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Running Head: STRUCTURED BY GENDER
Structured by Gender: Inequality for Women in the Workforce
Kumiko Sasa
Colorado Mesa University
Structured by Gender 1
To a degree, everything in society is structured around gender, particularly the lifestyles
of people. Whether an individual is male or female, gender structures how they are supposed to
behave and where their priorities are supposed to be. This includes the types of careers, the
occupations, the style of work, and the responsibilities at home. As a result of ascribing status
according to gender, there are barriers placed within the social structure of the United states.
Two major barriers that impact both men and women is occupational segregation and the sex gap
in pay. However, in order to understand how these barriers are created, it is necessary to address
the concepts of “glass ceilings”, “the mommy track” and “glass escalators.”Ultimately, each of
these concepts illustrate how these barriers continually promote gender inequality for both men
and women in their homes and at work.
Gender Roles: Masculinity and Femininty
Before addressing the structure of gender inequality, gender itself should be defined. In
contrast to the concept of sex, as the fixed biologically determination of male and female
differences, the concept of gender is socially determined. Rather gender is “a result of cultural,
social, and psychological factors” (Marger 2014). In short, the behavioral expectations for males
and females is established by society. Then through socializ.ation, these expectations are taught
and individuals are socially expected to conform. For men and women, these expectations differ.
For men, they are held to the standards of masculinity. One of major traits for this particular
standard is being less emotional or less “feminine.” If a male acts more “feminine” then it is seen
as a negative, unacceptable, and the individual may be perceived as “gay or homosexual” and
less manly (Porter 2010). Furthermore, they are taught by society to be more competitive,
independent, and aggressive (Felmlee, Sweet, and Sinclair 2012). They are also “rated more
highly than women on agentic qualities such as instrumental competence, assertiveness,
Structured by Gender 2
confidence, independence, forcefulness, and dominance” (Ridgeway 2011:58). In short, the
acceptable behavior for men is to talk less and act more.
Women on the other hand are held to these standards of femininity, which are essentially
the opposite of masculinity. Instead of being non-communal, society perceives women to be
intimate, emotional, caring, and communal (Watson 2012). They are told to value these traits of
interconnectedness and nurturance (Felmlee, Sweet and Sinclair 2012). They are also “rated
more highly than men on communal attributes such as emotional expressiveness, nurturance,
interpersonal sensitivity, kindness, and responsiveness” (Ridgeway 2011:58). In contrast to
masculinity, women aren’t supposed to be domineering or arrogant. If they are perceived to be
more masculine, aggressive, demanding and assertive they may be labeled as a “butch” or
“bitch.” Overall, they must balance their femininity without appearing too masculine.
Given these ascribed statuses, society creates this social structure based on these
gendered behaviors. Males are to maintain assertiveness, dominance and instrumental action;
whereas, women are to maintain their interconnectedness, submission and nurturing behaviors.
As a result of these expectations, women and men have assimilated to these responsibilities
within the workforce and homelife. In all, society has assimilated to these expectations, and in
doing so has created barriers for both men and women to pursue options that differ from their
stereotypical gender roles. Two of which include occupational segregation and the sex gap in
pay.
Barrier One: Occupational Segregation
Entering the workforce, men and women are faced with the pressures of gender
stereotypes. For example, “if it is assumed that men are more aggressive and daring by nature,
police officer and firefighter become “natural” male occupations. If women are assumed to be
Structured by Gender 3
more compassionate and nurturing, nurse and schoolteacher become “natural” female
occupations” (Marger 2014:340). Essentially, each gender is automatically sorted into these
occupations based on their socially ascribed behaviors. For men, they are faced with the social
pressures of finding a job that demonstrates their strength, aggression, success, independence,
and action; in other words, their masculinity. In addition to these, men are to be seen holding
positions of authority and status. Occupations such as automative mechanics, lawyers, doctors,
pilots, truck drives, firefighters, engineers, and STEM field workers can be seen demonstrating
these various traits. In contrast, women are faced with the social pressures of finding a job that
highlights their “natural” abilities to care, nurture and give emotional support.This may include
jobs as teachers, nurses, dental hygenists, waitressing, social workers, and secretaries. Once
again, women are seen in jobs that require more of housekeeping tasks, caretaking, and behind
the scene actions rather than the central high status, highly active and engaged roles. Marger
emphasize that “this gender essentialism-the idea that there are unique male and female traits that
make men and women naturally suited to different occupational roles—continues to drive
women into the nonmanual sector of the labor force and, conversely, men into the manual
sector” (2014:341). In 2002, Liben and Bigler’s study found that the attitudes of both female and
male college students endorse these stereotypical occupations for themselves as well as others
(DiDonato and Strough 2013). On average, “men were more likely than women to state that they
would want to be an auto mechanic and that only men should be auto mechanics.Women were
more likely than men to state that they would want to be a dental assistant and that only women
should be dental assistants” (DiDonato and Strough 2013:538). When choosing a major, both
men and women were consistent with these traditional gender stereotypes. Data sugessts that
women make up 79% of education majors while men make up 82% of engineering majors
Structured by Gender 4
(Corbett and Hill 2012). In all, this research suggests that gender stereotypes can often lead to
self-fullfilling prophecies, ultimately sustaining and reinforcing occupational clustering and
gender inequality in the work force.
Occupational Clustering
Within the United States, men and women typically remain clustered into particular
occupations. For example, the majority of service occupations consist primarily of females.
According to the United States Department of Labor (2013), there are 30 leading occupations
that women are employeed in. A few of these include elementary and middle school teachers,
where women make up 81% of the total employeed, secretaries and administrative assistants
with 94%, registered nurses with 90%, health aids with 89%, receptionists with 92%, childcare
workers with 95%, preschool and kindergarten teachers with 98%, and social workers, where
80% of the employeed being female. Men on the other hand, make up the majority of
construction and engineering occupations. In relation to the percentage of women, men make up
almost 99% of jobs that include being a metal worker, central heating installer, and car mechanic
(CBS.nl 2004). This data suggests that gender stereotypes may play an important role in
occupational clustering. The socialization of women to be more communal and caring pushes
them to take on the more nurturing jobs. Whereas, for men, they are socialized to be more
competent in mathematics, building and action, which pushes them towards occupations within
construction.
In spite of these trends, the division of labor has become less rigid and defined according
to stereotypically female or male professions. Today, more women can be found in typically
male dominated career fields; including pharmacology, editing, and insurance agencies (Marger
2014). Furthermore, the number of women in some of the more prestigious professions, such as
Structured by Gender 5
medicine and law, have increased. According to the Department for Professional Employees, “in
2008, women accounted for 32.4% of all lawyers, 32.2% of all physicians and surgeons, and
68.8% of all psychologists” (2010). To some degree these percentages, as of 2012, have
increased. The percentage of women in legal occupations is approximately 50% (Bureau of
Labor Statistics 2014:35). From 32% it can be argued that this is a significant increase. In
contrast, the percentage of female physicians and surgeons has increased slightly to 34.3%
(Bureau of Labor Statistics 2014:36). This is similar for female psychologists, as the percentage
has risen slightly from 68% to 72.7% (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2014:35). These trends
illustrate, that although gender segregation still characterizes the labor force, changes are
occurring. It is important to note that in addition to these trends of females becoming more
integrated into typically male-dominated occupations, males are also becoming more involved in
typically female-dominated occupations. Dewan and Gebeloff explain that “nationally, two-
thirds more men were bank tellers, almost twice as many were receptionists and two-thirds more
were waiting tables in 2010, than a decade later” (2012). In addition to these occupations, men’s
representation in the nursing field has also increased. In 1970, only 2.7% of nurses were men, but
by 2011 9.6% of nurses were male (U.S. Census Bureau 2013:2). It can be argued that this is a
minor increase over a 31 year time span. However, it is still an increase of male participation in
female occupations.
Barrier Two: The Sex Gap in Pay
Although the division of labor appears to be less defined, who receives the larger
paycheck is still very distinct. Women still make relatively less money than men. On average,
they make 23% less (Marger 2013:342).This inequality of pay can have tremendous deficits for
women. In 2007, the Center for American Progress, found that over a 40-year period, female
Structured by Gender 6
workers lose approximately $434,000 in wages due to this pay inequity (Arons 2008). With
regards to this, it is important to look at the ranking of the U.S. and its level of inequality.
According to the Department for Professional Employees,“out of 23 Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, the United States has the seventh largest
gender earnings gap. The gender wage gap in the U.S. is 21.6% well above the OECD average of
18.5%” (2010). Given this statistic, the wage gap can vary across countires.
This is also true for the wage gap across occupations; yet, this lag in women’s pay is
across almost every occupation, whether they are signified as predominately female or male
occupationss. In short, equal pay remains a problem and its significance comes from the dramatic
gap seen among various professions, both those stereotypically female occupations and
stereotypically male. First, looking at service occupations, that are deemed to be “naturally”
fitting for females, “women in professional and related occupations earned over 26% less than
their male counterparts, while women in sales and office occupations earned 20% less than
similarly employeed men” (Department for Professional Employees 2010). This trend is similar
for other occupations; for example, female elementary or middle school teachers earned over
14% less than similarly employed men; female registered nurses, whom comprise the majority of
the field, earn more than 5% less than those who were male; female physicians and surgeons
earned 36% less than males in the same position; and female lawyers typically earn 25% less
than lawyers who are male (U.S. Department of Labor 2010). These levels of pay inequality need
to be recognized as a social problem. In spite of whatever occupation a woman holds, she
continually makes less than her male coworker. To further explain why this problem exists it is
necessary to look at the concepts of “glass ceilings”, “the mommy track” and “glass escalators.”
Structured by Gender 7
Glass Ceilings and The Mommy Track
In reference back to gender roles, it is traditionally seen as a female’s role to be the care
taker and service provide. In addition, they have been given is this achieved status of
motherhood. That is to say they are given the status of bearing children, taking care of them and
working hard to be responsible mother. As a result of these stereotypes, a “glass ceiling” or
rather an invisible limit has been placed on women’s opportunities for career advancements
(Conley 2013:313). For example, if a young woman applies for a corporate manager position,
there may be the assumption that she will have kids in the future. As she is identified with the
stereotypical female role of motherhood, to some degree she is already sorted out from greater
economic opportunities. She is perceived to potentially take what is called the “mommy track,”
which dictionary.com defines as “a career path for women who are willing to forgo promotions,
raises, etc. so as to spend more time with their children” (2014). Ultimately, as Stewart
concludes, “young women …may find themselves caught between economic realities which
increasingly demand that women work and norms which still advocate motherhood as the most
‘noble of professions’” (2003:8). When women face this dilemma they often choose jobs that
allow them to work as well as be a mother. However, these part time jobs typically pay less and
provide little skill development for an enhanced job in the future. As a result, women are at a
further loss of opportunity to improve skills and wages (Marger 2013:345). Furthermore, within
these part time jobs women are regarded as less committed (Harvard Law Review 1996).
Glass Escalators
A male on the other hand, is associated with working longer to provide for his family;
therefore, if he was in that corporate position he would be more dedicated. Through socialization
the perception of men has been to hold positions of authority, to be the primary breadwinner, and
Structured by Gender 8
provide for his family. In addition, men haven’t been held to the same caretaking responsibilities
as women. As a result, they tend to be penalized less for being a father and working overtime;
whereas, women once again tend to be perceived as being a good worker, while also being a
good mother. In the workforce, this can be seen through the concept of the “glass escalator”,
which is the “promotional ride men take to the top of a work organization” (Conley 2013: 314).
Men, in both stereotypically female occupations and male occupations, are perceived to hold
positions of authority and status. In short, very little, if any social barriers, are placed in their
way from quickly advancing up the management ladder.
Who Cares?
Overall, due to the socialization of female and male gender roles, advantages as well as
disadvantages are set into place. First, women are given the ascribed status of motherhood, along
with the responsibilities of caretaking, nurturing, housekeeping and serving. Their positions in
the work force reflect these attributes, as they comprise the majority of service oriented
occupations. Within these jobs women often receive a lower income, lower opportunity for
career advancement, and little chance for skill development; in short they hit what’s called the
“glass ceiling”. In addition, they are also faced with the conflict of work and being a good
mother; which leads to the perception of women taking the “mommy track.” Employers view
women as the primary caretakers of their children, and as a result the women they hire may be
penalized for working too much. Yet, they may also be penalized for working too little, not being
fully dedicated to their jobs. Men on the other hand, are encouraged to work more in order to fit
the socially ascribed status of masculinity and fulfilling their role as a provider. This includes
occupations that are seen as primarily male dominated or female dominated. In any case, within
Structured by Gender 9
these occupations they are seen in positions of authority and given the promotional opportunities
to place them in these positions; hence the concept of the “glass escalator.”
Under such circumstances, women face two primary barriers: occupational segregation
and the sex gap in pay. First, women have been encouraged to hold primarily service
occupations because of their “natural” abilities at care taking. This has limited their opportunities
to obtain higher paying occupations. In addition, within these service jobs, they have been set to
balance their responsibilities at home and at work. Even then, women are often perceived to be
less dedicated to their work than a man. As a consequence, women often face lower pay than
their male counterparts who hold the same occupation; as well as little chance for moving up on
the promotional ladder. In short, these socially ascribed gender roles that are place on men and
women have promoted the patterns of social inequality as described above. Women in particular
are at a disadvantage within the workforce as they face the gender roles or barriers of
motherhood responsibilities and work. Whereas, men are lifted to positions of status and
authority. In other words, as a result of socializing one another to these standards of gender a
cyclical pattern of social inequality is established.
Structured by Gender 10
REFERENCES
Arons, Jessica.2008. “Lifetime Losses: The Career Wage Gap.” Center for American Progress.
Retrieved December 2, 2014
(http://www.oecd.org/document/60/0.3343.en_2649_39699452_1_1_1_1.00.html).
CBS.nl. 2005. “Top Ten Male and Female Dominated Occupations.” Statistical Netherlends
Retrieved November 29, 2014 (http://www.cbs.nl/en-GB/menu/themas/arbeid-sociale
zekerheid/publicaties/artikelen/archief/2005/2005-1825-wm.html).
Conley, Dalton.2013. You May Ask Yourself.3rd ed. New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company,
Inc.
Corbett, Christianne, and Catherine Hill. 2012. “Graduating to a Pay Gap: The Earnings of
Women and Men One Year After College Graduation.” American Association of
University Women Washington, (http://www.aauw.org/files/2013/02/graduating-to-a-pay
gap-the-earnings-of-women-and-men-one-year-after-college-graduation.pdf).
Department for Professional Employees. 2010. “Professional Women: Vital Statistics.”
Retrieved December 2, 2014 (http://www.pay-equity.org/PDFs/ProfWomen.pdf).
Dewan, Shaila and Robert Gebeloff. 2012. “More Men Enter Fields Dominated by Women.” The
New York Times. Retrieved November 29, 2014
(http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/21/business/increasingly-men-seek-success-in-jobs
dominated-by-women.html?pagewanted=all&_r=2&).
Dictionary.com.2014. “Mommy Track.” Random House Inc., Retrieved December 2, 2014
(http://dictionary.reference.com/cite.html?qh=mommy%20track&ia=luna).
Structured by Gender 11
DiDonato, Lisa and JoNell Strough.2013. “Do College Students’ Gender-typed Attitudes About
Occupations Predict Their Real-World Decisions?” Sex Roles 68(9/10):536-549.
Felmlee, Diana, Elizabeth Sweet, and H. Colleen Sinclair. 2012. “Gender Rules: Same- and
Cross-Gender Friendships Norms.” Sex Roles 66(7/8):518-529.
Harvard Law Review.1996. “Why Law Firsm Cannot Afford to Maintain The Mommy Track.”
Harvard Law Review 109(6):1375-1392.
Marger, Martin N. 2014. Social Inequality: Patterns and Processes, 6th edition. McGraw Hill.
ISBN: 9780078026935.
Porter, Tony. 2010. “A Call to Men.” TEDTalks Retrieved November 8, 2014
(http://www.ted.com/talks/tony_porter_a_call_to_men).
Ridgeway, Cecilia L. 2011. Framed by Gender: How Gender Inequality Persists in the Modern
World. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Stewart, Jennifer.2003 “The Mommy Track: The Consequences of Gender Ideology and
Aspirations on Age At First Motherhood.” Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare
30(2):3-30.
U.S. Census Bureau. 2013. “Men in Nursing Occupations.” American Community Survey
Highlight Report. Retrieved November 20, 2014
(http://www.census.gov/people/io/files/Men_in_Nursing_Occupations.pdf).
U.S. Department of Labor.2010. “Employed Persons by Detailed Occupation, Sex, Race, and
Hispanic or Latino Ethnicity.”Bureau of Labor Statistics:Current Population Survey.
U.S. Department of Labor.2013. “Leading Occupations.”Women’s Bureau. Retrieved November
28, 2014 (http://www.dol.gov/wb/stats/leadoccupations.htm).

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Gender Inequality paper

  • 1. Running Head: STRUCTURED BY GENDER Structured by Gender: Inequality for Women in the Workforce Kumiko Sasa Colorado Mesa University
  • 2. Structured by Gender 1 To a degree, everything in society is structured around gender, particularly the lifestyles of people. Whether an individual is male or female, gender structures how they are supposed to behave and where their priorities are supposed to be. This includes the types of careers, the occupations, the style of work, and the responsibilities at home. As a result of ascribing status according to gender, there are barriers placed within the social structure of the United states. Two major barriers that impact both men and women is occupational segregation and the sex gap in pay. However, in order to understand how these barriers are created, it is necessary to address the concepts of “glass ceilings”, “the mommy track” and “glass escalators.”Ultimately, each of these concepts illustrate how these barriers continually promote gender inequality for both men and women in their homes and at work. Gender Roles: Masculinity and Femininty Before addressing the structure of gender inequality, gender itself should be defined. In contrast to the concept of sex, as the fixed biologically determination of male and female differences, the concept of gender is socially determined. Rather gender is “a result of cultural, social, and psychological factors” (Marger 2014). In short, the behavioral expectations for males and females is established by society. Then through socializ.ation, these expectations are taught and individuals are socially expected to conform. For men and women, these expectations differ. For men, they are held to the standards of masculinity. One of major traits for this particular standard is being less emotional or less “feminine.” If a male acts more “feminine” then it is seen as a negative, unacceptable, and the individual may be perceived as “gay or homosexual” and less manly (Porter 2010). Furthermore, they are taught by society to be more competitive, independent, and aggressive (Felmlee, Sweet, and Sinclair 2012). They are also “rated more highly than women on agentic qualities such as instrumental competence, assertiveness,
  • 3. Structured by Gender 2 confidence, independence, forcefulness, and dominance” (Ridgeway 2011:58). In short, the acceptable behavior for men is to talk less and act more. Women on the other hand are held to these standards of femininity, which are essentially the opposite of masculinity. Instead of being non-communal, society perceives women to be intimate, emotional, caring, and communal (Watson 2012). They are told to value these traits of interconnectedness and nurturance (Felmlee, Sweet and Sinclair 2012). They are also “rated more highly than men on communal attributes such as emotional expressiveness, nurturance, interpersonal sensitivity, kindness, and responsiveness” (Ridgeway 2011:58). In contrast to masculinity, women aren’t supposed to be domineering or arrogant. If they are perceived to be more masculine, aggressive, demanding and assertive they may be labeled as a “butch” or “bitch.” Overall, they must balance their femininity without appearing too masculine. Given these ascribed statuses, society creates this social structure based on these gendered behaviors. Males are to maintain assertiveness, dominance and instrumental action; whereas, women are to maintain their interconnectedness, submission and nurturing behaviors. As a result of these expectations, women and men have assimilated to these responsibilities within the workforce and homelife. In all, society has assimilated to these expectations, and in doing so has created barriers for both men and women to pursue options that differ from their stereotypical gender roles. Two of which include occupational segregation and the sex gap in pay. Barrier One: Occupational Segregation Entering the workforce, men and women are faced with the pressures of gender stereotypes. For example, “if it is assumed that men are more aggressive and daring by nature, police officer and firefighter become “natural” male occupations. If women are assumed to be
  • 4. Structured by Gender 3 more compassionate and nurturing, nurse and schoolteacher become “natural” female occupations” (Marger 2014:340). Essentially, each gender is automatically sorted into these occupations based on their socially ascribed behaviors. For men, they are faced with the social pressures of finding a job that demonstrates their strength, aggression, success, independence, and action; in other words, their masculinity. In addition to these, men are to be seen holding positions of authority and status. Occupations such as automative mechanics, lawyers, doctors, pilots, truck drives, firefighters, engineers, and STEM field workers can be seen demonstrating these various traits. In contrast, women are faced with the social pressures of finding a job that highlights their “natural” abilities to care, nurture and give emotional support.This may include jobs as teachers, nurses, dental hygenists, waitressing, social workers, and secretaries. Once again, women are seen in jobs that require more of housekeeping tasks, caretaking, and behind the scene actions rather than the central high status, highly active and engaged roles. Marger emphasize that “this gender essentialism-the idea that there are unique male and female traits that make men and women naturally suited to different occupational roles—continues to drive women into the nonmanual sector of the labor force and, conversely, men into the manual sector” (2014:341). In 2002, Liben and Bigler’s study found that the attitudes of both female and male college students endorse these stereotypical occupations for themselves as well as others (DiDonato and Strough 2013). On average, “men were more likely than women to state that they would want to be an auto mechanic and that only men should be auto mechanics.Women were more likely than men to state that they would want to be a dental assistant and that only women should be dental assistants” (DiDonato and Strough 2013:538). When choosing a major, both men and women were consistent with these traditional gender stereotypes. Data sugessts that women make up 79% of education majors while men make up 82% of engineering majors
  • 5. Structured by Gender 4 (Corbett and Hill 2012). In all, this research suggests that gender stereotypes can often lead to self-fullfilling prophecies, ultimately sustaining and reinforcing occupational clustering and gender inequality in the work force. Occupational Clustering Within the United States, men and women typically remain clustered into particular occupations. For example, the majority of service occupations consist primarily of females. According to the United States Department of Labor (2013), there are 30 leading occupations that women are employeed in. A few of these include elementary and middle school teachers, where women make up 81% of the total employeed, secretaries and administrative assistants with 94%, registered nurses with 90%, health aids with 89%, receptionists with 92%, childcare workers with 95%, preschool and kindergarten teachers with 98%, and social workers, where 80% of the employeed being female. Men on the other hand, make up the majority of construction and engineering occupations. In relation to the percentage of women, men make up almost 99% of jobs that include being a metal worker, central heating installer, and car mechanic (CBS.nl 2004). This data suggests that gender stereotypes may play an important role in occupational clustering. The socialization of women to be more communal and caring pushes them to take on the more nurturing jobs. Whereas, for men, they are socialized to be more competent in mathematics, building and action, which pushes them towards occupations within construction. In spite of these trends, the division of labor has become less rigid and defined according to stereotypically female or male professions. Today, more women can be found in typically male dominated career fields; including pharmacology, editing, and insurance agencies (Marger 2014). Furthermore, the number of women in some of the more prestigious professions, such as
  • 6. Structured by Gender 5 medicine and law, have increased. According to the Department for Professional Employees, “in 2008, women accounted for 32.4% of all lawyers, 32.2% of all physicians and surgeons, and 68.8% of all psychologists” (2010). To some degree these percentages, as of 2012, have increased. The percentage of women in legal occupations is approximately 50% (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2014:35). From 32% it can be argued that this is a significant increase. In contrast, the percentage of female physicians and surgeons has increased slightly to 34.3% (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2014:36). This is similar for female psychologists, as the percentage has risen slightly from 68% to 72.7% (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2014:35). These trends illustrate, that although gender segregation still characterizes the labor force, changes are occurring. It is important to note that in addition to these trends of females becoming more integrated into typically male-dominated occupations, males are also becoming more involved in typically female-dominated occupations. Dewan and Gebeloff explain that “nationally, two- thirds more men were bank tellers, almost twice as many were receptionists and two-thirds more were waiting tables in 2010, than a decade later” (2012). In addition to these occupations, men’s representation in the nursing field has also increased. In 1970, only 2.7% of nurses were men, but by 2011 9.6% of nurses were male (U.S. Census Bureau 2013:2). It can be argued that this is a minor increase over a 31 year time span. However, it is still an increase of male participation in female occupations. Barrier Two: The Sex Gap in Pay Although the division of labor appears to be less defined, who receives the larger paycheck is still very distinct. Women still make relatively less money than men. On average, they make 23% less (Marger 2013:342).This inequality of pay can have tremendous deficits for women. In 2007, the Center for American Progress, found that over a 40-year period, female
  • 7. Structured by Gender 6 workers lose approximately $434,000 in wages due to this pay inequity (Arons 2008). With regards to this, it is important to look at the ranking of the U.S. and its level of inequality. According to the Department for Professional Employees,“out of 23 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, the United States has the seventh largest gender earnings gap. The gender wage gap in the U.S. is 21.6% well above the OECD average of 18.5%” (2010). Given this statistic, the wage gap can vary across countires. This is also true for the wage gap across occupations; yet, this lag in women’s pay is across almost every occupation, whether they are signified as predominately female or male occupationss. In short, equal pay remains a problem and its significance comes from the dramatic gap seen among various professions, both those stereotypically female occupations and stereotypically male. First, looking at service occupations, that are deemed to be “naturally” fitting for females, “women in professional and related occupations earned over 26% less than their male counterparts, while women in sales and office occupations earned 20% less than similarly employeed men” (Department for Professional Employees 2010). This trend is similar for other occupations; for example, female elementary or middle school teachers earned over 14% less than similarly employed men; female registered nurses, whom comprise the majority of the field, earn more than 5% less than those who were male; female physicians and surgeons earned 36% less than males in the same position; and female lawyers typically earn 25% less than lawyers who are male (U.S. Department of Labor 2010). These levels of pay inequality need to be recognized as a social problem. In spite of whatever occupation a woman holds, she continually makes less than her male coworker. To further explain why this problem exists it is necessary to look at the concepts of “glass ceilings”, “the mommy track” and “glass escalators.”
  • 8. Structured by Gender 7 Glass Ceilings and The Mommy Track In reference back to gender roles, it is traditionally seen as a female’s role to be the care taker and service provide. In addition, they have been given is this achieved status of motherhood. That is to say they are given the status of bearing children, taking care of them and working hard to be responsible mother. As a result of these stereotypes, a “glass ceiling” or rather an invisible limit has been placed on women’s opportunities for career advancements (Conley 2013:313). For example, if a young woman applies for a corporate manager position, there may be the assumption that she will have kids in the future. As she is identified with the stereotypical female role of motherhood, to some degree she is already sorted out from greater economic opportunities. She is perceived to potentially take what is called the “mommy track,” which dictionary.com defines as “a career path for women who are willing to forgo promotions, raises, etc. so as to spend more time with their children” (2014). Ultimately, as Stewart concludes, “young women …may find themselves caught between economic realities which increasingly demand that women work and norms which still advocate motherhood as the most ‘noble of professions’” (2003:8). When women face this dilemma they often choose jobs that allow them to work as well as be a mother. However, these part time jobs typically pay less and provide little skill development for an enhanced job in the future. As a result, women are at a further loss of opportunity to improve skills and wages (Marger 2013:345). Furthermore, within these part time jobs women are regarded as less committed (Harvard Law Review 1996). Glass Escalators A male on the other hand, is associated with working longer to provide for his family; therefore, if he was in that corporate position he would be more dedicated. Through socialization the perception of men has been to hold positions of authority, to be the primary breadwinner, and
  • 9. Structured by Gender 8 provide for his family. In addition, men haven’t been held to the same caretaking responsibilities as women. As a result, they tend to be penalized less for being a father and working overtime; whereas, women once again tend to be perceived as being a good worker, while also being a good mother. In the workforce, this can be seen through the concept of the “glass escalator”, which is the “promotional ride men take to the top of a work organization” (Conley 2013: 314). Men, in both stereotypically female occupations and male occupations, are perceived to hold positions of authority and status. In short, very little, if any social barriers, are placed in their way from quickly advancing up the management ladder. Who Cares? Overall, due to the socialization of female and male gender roles, advantages as well as disadvantages are set into place. First, women are given the ascribed status of motherhood, along with the responsibilities of caretaking, nurturing, housekeeping and serving. Their positions in the work force reflect these attributes, as they comprise the majority of service oriented occupations. Within these jobs women often receive a lower income, lower opportunity for career advancement, and little chance for skill development; in short they hit what’s called the “glass ceiling”. In addition, they are also faced with the conflict of work and being a good mother; which leads to the perception of women taking the “mommy track.” Employers view women as the primary caretakers of their children, and as a result the women they hire may be penalized for working too much. Yet, they may also be penalized for working too little, not being fully dedicated to their jobs. Men on the other hand, are encouraged to work more in order to fit the socially ascribed status of masculinity and fulfilling their role as a provider. This includes occupations that are seen as primarily male dominated or female dominated. In any case, within
  • 10. Structured by Gender 9 these occupations they are seen in positions of authority and given the promotional opportunities to place them in these positions; hence the concept of the “glass escalator.” Under such circumstances, women face two primary barriers: occupational segregation and the sex gap in pay. First, women have been encouraged to hold primarily service occupations because of their “natural” abilities at care taking. This has limited their opportunities to obtain higher paying occupations. In addition, within these service jobs, they have been set to balance their responsibilities at home and at work. Even then, women are often perceived to be less dedicated to their work than a man. As a consequence, women often face lower pay than their male counterparts who hold the same occupation; as well as little chance for moving up on the promotional ladder. In short, these socially ascribed gender roles that are place on men and women have promoted the patterns of social inequality as described above. Women in particular are at a disadvantage within the workforce as they face the gender roles or barriers of motherhood responsibilities and work. Whereas, men are lifted to positions of status and authority. In other words, as a result of socializing one another to these standards of gender a cyclical pattern of social inequality is established.
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