a public broadcaster.
NHK’s philosophy is one that is tied to government goals, especially during the postwar
period. “NHK envisioned television broadcasting as a tool of national enlightenment that could
cultivate and refine the citizenry.”1 This cultivation of the nation has been around since the
modernization efforts of the Meiji period. NHK largely filled its programming with educational
and current events segments (and still does so to this day); however trends towards entertainment
programming began to appear in the late postwar period. The preference was more so for
entertainment and NHK would eventually have more entertainment programs than cultural and
educational (36% entertainment; 20% cultural and educational).2
Combining entertainment with an underlying motive of showcasing Japanese culture to
educate audiences, NHK began to air annual television novels. The NHK Television Novel
(renzoku terebi shosetsu) or morning dramas (asa-dorama or asadora) typically centers on the
developments of a young woman, showcasing a certain locale. Due to the media exposure of
these areas, “many local governments lobby the NHK to get their areas covered.”3 If a certain
region was chosen as the setting, it was found to have a positive effect on the local economy.
Unlike other annual programs like historical and home dramas, the morning drama would air
every day for fifteen minutes. Despite being criticized as “simply being a program handy for
1
Jayson M. Chun. "A Nation of a Hundred Million Idiots"?: A Social History of Japanese Television,
1953-1973. New York:Routledge, 2007. Print. p. 55
2
Chun. "A Nation of a Hundred Million Idiots"?: A Social History of Japanese Television,1953-1973. p.
92
3
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/07/27/national/media-national/nhk-drama-dives-into-the-idea-
of-idols-in-rural-japan/#.U5i2-Y1dU_E

5. Amachan – Thorpe
5
checking on the time (digital figures indicating the time are continually displayed on the upper
left-hand corner of the screen), [asadora] continues to receive very high ratings.”4
One of the most famous and well received was Oshin. Oshin is about a girl from a
poverty-stricken family in Yamagata Prefecture who faces trials and tribulations throughout her
life – from moving to Tokyo to become a hairdresser to having an unhappy marriage in Saga
Prefecture. It is “the life of a Japanese woman, an account of a lifetime of endurance, patience
and perseverance.”5 There are two arguments about the portrayal of Oshin: Nihonjinron and
nostalgia. “The drama could be interpreted as a fictionalized version of Nihonjinron – an account
of the special virtues which explain Japan’s miraculous evolution from rural poverty to
commercial triumph.”6 This stimulation to mobilize work efforts was felt in other East Asian
countries that the drama was exported to (such as China). Instead, Morris-Suzuki relays that
Oshin was a way for Japanese viewers to “indulge in a wondering, bittersweet nostalgia for the
hardships of the past.”7 Even for the children who did not experience Oshin’s struggles could
finally imagine the hardships their parents and grandparents went through. In addition, Morris-
Suzuki argues that Oshin, as a woman, has given a different interpretation of history, one “with a
liberal and pacifist view.”8
The use of a female protagonist developing through trials in a certain time period and in a
certain place allows for a certain type of message to be relayed to audience. This is what NHK
morning dramas allow to happen. Like Oshin, the drama Amachan would also display the
4
Kazuhiko Goto, Masunori Sata, and Hideo Hirahara. A History of Japanese Television Drama: Modern
Japan and the Japanese. Tokyo,Japan: Japan Association of Broadcasting Art,1991. Print. p. 192
5
Goto, Sata, and Hirahara. A History of Japanese Television Drama: Modern Japan and the Japanese.p.
192
6
Tessa Morris-Suzuki. Re-inventing Japan: Time, Space, Nation.Armonk,N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1998.
Print. p. 133
7
Morris-Suzuki, Re-inventing Japan: Time, Space, Nation.p. 133
8
Morris-Suzuki, Tessa. Re-inventing Japan: Time, Space, Nation. p. 134

6. Amachan – Thorpe
6
challenges that the female protagonist would face. Despite not having as much of a tragic
storyline like Oshin, the very core storyline of a young woman experiencing the hardships of
finding her life’s path is one that reverberates with the Japanese viewer. As will be discussed in
the section 3, nostalgia is a powerful tool that is frequently utilized in morning dramas. The
biggest difference between Oshin and Amachan is when the storyline takes place. This
temporality will create a slightly different form of nostalgia, as I will explain later.
Amachan takes place between 2008 and 2012. Aki Amano is a 16-year-old girl, born and
raised in Tokyo. When her mother, Haruko, was 18-years-old, she fled from her hometown of
Sodegahama, Kita-sanriku in Iwate Prefecture. In 2008, Haruko is informed by a friend that her
mother has collapsed. Haruko, with her daughter in tow, rushes back to her hometown only to
find out it was a trick.
Haruko’s mother, Natsu-bappa, is the leader of the town’s “Kita-no-Amasan” (Northern
Divers). Ama-san are traditional female divers who dive into the cold waters without the use of
scuba gear or air tanks. This tradition has been going for nearly 2,000 years.9 They collect a
variety of sea creatures such as clams, octopus, sea urchins, and seaweed. The Kita-no-Amasan
are known for sea urchins (uni). Once they bring the sea urchins to shore, tourists would pay the
ama-san to open the sea urchin and feed them. This activity is a huge hit for tourists and the
ama-san could be considered a traditional idea of idol (see section 3.2); however, the Kita-no-
Amasan, the pride of Kita-sanriku (and much of its economic prowess), is aging. The town is
struggling due to depopulation. Due to the economic struggles of the small town, Haruko was
tricked into coming back to become an ama-san; however, her daughter, Aki, instead finds
inspiration and becomes one. Aki falls in love with the small community.
9
Hermann Rahn and Tetsuro Yokoyama. Physiology of Breath-Hold Diving and the Ama of Japan:
Papers. Washington: National Academy of Sciences-National Research Council, 1965. Print.

7. Amachan – Thorpe
7
Aki becomes a huge hit in the small town. Images and videos of her training to become
an ama-san are uploaded on the Internet and wotaku – fans of idols – come in herds to admire,
support, and be fed by her. She also becomes friends with Yui, a girl who dreams of moving to
Tokyo to become an idol. Yui attracts train-otaku (densha otaku), especially as she rides on the
Kitatetsu train. She has an enigmatic and photogenic look and is proclaimed by many to be the
best idol (unlike Aki who is slightly awkward and fumbles around – but later proves otherwise).
Yui becomes the Miss Kitatetsu in order to attract tourists – particularly train-otaku. Eventually,
Aki and Yui become a jimoto (local) idol duo called “Shiosai no Memories” (Memories of the
Sound of Waves). They perform in a train parlor. Eventually, a café is built for the Ama-san to
entertain, feed, and sell goods to tourists where the jimoto idol duo performs.
Aki and Yui are scouted and urged to come to Tokyo to become a part of an AKB48-
parody unit: GMT47 (Jimoto, or local). A variety of issues come up involving family (Haruko
was a former idol who does not want Aki to become one; Yui’s father collapses and her mother
disappears) and psychological ones that Aki ends up being the only one who manages to go to
Tokyo. While in Tokyo, the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake occurs. Aki, distraught and
feeling at a loss of what to do, rushes back to find the already-suffering town devastated. Aki,
with the good will in her heart, works hard at revitalizing the town.
This short summary does not cover all of the crises and story developments. For a 156-
episode series (a total of 39 hours), the Tohoku disaster only transpired at episode 132. From
April to September 2013 – a total of five months – Amachan did not involve anything about the
disaster. Foreshadowing only became apparent when the main character was going to have a
small debut concert on March 11, 2011. It is in this realization that we have to wonder why

8. Amachan – Thorpe
8
Amachan went into such careful development of the storyline and characters and the usage of
idol in revitalization in a disaster-stricken part of Japan.
Next, we will look at the behind the scenes motivations by the production team for
Amachan. Amachan was written by Kankuro Kudo. Kudo decided to explore the “Japanese idea
of ‘idol.’”10 Kudo stated that he wants people to fall in love with the jimoto.11 In addition, Kei
Kurube, the producer, stated that he wanted to cast people that had an adult charm. Kurube
wondered about what Kudo meant about falling in love with the jimoto, but he concluded that it
was the adults who live there that would make the audience fall in love with them.12 These
casting points were integral in having characters where the audience could laugh and cry with
them – in other words, to identify with.
The casting involved up-and-coming actress, Rena Nounen, who played Aki. Nounen
stated in a press conference announcing her role that she wants “to become a heroine who lends
the people [in Tohoku] energy and power.”13 This type of statement was made multiple times
when it was revealed that the story would take place in Iwate Prefecture. In addition, the casting
of Kyoko Koizumi as Aki’s mother, Haruko, was a tip of the hat to Koizumi’s past as a top
1980s idol (even her hit, “Idol No Matter What” or “Nantetatte Idol”).
The connection of idols and local places are tightly linked as seen through the production
process. There is a clear motive to enrich and cultivate a connection to the locale through the use
10
Philip Brasor. "NHK drama dives into the 'idea' of idols in rural Japan." . The Japan Times, 27 July
2013. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/07/27/national/media-national/nhk-
drama-dives-into-the-idea-of-idols-in-rural-japan/#.U5uXzo1dU_F>.
11
"Koizumi Kyoko, hiroin no hahaoya yaku de asadora hatsushutsuen musume wo inochikage
mamorimasu." Eiga.com News,6 Sept. 2012. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://eiga.com/news/20120906/8/>.
12
"Koizumi Kyoko, hiroin no hahaoya yaku de asadora hatsushutsuen musume wo inochikage
mamorimasu." Eiga.com News,6 Sept. 2012. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://eiga.com/news/20120906/8/>.
13
"Nounen Rena cast as heroine for next year's morning drama 'Amachan'.". Tokyohive, 27 July 2012.
Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.tokyohive.com/article/2012/07/nounen-rena-cast-as-heroine-for-next-
years-morning-drama-amachan/>.

9. Amachan – Thorpe
9
of characters and storyline. Thus, Amachan can be put forth to analysis of how the drama rouses
its viewers to aid in Tohoku restoration efforts.
III. ANALYSIS
I will first discuss the elements of nostalgia (in this case, furusato and imagined
nostalgia) such as dialect, regional cuisine, and transportation system. I will then discuss the idol
connection. Next, I will discuss how the show tackled the Tohoku disaster storyline after the
series developed its nostalgic and idol elements. In addition, I will discuss direct evidence of
Amachan’s influence on restoration efforts. Lastly, I will discuss the audience reception to the
show.
3.1 Nostalgia
Japan has been undergoing urbanization processes since the end of World War Two.
With a strong national purpose of high economic growth indoctrinated by Prime Minister
Shigeru Yoshida in the 1950s, many Japanese migrated to urban centers to find work. Ideas of
living the “American way of life” were disseminated to the public through the media and a
consumer cultural lifestyle. The Japanese mass media was able to reach to rural areas with
broadcasted images of Tokyo and would attract much of the youth to come to the burgeoning
cities.14
After decades of urbanization, one of the biggest issues in Japan today is that of
depopulated rural areas. Loss of a vital economic center in many rural towns (such as ones that
rely on one industry like coal mining) would lose its youth population over time. Due to a low
child birthrate and rapid aging, many rural areas are filled to the brim with elderly and have
barely any children to keep the schools open. Plans to repopulate these areas involve
14 Chun. "A Nation of a Hundred Million Idiots"?: A Social History of Japanese Television,1953-1973.
p. 152

10. Amachan – Thorpe
10
immigration, but in a tightly controlled country, open immigration is not a viable option in the
near future.
These depopulated areas have tried to revitalize their economy through a variety of
methods. A majority of villages choose the tourism industry as the tool to attract people to visit.
For example, industrial heritage tourism was used in Yubari City in Hokkaido – a town that
experienced coalmine closures. But “with local resort initiatives souring after the 1980s
economic bubble burst and cheap holidays abroad becoming more readily available, Yubari’s
attraction faded.”15 Even if Yubari tried to further revitalize, borrowed capital as well as other
struggling competing neighbor villages proved a difficult future.
Kamaishi City located on the Sanriku Coast in Iwate Prefecture is a shrinking city with a
strong past in the steel industry. Instead of opening amusement parks or relying on day visitors
like Yubari, Kamaishi City has rediscovered itself through “green tourism.” This green tourism
involves a region’s agricultural and fishery resources.16 In 1997, Kamaishi City enacted its green
tourism plan with a variety of events advertising its local dishes and environment. Kamaishi City
started its building blocks of revitalization through not depending on a single industry (steel), but
also seeing tourism as an alternative. Unfortunately, the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and
Tsunami would halt any further developments in revitalization for Kamaishi City and many other
disaster-affected areas in Tohoku Japan.
Amachan takes place in a depopulated, aging region of Japan. Like Kamaishi City, the
fictional town’s economic foundation is based on its agriculture, fishing, and transportation –
aspects that are floundering. The deep contrast between the city and the countryside is described
from the very beginning. For example, the narrator describes the convoluted train route from
15
Peter C.D. Matanle and Anthony Rausch. Japan's Shrinking Regionsin the 21st Century. Amherst,
N.Y: Cambria Press,2011. Print. p. 257
16
Matanle and Rausch. Japan's Shrinking Regions in the 21st Century. p 374

11. Amachan – Thorpe
11
Tokyo to the small town. The characters also symbolize the stark difference between city and
country dwellers through their clothes, accent, and mannerisms. The didactic relationship of the
city and countryside has been one that can find its origins in the Meiji period as Japan was
rapidly modernizing.
Before the Meiji period began, the Tokugawa hierarchy declared that peasants, or farmers,
were not necessarily the lowest on the social ladder. For example, they were placed higher than
merchants, who produced nothing of value to society. Peasants were integral in the running of
the Tokugawa state, providing rice as tax. A majority of Japanese, even until the early 20th
century, lived in small villages where agriculture was the main form of economic livelihood.
However, as industrialization found its roots in the late 19th century, the populace began to
migrate to city centers.
The Japanese identity was going through a crisis in the late Meiji period as intellectuals
began to regret the intense modernization. Cities became examples of the positives and negatives
of modernity. Once again, an agrarian myth was espoused to the public where “foundation of the
nation” was based in the countryside. “Disaffected intellectual youth sometimes romanticized the
country as a pastoral refuge from the emptiness of modern life or looked to it to provide popular
energies for reform.”17 Students and intellectual leaders would make “pilgrimages” to the
countryside. In Amachan, Aki also rediscovers these aspects when she lives in the countryside.
Her mother even comments that Aki has blossomed in the countryside, compared to her life in
the city. The contrast between the countryside and city has been an integral part of the Japanese
national experience. Raymond Williams, who studied a similar phenomenon in industrializing
England, stated, “The contrast of city and country is often used to express an unresolved conflict
17 Carol Gluck. Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. Princeton,N.J: Princeton
University Press,1985. Print. p. 181

12. Amachan – Thorpe
12
between the experienced present and its remembered or imagined past.”18 To this day, the state –
its politicians and bureaucrats – has acknowledged the existence of the “foundation of the nation”
and still latches onto the rural regions. This leads to the underlying fabric of the national
experience – one in the form of “nostalgia for nostalgia.”
The Japanese word, “natsukashii” refers to a nostalgic feeling. A commonly used word in
daily conversation, it evokes images of a remembered past. For example, the word “kawaii”
(meaning cute, as discussed in the next section) is a form of nostalgia that can represent the
reminiscence on the supposed “innocence” of childhood – even if ones’ childhood was not
necessarily good. Nostalgia frequently romanticizes and creates an imagined past, especially
during times of uncertainty.
In connection to the diptych relationship of city and country, Japanese experienced
“urban nostalgia” – in late Meiji period and the postwar. “Urban nostalgia” is where there is a
“romantic re-evaluation of pre-industrial society.”19 It is the memories of a simpler time that
involved living in rural communities. Rapid urbanization in the postwar period led to societal
issues including pollution and crowding. Being able to think back on a “simpler” time (without
thinking of how much more difficult it was to survive in pre-industrial society), an “urban
nostalgia” effect occurs. After the astounding economic growth the Japanese accomplished, more
and more Japanese would have the time to think back on the past - and in particular, to where
they came from. As discussed in section 2, Oshin utilized the “urban nostalgia” experience as it
attracted its viewers to experience this bittersweet feeling.
The “Discover Japan” advertisement campaign took this natural human psychological
response to its marketing advantage. This 1970s campaign came at a time when many citizens’
18 Gluck. Japan'sModern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. p. 178
19
Sharon Kinsella. "Cuties in Japan." Women, Media, and Consumption in Japan. Honolulu: University
of Hawai'i Press,1995. . Print. p. 241

13. Amachan – Thorpe
13
protest movements occurred such as pollution, urban congestion, and U.S. involvement in the
Vietnam War. “Discover Japan” by Dentsu, one of the world’s largest advertising firms, was for
Japan Railways. Ivy states that it “targeted Japanese desires for a simpler rural past, yet its
recuperation of that past indicated all the more clearly the difficulty of escaping the managed
society of the 1970s.”20 Images of a female traveler in places that were not famous were
advertised in targeted areas like train stations. The images were more so of rural places, scenes
that could happen to anyone who would travel. In the 1980s, a similar campaign called “Exotic
Japan” would also tap into notions of an unshared experience within Japan. These messages were
disseminated and influenced a major domestic tourism boom. In a way, the media form acts as a
gateway to realizing ones’ nostalgia.
Nowadays, a majority of the Japanese population does not live in the countryside. The
amalgamation of villages and towns in the immediate postwar made it this way as well as a
swelling of open positions in the booming economy. Jiro Kamishima states:
“The Meiji period witnessed the first generation of people who had
left their homes for the city. This generation had hometowns, but
as it turned into the second, and the third generation, their parents’
or grandparents’ furusato was no longer their own. These later
generations therefore had to synthesize an image of the furusato
through some kind of mediation…In 1914, the Education Ministry
published the song “Kokyo (Furusato)” in its official collection of
school songs, and it came to be sung throughout the country. In its
role of providing a synthesis of the furusato image, this song had a
20
Marilyn Ivy. "Formations of Mass Culture." Postwar Japan as History.Berkeley:University of
California Press,1993. Print. p. 252

14. Amachan – Thorpe
14
big influence on those people who had come to Tokyo from
elsewhere, or people who moved around a lot – in short, those
people who had no furusato.”21
The word “furusato” is a “yamatokotoba,” or indigenous Japanese word. It can be described in
two ways. First, “one’s hometown, one’s native place.” Second, “Historic ruins, ancient sites of
human habitation, old and dilapidated villages.”22 According to Ivy, it “invokes particular,
personal memories as well as diffuse, publicly acknowledged traces of ancient sites.”23
The idea of furusato has been utilized as a political tool in the form of furusato-zukuri.
Furusato-zukuri is a “political process by which culture as a collectively constructed and shared
system of symbols, customs, and beliefs, is socially reproduced.”24 Jennifer Robertson argues
that furusato-zukuri in postwar Japan is “motivated by a nostalgia for nostalgia, a state of being
provoked by a dissatisfaction with the present on the grounds of a remembered, or imagined, past
plentitude.”25 Furusato-zukuri was provoked after the Tohoku disaster. Places that were
depopulating rapidly suddenly became the spotlight in media reports. Victims of the disaster
would realize the amount they had lost from the tsunami, while others would realize the amount
lost due to corruption in the pursuit for progress in the Fukushima nuclear disaster. Amachan
would utilize this mindset as the story begins three years before the disaster occurs. This allows
for the viewer to create a “nostalgia for nostalgia” as they witness both the downturn and
strengthening of Kita-sanriku only to have the place ultimately destroyed or broken in the last
few episodes.
21
Ivy. Discourses of the Vanishing: Modernity, Phantasm, Japan. p. 104
22
Ivy. Ibid. p. 103
23
Ivy. Ibid. p. 103
24
Jennifer Robertson. "Furusato Japan: the Culture and Politics of Nostalgia." International Journal of
Politics, Culture & Society. 1.4 (1988). Print. p. 494
25
Jennifer Robertson. "Furusato Japan: the Culture and Politics of Nostalgia." p. 495

15. Amachan – Thorpe
15
There is a certain degree of “homelessness” in modern Japan as observed by Kamishima.
Amachan’s Aki was described to feel this way at the beginning, as her mother would talk about
how boring and lost her daughter is. Aki is an urban youth who discovers her true self by living
in the countryside. She will discover what Kamishima calls a “daiyou furusato” (substitute
homeland).26 Kamishima explains further, “that those who are living continuously in the place
where they were born don’t usually call that place ‘furusato’. The furusato resides in the memory,
but is linked to tangible reminders of the past; when the material, palpable reminders of one’s
childhood home no longer exist, then the furusato is in danger of vanishing. Since the majority of
Japanese until the post-war period had rural roots, furusato strongly connoted the rural
countryside while the urban landscape implied its loss.”27 Aki, who only has a connection to
Kita-sanriku through her mother, slowly grows into acknowledging this place as her “true” home.
This phenomenon will elicit Amachan’s viewers to associate the setting of Kita-sanriku
and Sodegahama as a daiyou furusato. This connection is what I will call an “imagined nostalgia.”
This is because of two reasons: the viewers do not necessarily have a direct connection as they
experience this nostalgic feeling through Amachan’s setting, storyline, and characters. Jennifer
Robertson states, “The mass media contribute to and exploit the ubiquity of furusato, and help to
make consensual its popular imagination.”28 Amachan is the media pipeline for the state to relay
its notions of furusato in an underlying attempt to arouse viewers’ interest in the depopulated,
and eventually, disaster-affected region. The second reason is because Kita-sanriku does not
actually exist. The landscapes do exist in the many depopulated places of furusato, but Kita-
sanriku as an actual town does not exist, and thus, was not affected by the 2011 disaster. The
idea of Kita-sanriku as a daiyou furusato exists in a temporal and spatial dimension, but it does
26
Ivy. Discourses of the Vanishing: Modernity, Phantasm, Japan.p. 104
27
Ivy. Ibid. p. 104
28
Robertson. "Furusato Japan: the Culture and Politics of Nostalgia." p. 496

16. Amachan – Thorpe
16
not exist. It is an imagined community filled with fictional characters built upon the ideas and
communal memories of a furusato.
In the following paragraphs, I will discuss various aspects that I argue creates an
“imagined nostalgia” for the audience. As discussed previously “urban nostalgia” was a powerful
persuasive tool to enact action such as domestic travel within Japan. Due to the high economic
growth, many Japanese migrated to urban centers for work or certain towns were amalgamated.
Tourism would use this nostalgia to promote certain services, such as transportation or food. An
“imagined nostalgia”, I argue, is one that creates feelings of nostalgia even though the person
does not have a personal background or history that is responsible for explaining the emotion;
rather, it is “imagined.” It is imagined through interaction with media literature such as novels,
films, television shows, and web communities. While the notion of “furusato,” invokes images of
a rustic hometown that anyone could imagine, Amachan produces this “imagined” nostalgic
effect through its detailed storyline. The cast of characters, dialect, setting, among others, will
make it so that a viewer can look back on certain items “fondly” as will be discussed in the
succeeding paragraphs.
In Amachan, dialect is used frequently throughout the script. Even though Aki was born
and raised in Tokyo, when she moves to Kita-sanriku and becomes a part of the local community,
she finds herself speaking in Tohoku-dialect. When she was recorded introducing the community
in an online promotional video, Aki became known as the girl who had too strong of a dialect.
“Jejeje” – a term used by residents as a way to express shock in which adding the word “je”
numerous times can show the degree of surprise – became a slogan, used frequently in real-life
social networking services such as Twitter.29 Despite being a Tokyoite, Aki truly transforms and
29
Keiko Mitsuya. "Asadora 'amachan' ha dou mirareta ka." NHK Broadcasting Culture Research
Institute:Print. p. 21

17. Amachan – Thorpe
17
identifies with the Tohoku culture and language. With the spread of mass media, Japan has
undergone a homogenization in language to standard Japanese (hyojungo). Aki even criticizes in
episode 108 about standard Japanese stating: “Just because we are on television, why do we have
to speak the same?”30 Dialect in a way feels like a homecoming to the prefectures, a community
that is not a mash-up of transplants from different parts of Japan (like Tokyo), but one that feels
familiar and warm. The usage of dialect in Amachan created an imagined nostalgia for the
viewer as fans of the show would utilize certain dialectal phrases in social media and daily
conversation.
The regional cuisine that appeared most frequently on Amachan were two dishes: unidon
(sea urchin rice bowl) and mamebu. Unidon is created and sold by Natsu-bappa on the Kitatetsu
train. Aki eventually joined her grandmother in selling the dish. Aki’s idol status with Yui later
in the story would create hordes of buyers for the lunchboxes. Even when Aki was living in
Tokyo, whenever she was facing certain trials, she would find comfort in eating unidon. Of
course, sea urchins are the centerpiece of the series and can be considered the mebutsu (famous
cuisine) of the region; however, mamebu is the odd local dish. Consisting of sweet rice balls in a
salty soup, mamebu is frequently commented as a strange dish – one that the person cannot
figure out what to describe the taste as. When Aki discovers a mamebu food truck in Tokyo
(discovered to be owned by one of the former ama-san), Aki happily eats it as it brings a
nostalgic feeling. She even has members from her Tokyo idol group, GMT47, happily eat it
during a business discussion. These members are jimoto idols from different prefectures so for
the characters to enjoy the strange-tasting regional dish is a representation of a substitute
furusato. Curiosity for fans of the show grew so mamebu began to appear in grocery stores with
references to the show and region. Food brings a local identity and a cultural heritage and
30
Amachan. Perf. Rena Nônen,Hiroko Yakushimaru, Mio Yûki. NHK,2013. Television. Ep. 108

18. Amachan – Thorpe
18
Japanese tourists frequently visit areas to try the regional cuisine. Most often, Japanese tourists
will bring back food as omiyage, or souvenirs.31 As mentioned before, many depopulated areas
have found ways of reinventing their region through agricultural tourism. These local initiatives
have been argued to “represent the collective effort and civic action that might restore
neighborhood morale and vitality”32 – a form of “striving for success” as discussed in section 3.2.
These initiatives also represent the “communal values” of villages – a Meiji myth that is
highlighted as a part of the Japanese way of life.
Another element of nostalgia is the train. In the first episode of Amachan, there is a
celebration of the opening of the Kitatetsu rail line in the 1980s. During much celebration, an 18-
year-old Haruko runs away from home to live in Tokyo via the new train. This scene is repeated
frequently throughout the series. Depiction of a time when the economy’s bubble had not yet
burst is a source of nostalgia for the fictional residents of the community (most notably Daikichi,
the train conductor). For those viewers who were alive during that time, it is also a form of a
shared nostalgia. It was during a time when everyone could have a consumerist lifestyle. The
sharp contrast from the 1980s train scene to that of the 2008 is staggering. The struggle of the
Kitatetsu to remain afloat is frequently discussed upon throughout the series. Train-otaku may be
interested in checking out the train, but there are still not enough of them. This is one reason why
Yui became Miss Kitatetsu – in order to attract more passengers. In addition, the connection of
the railway to Kita-sanriku is a major plot point and source of economy for the town. As
observed by Louise Young in her book, Beyond the Metropolis about interwar Japan, “Japan’s
31
Jerry Chi, Foster Chiang, Russell Gottfredson, NeerajMaathur,and Erica Sugai. "Meibutsu: The
Economic and Cultural Significance of Traditional Japanese Products."Knowledge@Wharton, 26 Jan.
2011. Web. 13 June 2014. <https://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/article/meibutsu-the-economic-and-
cultural-significance-of-traditional-japanese-products/>.
32
Bridget Love. "Mountain Vegetables and the Politics of Local Flavor in Japan." Japanese Foodways,
Past and Present. Urbana:U of Illinois, 2010. Print. p. 232

19. Amachan – Thorpe
19
rail system developed to maximize the goals of national development, and the railway emerged
as the strategic connection between domestic and international markets.”33 Carol Gluck observes
that “in popular iconography of the Meiji period two ubiquitous images gradually emerged as
symbols of ‘civilization’: the monarch and the locomotive.”34 The train is a symbol for
modernity since the Meiji period – opposite to the idea of furusato and nostalgia in general;
however, its integration since the very beginning of modern Japan has made it a nostalgic symbol.
In order to revitalize a struggling town, many depopulated areas receive subsidies from the
government to create means of access such as through Japan Railways. For example, Kamaishi is
one place that managed to do that.35 Lastly, the train employees frequently deplore upon
motorization, especially when they find out that Aki’s father is a taxi driver. Trains are
frequently romanticized about in Japan and have been a source of setting and adventure for many
media products since its introduction to Japan in the 19th century. The appearance of the cute
one-car train of the Kitatetsu line, especially in opening shots of the show, brings forth memories
of living in smaller towns where the train only runs every hour (unlike Tokyo where trains can
be twenty-cars long and appear every five minutes). Even if the viewer has never ridden such a
train, the Kitatetsu is the road to a substitute furusato. Trains, especially smaller ones, bring forth
a sense of nostalgia.
Imagined nostalgia helps forge a connection to a time and place that never existed in the
personal history of the viewer through a media product. Through the interactions of the
characters of these objects, the realism is intensified and viewers could reminisce on situations
involving these objects. The most important imagined nostalgia factor is the characters. Amachan
33
Louise Young. Beyond the Metropolis: Second Cities and Modern Life in InterwarJapan. Berkeley:
University of California Press,2013. Print. p. 86
34
Gluck. Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period.p. 91
35
Matanle and Rausch. Japan's Shrinking Regions in the 21st Century.

20. Amachan – Thorpe
20
has a variety of characters (both in Kita-sanriku and Tokyo) that enhance the feeling of a
community. While living in Tokyo, Aki thinks of every single person back in Kita-sanriku before
she goes to sleep and the viewer can join along with her and think of each character. The Kita-
sanriku characters especially evoke the feeling of a warm family and tight-knit community with a
variety of aspirations, histories, and quirks. The quirks, especially, differentiate the characters
one from another and tap into the sense of a depopulating, aging community (such as one
character constantly forgetting certain words, mostly borrowed foreign words). These unique
characterizations enhance the connection and the viewer relates the place and time with the
people involved. As was stated in section 2, Kurube, the producer, realized that the only way
people like the rural, local communities are because of the people living there. These people
would sometimes end up becoming an “aidoru.”
3.2 Idol (Aidoru)
The term idol, or aidoru is one that may seem strange to Western readers, but the concept
of an idol in Japan has transformed since its inception in the 1960s. Idols are typically young
females or males who strive to be role models that everyone adores. They not only sing, but idols
also have a variety of roles such as acting, modeling, or being an interesting personality on
variety shows.
In the 1970s and 1980s, idols were considered ones who could sing professionally, with
fresh-faced looks and curious fashion. With the appearance of Onyanko Club – predecessor to
AKB48 – it became normal for idols to not even have much talent. Some examples of famous
idols and idol groups are Seiko Matsuda (“the eternal idol”), Morning Musume, and AKB48.
Idol culture has experienced a recent boom in the past few years that it has been deemed “Idol

21. Amachan – Thorpe
21
Warring States” (Aidoru Sengoku Jidai)36 with new rookie groups and current idol groups
dominating the music charts, television shows, and movies. Within this idol boom, there has
been a growth in jimoto, or local, idols that usually have a special tie to a certain region and
perform locally.37 The jimoto idol will also act as a form of tourism for their community, often
charming outsiders with dialects or traditional costumes. Japanese idols have changed from the
unattainable dream to the girl next door.
Idols are frequently called “kawaii” or cute. In Kinsella’s Cuties in Japan, she argues that
the phenomenon of kawaii is one grounded in a youth subculture that is rebelling against
maturation. Images that are called kawaii are usually vulnerable – even “handicapped.” Idols are
frequently considered girls who are trying their best, but are vulnerable to the public. The
support structure becomes necessary due to idols’ “vulnerability.”
In addition, musicologist Judith Herd observed that unlike Western pop stars, Japanese
idols are “fairly standard.” “Their appearance and ability are above average, yet not so much as
to alienate or offend the audience – just enough to provide their fans with the sense that they too
can be stars if they try hard enough.”38 It is considered a joy for many idol fans to watch their
favorite idol grow and develop, mainly because they believe their support (through purchases of
CDs, photo books, and attending concerts with distinct fan chants) helped them along the way.39
Some fans will even spend copious amounts of money to show their loyalty, such as a farmer
who recently bought $300,000 worth of AKB48 CDs to help vote his favorite member in the
36
"Debyuu sokuzoku! 2010nen aidoru sengoku jidai ikinokoru no ha dono guruupu?." . Nikkan Saizoo,
23 Apr. 2010. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.cyzo.com/2010/04/post_4372.html>.
37
"Gotouji aidoru korekushon." . NHK OnDemand, n.d. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.nhk-
ondemand.jp/share/pr/index.html>.
38
Timothy J. Craig. Japan Pop!: Inside the World of Japanese PopularCulture. Armonk,N.Y:M.E.
Sharpe, 2000. Print. p. 311
39
lonenail. "Arisu no chika aidoru no shogeki no puraibeeto." Online video clip. Youtube. Youtube, 30
Nov 2013. Web. 13 June 2014

22. Amachan – Thorpe
22
annual election.40 Idol fans are called otaku (obsessive fans), but many English-speaking fans of
idols refer to themselves as wotaku or wota in order to differentiate their fandom from fans of
anime and manga. The intimacy that is built and maintained between Japan’s idols and their
audiences is integral to the franchise. Phrases like “akiramenaide” (do not give up) and “ganbare”
(do one’s best) frequently appear in idol lyrics and speeches as well as at events when fans are
cheering on their favorite idols. When an idol finishes a self-introduction on television programs
and at concerts, they usually end with the phrases “ouen yoroshiku onegaishimasu” (please
support me). The support structure between the two is sometimes the only way many idols
continue in their profession.
This “never-give-up” attitude for the abysmally standard pop fare has its origins in a
Meiji ideologue. Carol Gluck discusses the notions of “striving and success” in her book,
Japan’s Modern Myths. The social ideology of success can be seen through the institution of
education. One would have to work hard in order to accomplish anything. This “yare-yare shugi”
(Go! Go!-ism) would proliferate, especially in the rural youth.41 Unlike the “educated idle,”
Meiji literature would highlight the fortuity of the ordinary youth from poor families. Here is one
example:
“You are fortunate indeed. Look. Many rich men’s sons squander
the legacy of their ancestors in idleness...lose the family
property…and end up like beggars. And if you look at those who
have succeeded in past or present, most are youth from poor
families….You at least are free of extravagance and loose living
40
Casey Baseel. "AKB48 fan shows his love the only way he knows how: By buying $300,000 worth of
CD." . RocketNews24,22 May 2014. Web. 13 June 2014.
<http://en.rocketnews24.com/2014/05/22/akb48-fan-shows-his-love-the-only-way-he-knows-how-by-
buying-300000-worth-of-cds/>.
41
Gluck. Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. p. 210

23. Amachan – Thorpe
23
and are well able to endure hardship. You probably don’t realize
that Heaven gave you these virtues instead of lending you the fees
for education – you are in the happiest position in the world.”42
Climbing up the social ladder despite an unfortunate background is representative of the
Japanese modernization experience as a nation. Idols represent it in two ways: one, as a conduit
for their fans to do their best and improve through idol’s encouragement and song; two, as a
personal experience for the idol to self-improve as well.
“Ganbarou Nippon” and its variants (“Ganbatte kudasai” and “Ganbare”) are slogans
that appeared everywhere after the 2011 Tohoku disaster. “Ganbarou” means to “do one’s best”
and is a frequent phrase used to encourage someone to persevere. The slogan was used in charity
songs, t-shirt fundraising, and simple everyday conversation.
In an article by Debito Arudou in the Japan Times seven months after the disaster,
Arudou questions the usage of the phrase in the reconstruction efforts. He states:
“Just telling victims to ‘do their best’ in the face of such
adversity (some of it the result of government corruption,
human error, and just plain hubris) is in fact insulting.
There is already a suggested moratorium in Japan on telling
people with physical or mental handicaps to ganbatte. This
is because it doesn’t help them “overcome” anything (it’s
not that simple). Moreover, asking them to “persevere”
42
Gluck. Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. p. 208

24. Amachan – Thorpe
24
through this situation often puts pressure on them, again to
their mental detriment.”43
Arudou argues that real action should be happening through the government and through
the average citizen. This argument follows the idea of jichi, or self-government, which has its
origins within the “striving for success” Meiji ideologues. “The term jichi was increasingly used
both by [Meiji] bureaucrats and others to represent not only effective fiscal management but also
the social harmony and cooperation associated with the idealized village community.”44 Linked
to the communal values of rural villages as discussed in the previous section, “striving for
success” is within the very fabric of Japanese national state. Arudou admits that the phrase does
create solidarity, but it is “treated like a panacea, absolving people of a need to do more.” Even
though there was overwhelming support from the public, the lack of civic action in the months
after the war asking for government accountability is something to seriously consider, argues
Arudou.
The idea of fukko and fukkyu as well has its place in this situation as it is frequently used
along with “Ganbarou.” According to anonymous surveys I conducted, Japanese respondents
explained that fukkyu means reconstruction – back to how the destroyed part originally was;
however, fukko means not only to recover, but also to revitalize the disaster-stricken areas and
make something new. Fukko became one of the top 60 Japanese buzzwords of 2011, along with
“Ganbarou Nippon” as compiled by publisher, Jiyu Kokuminsha.45
43
Debito Arudou. "Japan needs less ganbatte, more genuine action." . The Japan Times, 4 Oct. 2011.
Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2011/10/04/issues/japan-needs-less-
ganbatte-more-genuine-action/#.U5uXS41dU_G>.
44
Gluck. Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. p. 195
45
Michael Gakuran. "Top 60 Japanese Buzzwords of 2011." Gakuranman, 18 Nov. 2011. Web. 13 June
2014. <http://gakuran.com/top-60-japanese-buzzwords-of-2011/>.

25. Amachan – Thorpe
25
With the following issues involving restoration of the Tohoku region, the NHK morning
drama, Amachan steps up to the challenge to encourage viewers to continue “striving for success”
in restoration efforts through the symbolism of “idol.”
The storyline about Aki and her friend becoming idols is one that is a common storyline
in many Japanese popular culture products. Idols are extremely trendy. Rather than have a classic
morning drama that would take place in a historic event such as the prewar period, they utilized a
contemporary setting. Doing so, Amachan would potentially be able to attract many young
viewers. As mentioned previously, it would also manage to influence the viewer in creating an
imagined nostalgia or substitute furusato as the story took place within the past five years.
In need of support, idols are considered vulnerable. Rather, Aki – despite having zero
talent – perseveres and tries her best at whatever challenge appears before her. The many
challenges and roles she tries to succeed in are of the following: ama-san (traditional diver),
nambu diver (deep-sea), jimoto idol (local), Tokyo idol, and actress. The many roles she assumes
is exactly what an idol does. An idol has a variety of roles, even if they may not be the best at
them all, but the fact they try in earnest is what is a very attractive point for Japanese idols. Yui –
her friend who is called the best potential idol by recruiters and fans – is in reality the exact
opposite. Yui may have the looks, mystique, and charm, but she often stops herself before she
even starts. She is the definition of “akirameta” or “given up”. As will be discussed in section
3.3, Yui will be the representative symbol of the Tohoku victims.
A song that played throughout the end of the show was “Jimoto ni Kaerou” (Let’s return
to our hometowns) as performed by the fictional idol unit, GMT47. The lyrics, simple and easy
to remember, emphasize the need for Japanese to appreciate their hometowns – especially in the
countryside. Yui contains the desires of many rural youth who feel that life in Tokyo will be a lot

26. Amachan – Thorpe
26
more interesting, while Aki finds her true identity when she moves out of Tokyo to Kita-sanriku.
In addition, when the Tohoku disaster happens, GMT47 (like many real-life idol groups) toured
around the affected areas and sang songs to cheer up people, even if it was an act of self-
promotion. The goal of Amachan was ultimately to cheer up the people of Tohoku, but the
underlying effect was to also inspire those who do not have a connection to Tohoku to still
remember and help out the region.
Aki’s experience as a part of the jimoto idol unit, Shiosai no Memories, and their
philosophy as idols encompasses the following: “An idol is supposed to help everyone.”46 When
Aki is depressed in Tokyo after being fired from her unit GMT47, her manager, Mizuguchi
consoles her with the following:
“Around you, there are always people gathering and
smiling. I guess that’s the proof that you have a natural
talent as an idol. Becoming an idol is not something you
can decide on your own nor something that you can just
declare for yourself. The people who gather around you are
the one who’ll make you an idol.”47
Idols are role models – an achievable dream for many youth. Aki is an idol that everyone in
Japan has the potential to become. Enthusiasm, kindness, and perseverance are strengths that Aki
has and these are characteristics that are needed in restoring the Tohoku region.
Aki and Yui as a duo of jimoto idols are significant in the full circle journey they
experience. Aki returns to Tokyo even though she wants to stay in Kita-sanriku; Yui stays in
46
Amachan. Perf. Rena Nônen,Hiroko Yakushimaru, Mio Yûki. NHK,2013. Television. Ep. 63
47
Amachan. Perf. Rena Nônen,Hiroko Yakushimaru, Mio Yûki. NHK,2013. Television. Ep. 108

27. Amachan – Thorpe
27
Kita-sanriku even though she wants to move to Tokyo. It is only when a catalyst (earthquake and
tsunami) occurs that an ultimate decision is needed to be made.
3.3 Disasterand Recovery Depictions
For 131 episodes – or almost 33 hours – the series focused on the development of Aki as
she explores her self and the people she meets. It follows her life for three years. The viewers
have spent several months watching the show every weekday being enchanted by the sights,
characters, and storyline. Many viewers will most likely reminisce on good arcs in the storyline,
such as the numerous revitalization plots or the feeling of being a youth. When episode 132 hits,
Amachan revisits the horrors, confusion, and tragic loss of March 3, 2011. How Amachan deals
with the disaster and recovery effort depictions will have an effect on the strength of the
imagined nostalgia experienced by viewers as well as actual efforts to help restore the region the
show is based on.
Unlike the rest of the series, the tone, appearance, and even the sound of the show
seemed to change drastically when episode 132 ended. Amachan is known for its cheerful
soundtrack and original idol songs, but in a majority of scenes all that could be heard was a
reverberating tuning fork sound. In this section, I will describe and analyze how the series
depicted the Tohoku earthquake and tsunami.
In episode 133, the narrator states, “It came suddenly.” Yui, who is heading to Tokyo via
the Kitatetsu to see Aki’s debut concert, is stuck in a train tunnel when Daikichi, the train
conductor, forces the train to stop after severe shaking from an earthquake. The music becomes
serious and the images are a bit frightening. Daikichi is usually portrayed as an earnest and naïve
man who wants his town to revitalize (through the use of many funny plans); but in this scene,
we are offered a look inside the head of Daikichi. He realizes that he needs to keep a calm

28. Amachan – Thorpe
28
expression for the train passengers so as not to alarm them and even comments on things
positively. Due to a lack of cellular connection inside the train tunnel, the situation is worrisome.
When another Kitatetsu train conductor, Masayoshi, radios Daikichi, Masayoshi shouts,
“Tsunami is coming!” and then is cut off.
Rather than showing actual footage of the tsunami destroying the Sanriku coast,
Amachan’s writers decided to do an artistic portrayal through the use of a diorama model. The
model is from the Kita-sanriku Tourism Association’s office. This model is one that viewers
were well acquainted with in the economic revitalization efforts of the depopulated town. Using
slow-motion animation, a model tsunami wave comes crashing into town, destroying many
landmarks that viewers know of – particularly the Ama Café.
Fortunately, the train tunnel was elevated and protected from the tsunami waves. Next,
Daikichi decides to walk out of the train tunnel to investigate and Yui tags along. Rather than
showing the destruction, the next scene relies on the reactions of the actors. Daikichi, who is
always cheerful and known for singing “Ghostbusters,” comes out of the tunnel with a
flabbergasted expression, tears brimming at his eyes. He yells at Yui to not look, but Yui, with
an emotionless voice, states, “I just did.” These characters have been followed closely and have
developed over time so viewers would have some form of a connection to them. The striking
contrast of the happy joy they were feeling just moments ago to one of absolute terror and awe is
heart wrenching. It makes the viewer miss the “past plentitude” and is the cut-off point between
the happy past and dreadful present that will create a nostalgic effect when referring to anything
in the storyline pre-disaster.
The plot then explains that the Kitatetsu trains were so close from falling off of a
collapsed bridge, destroyed by the tsunami’s impact. They were then called “the miracle of the

29. Amachan – Thorpe
29
trains” and declared a “symbol of reconstruction.” Daikichi and Masayoshi, in an effort to cheer
up the people in Tohoku, decide to work hard on reconstructing the railway. Even if the train
only ran between two stops and they did not charge passengers, Daikichi and Masayoshi were
determined to run the train. The train, as discussed in section 3.1, is a nostalgic element and for
viewers, creates an imagined nostalgia. Amachan’s finale episode even ends with a celebration of
the reconstruction of the Kitatetsu line in 2012.
In reality, the strongest impact of Amachan on reconstruction efforts is that of the
reopening of the Sanriku Railway in early 2014. The Kitatetsu line is based on the Sanriku line
and it was brought into the national spotlight. “Between April and November 2013, the number
of passengers (excluding season ticket users) increased to 210,000, up 60 percent from the same
period a year earlier.” 48 In addition, Sanriku Railway offers a service of a “ozashiki ressha”
(Japanese-style drawing room) as was portrayed in Amachan when Aki and Yui perform as
“Shiosai no Memories” for the first time.
Other than the depiction of the immediate disaster, the psychological dilemmas each
character went through had a variety of ways to deal with their unfortunate circumstances. This
display of the psychological dilemma recreates the overall feeling many Japanese experienced in
the immediate aftermath. There was a strong feeling of needing to do something, but ultimately
feeling helpless. Aki, feeling helpless in Tokyo, decides to head out to Kita-sanriku after Yui has
a psychological breakdown and urges Aki to come back “home.” Yui is the representation of the
Tohoku victims; Aki is the representative of the typical Japanese (i.e. someone who resides in
Tokyo or other large metropolitan areas). Even though she was given a warm homecoming, she
feels that something was different about the community. She asserts that it must have been
48
Tateki Iwai. "Famed Sanriku Railway soon back to pre-disaster operations." . The Asahi Shimbun, 28
Jan. 2014. Web. 13 June 2014.
<http://ajw.asahi.com/article/0311disaster/life_and_death/AJ201401280053>.

30. Amachan – Thorpe
30
because it was a long time for them to laugh freely. The characters laugh as they talk about their
home disappearing or having troubles applying for temporary housing. Aki is annoyed with
phrases like “Ganbarou” as she feels ultimately helpless. When she discovers her precious Ama
Café was destroyed, she laments:
“Honestly, I don’t know what I could do or what I should
do. I’ve been thinking for a long time…Honestly on my
own there’s nothing I can do…’Let’s work hard,’ ‘let’s
come together,’ people say those things – it was just
annoying and I didn’t get it.” 49
It is in this moment when Aki decides that her role was not to be an idol or an actress, but
to be someone that would help restore, uplift and share the community she fell in love with.
Amachan not only was there to cheer up the people of Tohoku, but to also inspire all Japanese to
lend a hand in the continuing reconstruction efforts.
Humanitarian aid and emergency services are imperative in the immediate aftermath of
any disaster. Disaster refugees and evacuees were plentiful. Recovery became the top priority for
Japan; however, it is still a struggle to recover years later. Many have moved far away from their
hometown or live in temporary housing (as of November 2013, nearly 290,000 people).50 For
example, Fukushima Prefecture, as of February 23, 2012, has seen 62,674 residents evacuate
from the prefecture due to radiation concerns.51 In a survey conducted by Kawauchi, Fukushima,
more than 60 percent of the 1,817 respondents said they do not intend to return to the village or
49
Amachan. Perf. Rena Nônen,Hiroko Yakushimaru, Mio Yûki. NHK,2013. Television. Ep. 138
50
Phro, Preston. "Nearly 290,000 people still living in shelters 2 1/2 years after Tohoku disaster." . Japan
Today, 18 Sept. 2013. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.japantoday.com/category/national/view/nearly-
290000-people-still-living-in-shelters-2-12-years-after-tohoku-disaster>.
51
Aoki, Mizuho. "Tohoku fears nuke crisis evacuees gone for good." . The Japan Times, 8 Mar. 2012.
Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2012/03/08/national/tohoku-fears-nuke-crisis-
evacuees-gone-for-good/#.U5uT5Y1dU_F>.

31. Amachan – Thorpe
31
have yet to make up their mind. Sadly, it was also found that many funds allocated for recovery
efforts were misused in other unrelated government projects.52 Reconstruction efforts have been
slow or nonexistent. Concerns about population exodus have risen, with many municipalities in
Tohoku disaster areas offering reconstruction subsidies in a desperate plea.53 A sharp decrease in
school enrollment has also led to concern about the future of the disaster-affected cities. For
example, Namie Primary School originally had more than 500 students before the disaster, but
the number has dropped to 30 and no new students will enroll in the school in April 2013.54
Lastly, due to worries about nuclear contamination, a coin word, “fuhyo higai” or “harmful
rumors” spread afterwards causing significant economic damage. 55 Many agricultural facilities
had to undergo inspections and food products were thoroughly tested for contamination. Many
regional businesses suffered due to a lack of sales and negative press. As mentioned in section
3.1, many depopulated areas rely on agricultural tourism and fuhyo higai was and still is a critical
hit on the local economy of the disaster-affected areas.
The largest issue is that of staying in the public consciousness. With an overwhelming
proliferation of information from the mass media in contemporary times, it is hard to even
remember last week’s current events. The CNN Effect is an often-mentioned phenomenon in
Western political science and communication academic circles in which the 24-hour broadcaster
52
Aoki, Mizuho, and Reiji Yoshida. "Misuse of disaster ‘reconstruction’ money runs rampant Expert
finds 25% going toward projects that won’t benefit Tohoku." . Japan Times, 26 Oct. 2012. Web. 13 June
2014. <http://recoveringtohoku.wordpress.com/2012/11/01/misuse-of-disaster-reconstruction-money-
runs-rampant-expert-finds-25-going-toward-projects-that-wont-benefit-tohoku-japan-times-102612/>.
53
"Fearing exodus, disaster-hit towns compete to offer highest subsidies." Asahi Shinbun, 23 Sept. 2012.
Web. 13 June 2014. <http://recoveringtohoku.wordpress.com/2013/09/23/fearing-exodus-disaster-hit-
towns-compete-to-offer-highest-subsidies-asahi-92312/>.
54
The Yomiuri Shinbun, Editorial Desk. "Tohoku children also need 'restoration' after disaster.". Asia
News Network,3 Nov. 2013. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.asianewsnet.net/Tohoku-children-also-
need-restoration-after-disast-43798.html>.
55
Michael Gakuran. "Top 60 Japanese Buzzwords of 2011." . Gakuranman, 18 Nov. 2011. Web. 13 June
2014. <http://gakuran.com/top-60-japanese-buzzwords-of-2011/>.

32. Amachan – Thorpe
32
will focus on a disaster or crisis that a huge amount of aid will flow in. Examples of the CNN
Effect are the 2004 Asian tsunami, 2005 Hurricane Katrina, and the 2008 Sichuan earthquake in
China. Despite the positive effects, once CNN finds another crisis to focus on, the immediate
affect and desire to help dissipates as it fades from the public consciousness. For example, New
Orleans is still striving to recover, even after almost ten years since the disaster.56 In addition,
many journalism analysts argue that the media has caused widespread “compassion fatigue” for
viewers in society by oversaturating news outlets with stories of tragedy.57 It is a fine line that
needs to be carefully balanced when reporting disasters.
It is with this that Amachan could serve as a potential catalyst in the recovery efforts two
years after the disaster.
IV. RECEPTION
I will discuss the results of a 2014 survey conducted by the NHK Broadcasting Culture
Research Institute regarding the reception of Amachan. There has been a steady decline in
viewership rates for NHK morning dramas since the 1980s, but since 2010 there has been a
stable increase in viewership. In particular, the drama that aired before Amachan, Jun to Ai
received the lowest viewership in three years at 17 percent.58 As compared to the last popular
NHK morning drama, Umechan-sensei, Amachan’s average viewership increased over time
showing that Amachan was able to attract new viewers (unlike Umechan-sensei where it was
stable). Out of about 4,097 people surveyed, only nine percent did not know the existence of the
56
Kenny Klein. "Has New Orleans Recovered?.". Huffington Post, 4 Dec. 2013. Web. 13 June 2014.
<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kenny-klein/has-new-orleans-recovered_b_4374931.html>.
57
Birgitta Hoijer. "The discourse of global compassion: the audience and media reporting of human
suffering." Media, Culture and Society 26:513-531. Web. 13 June 2014.
58
Keiko Mitsuya. "Asadora 'amachan' ha dou mirareta ka." NHK Broadcasting Culture Research
Institute. Print. p. 13

33. Amachan – Thorpe
33
drama with about 49 percent watching it every day or seeing it every once in a while. With about
half the population exposed to the drama, surely there will be some sort of an effect.
Table 1 displays several interesting answers to the survey about Amachan’s charm or
attraction. 59
Table 1
Amachan’s charm or attraction %
Bright and had liveliness 64
“Jejeje” and similar dialect phrases was interesting/funny 39
There were a lot of scenes I could laugh 38
The casting was good 34
The characterization was charming/attractive or individualistic 32
The music and original songs were good 31
The playwright (Kankuro Kudo) was good 30
The swing of the conversation was interesting/funny 29
The heroine was charming/attractive or individualistic 27
There were a lot of scenes where I felt moved 25
The tempo or flow of the storyline was good 25
The main setting of Iwate (Kita-sanriku) was impressive 22
Stories about idols from the 1980s was interesting/funny 19
When the stories about the disaster came out, I thought it was really interesting 18
There were a lot of scenes I could empathize with 16
It was good that the heroine would make her dream come true even while changing her
goals
15
It was good that there was versatility and depth to the portrayal 13
The growth of contemporary idols was interesting/funny 13
The gags and “small stories” made me want to make it the topic of everyday conversation 13
The main setting of Tokyo was impressive 8
Source: Viewers of Amachan (633 participants)
One of the most interesting points was the difference in setting. Many viewers (22%)
were interested in the setting of Iwate Prefecture more so than with Tokyo (8%). By being able
to find areas outside of urban centers of Japan impressive is one way to attract visitors to the
locale (one of many plans to revitalize depopulated areas as discussed in section 3.1). It also
enhances the notion of a substitute furusato that many “homeless” Japanese are yearning for.
59
Mitsuya. "Asadora 'amachan' ha dou mirareta ka." p. 18

34. Amachan – Thorpe
34
In addition, the characters as well as the casting were widely complimented as the
attractive point for Amachan. As discussed in section 3.1, by being able to connect with the
characters, it can create an imagined nostalgia. By stimulating this nostalgia, viewers will now be
able to think of the disaster-affected areas as not only a devastating area filled with rubble, but
one that has people and has had a thriving and bright community before the earthquake and
tsunami. Seeing images, even fictional, will encourage viewers to visit these regional areas.
Lastly, the reception to Amachan from Iwate residents has been overall positive. Hitomi
Ike of the Kuji Chamber of Commerce stated in a newsletter detailing the reconstruction efforts
in Iwate:
“"Kuji took relatively minor damage during the disaster, and
so I want to use tourism in order to liven up the whole
region; Ama-chan really helped liven up this city." I think
Iwate’s people are reserved and don't like to assert
themselves, so I want to make the local residents think more
about how they can liven up the community. I think that
making not just Kuji, but all of Iwate, a happier, livelier
place is also an important part of the reconstruction."60
She attributes the bright, cheerfulness displayed in Amachan’s as something to strive to
emulate during the reconstruction process. Amachan not only inspired the people of Tohoku, but
all Japanese.
60
"News from Iwate's Reconstruction." News fromIwate's Reconstruction 15 Nov 2013, 52 ed. General
Affairs Division, Bureau of Reconstruction. Print.

35. Amachan – Thorpe
35
V. CONCLUSION
Amachan was a social phenomenon that led to many phrases, songs, and characters being
entrenched into Japanese mass culture. Through the use of idol, Amachan’s story created an
imagined nostalgia for viewers – who may have lived in urban areas their whole lives – feel a
connection to the devastated area. The state’s proliferated motto of “Ganbarou Nippon”
reverberates throughout the storyline as Aki and the community of characters in Kita-sanriku and
Tokyo push forward through their lives. It makes the viewer feel like they still have to help out
the area – even if the disaster happened two years previously and may have been yesterday’s
nightmare. In addition, the methods of storytelling follow the moral lessons from the beginning
of the modern Japanese state. These ideologues provide an insight on the emphasis of the
Japanese state and its people on what is considered integral to the fabric of a nation that has been
torn by natural disaster. The state and public focuses on the importance of the countryside in its
relation to the city (what this importance may mean depends on who you ask) as well as
perseverance to succeed.
Like many Japanese idols that are trying to develop and become the best – even if they
lack any sort of talent – the devastated areas are trying to restore and reinvent themselves. Many
victims are still displaced. The disaster-affected areas are still struggling, but if the mass media
continues to keep the disaster in the public consciousness, more progress will likely continue.
When Aki decided to stay in Kita-sanriku and help with the restoration efforts, she said,
“In the end, this place is the best.”61 It is within this line that a motive to encourage the people of
Japan to embrace the disaster-affected areas and venture to them to discover the culture, scenery,
food as well as inspire the people of Tohoku.
61
Amachan. Perf. Rena Nônen,Hiroko Yakushimaru, Mio Yûki. NHK,2013. Television. Ep 138

36. Amachan – Thorpe
36
Bibliography
Amachan. Perf. Rena Nônen, Hiroko Yakushimaru, Mio Yûki. NHK, 2013. Television.
Aoki, Mizuho. "Tohoku fears nuke crisis evacuees gone for good." The Japan Times, 8
Mar. 2012. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2012/03/08/national/tohoku-
fears-nuke-crisis-evacuees-gone-for-good/#.U5uT5Y1dU_F>.
Aoki, Mizuho, and Reiji Yoshida. "Misuse of disaster ‘reconstruction’ money runs
rampant Expert finds 25% going toward projects that won’t benefit Tohoku." . Japan Times, 26
Oct. 2012. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://recoveringtohoku.wordpress.com/2012/11/01/misuse-of-
disaster-reconstruction-money-runs-rampant-expert-finds-25-going-toward-projects-that-wont-
benefit-tohoku-japan-times-102612/>.
Aoyagi, Hiroshi. Islands of Eight Million Smiles: Idol Performance and Symbolic
Production in Contemporary Japan. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Asia Center, 2005.
Print.
Arudou, Debito. "Japan needs less ganbatte, more genuine action." . The Japan Times, 4
Oct. 2011. Web. 13 June 2014.
<http://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2011/10/04/issues/japan-needs-less-ganbatte-more-
genuine-action/#.U5uXS41dU_G>.
Baseel, Casey. "AKB48 fan shows his love the only way he knows how: By buying
$300,000 worth of CD." RocketNews24, 22 May 2014. Web. 13 June 2014.
<http://en.rocketnews24.com/2014/05/22/akb48-fan-shows-his-love-the-only-way-he-knows-
how-by-buying-300000-worth-of-cds/>.
Brasor, Philip. "NHK drama dives into the 'idea' of idols in rural Japan." The Japan
Times, 27 July 2013. Web. 13 June 2014.
<http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/07/27/national/media-national/nhk-drama-dives-into-
the-idea-of-idols-in-rural-japan/#.U5uXzo1dU_F>.
Chi, Jerry, Foster Chiang, Russell Gottfredson, Neeraj Maathur, and Erica Sugai.
"Meibutsu: The Economic and Cultural Significance of Traditional Japanese Products." .
Knowledge@Wharton, 26 Jan. 2011. Web. 13 June 2014.
<https://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/article/meibutsu-the-economic-and-cultural-significance-
of-traditional-japanese-products/>.
Chun, Jayson M. "A Nation of a Hundred Million Idiots"?: A Social History of Japanese

37. Amachan – Thorpe
37
Television, 1953-1973. New York: Routledge, 2007. Print.
Craig, Timothy J. Japan Pop!: Inside the World of Japanese Popular Culture. Armonk,
N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 2000. Print.
"Debyuu sokuzoku! 2010nen aidoru sengoku jidai ikinokoru no ha dono guruupu?." .
Nikkan Saizoo, 23 Apr. 2010. Web. 13 June 2014.
<http://www.cyzo.com/2010/04/post_4372.html>.
Gakuran, Michael. "Top 60 Japanese Buzzwords of 2011." . Gakuranman, 18 Nov. 2011.
Web. 13 June 2014. <http://gakuran.com/top-60-japanese-buzzwords-of-2011/>.
Gluck, Carol. Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. Princeton, N.J:
Princeton University Press, 1985. Print.
Gotō, Kazuhiko, Masunori Sata, and Hideo Hirahara. A History of Japanese Television
Drama: Modern Japan and the Japanese. Tokyo, Japan: Japan Association of Broadcasting Art,
1991. Print.
"Gotouji aidoru korekushon." . NHK OnDemand, n.d. Web. 13 June 2014.
<http://www.nhk-ondemand.jp/share/pr/index.html>.
Hoijer, Birgitta. "The discourse of global compassion: the audience and media reporting
of human suffering." Media, Culture and Society 26: 513-531. Web. 13 June 2014.
Ivy, Marilyn. Discourses of the Vanishing: Modernity, Phantasm, Japan. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1995. Print.
Ivy, Marilyn. "Formations of Mass Culture." Postwar Japan as History. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1993. Print.
Iwai, Tateki. "Famed Sanriku Railway soon back to pre-disaster operations." . The Asahi
Shimbun, 28 Jan. 2014. Web. 13 June 2014.
<http://ajw.asahi.com/article/0311disaster/life_and_death/AJ201401280053>.
Kinsella, Sharon. "Cuties in Japan." Women, Media, and Consumption in Japan.
Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1995. . Print.
Klein, Kenny. "Has New Orleans Recovered?" Huffington Post, 4 Dec. 2013. Web. 13
June 2014. <http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kenny-klein/has-new-orleans-
recovered_b_4374931.html>.
"Koizumi Kyoko, hiroin no hahaoya yaku de asadora hatsushutsuen musume wo
inochikage mamorimasu ." . Eiga.com News, 6 Sept. 2012. Web. 13 June 2014.

38. Amachan – Thorpe
38
<http://eiga.com/news/20120906/8/>.
lonenail. "Arisu no chika aidoru no shogeki no puraibeeto." Online video clip. Youtube.
Youtube, 30 Nov 2013. Web. 13 June 2014
Love, Bridget. "Mountain Vegetables and the Politics of Local Flavor in Japan."
Japanese Foodways, Past and Present. Urbana: U of Illinois, 2010. Print.
Matanle, Peter C. D, and Anthony Rausch. Japan's Shrinking Regions in the 21st
Century. Amherst, N.Y: Cambria Press, 2011. Print.
Mitsuya, Keiko. "Asadora 'amachan' ha dou mirareta ka." NHK Broadcasting Culture
Research Institute. Print.
Morris-Suzuki, Tessa. Re-inventing Japan: Time, Space, Nation. Armonk, N.Y: M.E.
Sharpe, 1998. Print.
"News from Iwate's Reconstruction." News from Iwate's Reconstruction 15 Nov 2013, 52
ed. General Affairs Division, Bureau of Reconstruction. Print.
"Nounen Rena cast as heroine for next year's morning drama 'Amachan'." . Tokyohive,
27 July 2012. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.tokyohive.com/article/2012/07/nounen-rena-
cast-as-heroine-for-next-years-morning-drama-amachan/>.
Phro, Preston. "Nearly 290,000 people still living in shelters 2 1/2 years after Tohoku
disaster." . Japan Today, 18 Sept. 2013. Web. 13 June 2014.
<http://www.japantoday.com/category/national/view/nearly-290000-people-still-living-in-
shelters-2-12-years-after-tohoku-disaster>.
Rahn, Hermann, and Tetsuro Yokoyama. Physiology of Breath-Hold Diving and the Ama
of Japan: Papers. Washington: National Academy of Sciences-National Research Council, 1965.
Print.
Robertson, Jennifer. "Furusato Japan: the Culture and Politics of Nostalgia." International
Journal of Politics, Culture & Society. 1.4 (1988). Print.
The Yomiuri Shinbun, Editorial Desk. "Tohoku children also need 'restoration' after
disaster." Asia News Network, 3 Nov. 2013. Web. 13 June 2014.
<http://www.asianewsnet.net/Tohoku-children-also-need-restoration-after-disast-43798.html>.
Young, Louise. Beyond the Metropolis: Second Cities and Modern Life in Interwar
Japan. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013. Print.