1.
In Our Own Words: The Production of National News at Black Entertainment Television
Isabelle Thenor­Louis
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for honors in the Department of Anthropology
at Brown University
May 2016
_____________________ ____________________
Sherine Hamdy, Ph.D. Sarah Besky, Ph.D.
Primary Reader Secondary Reader

2. 1
Introduction
In the spring of 2015, I secured an editorial internship with Black Entertainment
Television’s Digital Department. After a series of interviews, I was elated to find out that I had
been offered a position at such a monumental and influential company. Launched in 1980 by
Robert Johnson, BET has continuously thrived in the white­dominated media space by offering
specialized programming for the African­American community. Currently, BET reaches over 91 1
million households in the United States, Canada, the Caribbean, the United Kingdom, and
Sub­Saharan Africa. In its beginning stages, BET earned a reputation for low­budget 2
programming that seem amateur compared to mainstream television outlets. Yet, it was treasured
as the only television outlet owned and operated by black people and with that support it
continued to grow. But, with this sense of ownership, the black community did not shy away
from its criticisms of the network. In 2000, nearly 70% of the network’s programming was
music­related. BET quickly became known for the raunchy music videos played on its channel.
The popular comic strip, ​The Boondocks​, began to target BET through satirical material. Created
by Aaron McGruder, the comic strip never shied away from disparaging comments. One comic
strip included a picture of a black woman’s buttox in tight jean shorts. The comic read,
Hello and a hearty salute to Rob Johnson and BET, who recently proclaimed that
BET does more to serve the Black community each and every day than the
creator of this feature ­­ one “playa hatin” Aaron McGruder ­­ has done his entire
1
​Brett Pulley, The Billion Dollar BET: Robert Johnson and the Inside Story of Black Entertainment Television
(United States: John Wiley & Sons, 2005), 2.
2
“Viacom,” accessed April 28, 2016, http://origin.www.viacom.com/brands/pages/bet.aspx.

3. 2
life. In order to follow the fine example set by Mr. Johnson, we present to you,
the reader, in the spirit of Black uplift ­ a black woman’s gyrating rear end. 3
In 2001, a group of leaders from national black fraternities and sororities met with Johnson to
discuss their concerns about BET’s programming. This image surrounding BET has continued to
prevail more than ten years later. In 2012, Sheila Johnson, co­founder of the network, stated that
she believes that programming on BET perpetuates stereotypes. At the Carmel Art and Film
Festival, she revealed that her proudest moments of her career with BET was producing ​Teen
Summit, ​a news program that tackled issues such as teen pregnancy and violence. Yet, she now
believes that BET continues to perpetuate stereotypes about the black community by solely
focusing on music videos. In a 2010 interview with ​The Daily Beast​, she expressed a similar 4
position. She states:
​I don't watch it. I suggest to my kids that they don't watch it. When we started
BET, it was going to be the Ebony magazine on television. We had public affairs
programming. We had news... I had a show called Teen Summit, we had a large
variety of programming, but the problem is that then the video revolution started
up... And then something started happening, and I didn't like it at all. And I
remember during those days we would sit up and watch these videos and decide
which ones were going on and which ones were not. We got a lot of backlash
from recording artists...and we had to start showing them. I didn't like the way
women were being portrayed in these videos. 5
3
Brett Pulley, The Billion Dollar BET: Robert Johnson and the Inside Story of Black Entertainment Television
(United States: John Wiley & Sons, 2005).
4
“BET Co­Founder Says Network Reinforces Negative Stereotypes,” Colorlines, April 18, 2015, accessed April 28,
2016, http://www.colorlines.com/articles/bet­co­founder­says­network­reinforces­negative­stereotypes.
5
​“Sheila Johnson Slams BET,” The Daily Beast, April 29, 2010, accessed April 28, 2016,
http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2010/04/29/sheila­johnsons­fight­against­hiv­in­dc.html.

4. 3
Inspired by these perceptions, I intended to use my editorial internship to study the way in which
black masculinity was portrayed through journalistic writing in relation to the black woman.
Initially, I expected to find these same stereotypes perpetuated through BET’s journalistic
reporting, particularly concerning the Black Lives Matter movement. I predicted that more
stories concerning police brutality against black men would be amplified when compared to
black women. Yet, when I began my ethnographic research, my thesis was pointed in a
completely different direction. The BET Digital department provided a very intriguing and rare
opportunity to go beyond analyzing subjects of particular articles. Through this opportunity, I
was given the chance to analyze the journalistic labor that fuels this influential destination for
black national news. I was able to immerse myself in the conversations that surround an office of
solely black journalists reporting on black issues. As aforementioned, BET functions within a
white­dominated media realm. While major news websites, such as CBSnews.com and
NBCnews.com focus on a breadth of issues, BET.com is strictly dedicated to issues affecting the
African­American community, with black journalists at the helm. Thus, this internship provided
a unique opportunity to parse apart the inner workings of this department and amplify the value
of its much­needed perspective.
As an editorial intern, I was mainly responsible for summarizing breaking news stories
for BET.com. Erin, the national news editor, would email me about three to four articles each
day. Once I was finished summarizing each story, I would email the story back to her for
additional editing. Once the editing process was complete, the story would appear on BET.com
on the same day. I was also responsible for updating the​ In Case You Missed It​ flipbook. In order
to update the flipbook, I would pick ten articles concerning the black community and send them

5. 4
to Erin for approval. Once they were approved, I would write a short caption summarizing the
article. This caption was placed under a larger picture pertaining to the topic of the article. While
a majority of the “stand­alone” articles pertained to police brutality, the flipbook had a more
diverse set of topics. Some of these topics included health, politics, science, and business. Often,
it was hard to juggle the needs of my fieldwork with my position as an intern. As an intern, I was
often required to sit at my laptop for a majority of the day. Most of the other journalists often ate
lunch at their desks as well. Thus, if I needed to jot down a note about a conversation, I had run
to the bathroom. This happened often as conversation flowed freely throughout the office. Thus,
it was a bit difficult for me to focus on writing my articles as well as create notes for my
research. Yet, as the weeks passed, I became more comfortable with juggling both tasks. When I
returned home, I would review my notes for the day and write down a summary of what occurred
in the office. After my internship ended, I conducted phone interviews with Erin as well as
Natelege, another journalist on the BET Digital staff. The documentation of these observations
proved to be extremely helpful. Ultimately, I was able to pinpoint particular themes that
ultimately helped me to frame research into three specific foundations.
In the first chapter,​ ​“Oppression as Blackness,” I study the ways in which journalists at
BET utilize their writing to define what it means to be a black individual in America. The
question of ‘blackness’ was an especially pertinent inquiry during my two months with BET.
During the summer of 2015, there were multiple events that caused pain and trauma within the
black community, such as the Rachel Dolezal case, the McKinney Pool incident, Sandra Bland’s
death, and the Charleston Church shooting. Working in the journalistic realm, these events
seemed to occur one after another in addition to daily police brutality cases. Through analyzing

6. 5
conversations, articles on BET.com, and interviews, it was evident that blackness was
inevidently defined by the oppressive nature of our racist society. Ultimately, these journalists
would use this definition to draw a line between “black” and “non­black” within their writing.
This act was especially powerful concerning cases in which white individuals were co­opting
black culture. In all, these journalists used their role as storytellers to ensure that the systemic
racism experienced by the black community was never overlooked. In my second chapter, this
role is taken a step further, as these journalists amplify the ways in which the black community
overlooks its own perpetuation of oppression upon queer black individuals. Ultimately, the act of
identifying different black experiences was common within the BET Digital department
A majority of the BET journalists attended a historically black college or university. The
three journalists mentioned in my thesis, Erin, Natelege, and George, all attended Howard
University. Nicknamed “The Mecca,” Howard University has an enrollment of 11,000 students.
This is the largest gathering of black scholars in the world. As a student attending an Ivy League 6
institution, I had a very different experience that was often highlighted by the other journalists.
In many cases, I was seen as the “other” who attended classes with mostly white students. In one
case, George jokingly inquired as to how I “deal with all the white people.” Thus, I was often
unable to speak on issues concerning the “HBCU” experience. In addition, I was also labeled as
a Haitian­American as soon as I revealed that my parents were of Haitian descent. This identity
often surfaced when the office discussed different cultures within blackness. The BET Digital
office had journalists that identified as Caribbean­American, African­American, and
Afro­Latinx. Thus, when discussions surrounding topics such as food and slang emerged, I found
6
​“Howard University,” 2014, accessed April 28, 2016, https://www2.howard.edu/about/history.

7. 6
myself distanced from the African­American experience. I could only speak on the similarities
between Caribbean and Latinx culture, as those were the most familiar to me. Although our
different experiences were highlighted, it was never assumed that one culture was “less
oppressed” than another. Conversations in the office constantly uplifted and affirmed our black
experiences despite our differing identities.
In my second chapter, “Within Blackness: Amplification of the LGBTQ Struggle,” I
highlight the ways in which BET journalists also highlight injustices experienced by those who
identify as black and queer. Homophobia and transphobia permeates throughout our American
society, which was founded upon heterosexist norms and policies. Thus, it should be noted that
homophobia and transphobia does not exist solely in the black community. Yet, it has been
shown that black voters as a whole tend to vote against policies that will extend rights to LGBTQ
individuals. In addition, narratives from black queer individuals have noted the troubling 7
relationship between the black church and the black community. Moreover, these individuals
have often felt the need to choose between their Christian and queer communities. In an 8
interview with BET journalist Natelege, I inquired as to whether there were more issues that she
felt black news organizations should cover with more emphasis. She stated:
I know Clay Cane at BET.com did an amazing documentary called ​Holler If You
Hear Me​ ­ it talks about the effect the black church has on the LGBTQ
community. He uses all these people that have ties to the black church. It was so
interesting to see the different dynamics. Like, some people are still in the
churches that the pastor knew and was okay with it but would never publicize it.
You have some that were like ‘my family does not accept it.’ I really appreciated
7
​“The Historic Roots of Homophobia in Black America,” May 21, 2012, accessed April 28, 2016,
http://thegrio.com/2012/05/21/the­historic­roots­of­homophobia­in­black­america/.
8
​“Blacks, Gays and the Church: A Complex Relationship,” National Public Radio, May 22, 2012, accessed April
28, 2016, http://www.npr.org/2012/05/22/153282066/blacks­gays­and­the­church­a­complex­relationship

8. 7
it. I wished we saw more stuff challenging how we do things and some of the
stuff that we do that is harming us. 9
By examining additional articles published on BET.com, I argue that BET journalists also use
their writing to restructure the relationship between blackness and oppression. Although the
relationship between blackness and oppression is often perceived as solely an issue of race, these
journalists define oppression as an act against black queer identities as well. With this expansion
of the meaning of oppression, these journalists amplify this intersectionalities of racial identity.
In my third chapter, “Emotions as Fact: Challenging the Neutral Stance,” I contend that
the emotional toll involved with reporting on black issues as a black individual enhances the
quality of the work found on BET.com.The emotional toll placed upon these journalists was
most evident in times of extreme trauma, such as the Charleston Shooting and the death of
Sandra Bland. In many cases, these journalists were forced to report on these events despite the
fact that they were mourning the lives lost in these tragedies. Yet, these journalists often used
their emotions as a tool to amplify the marginalized voices in the black community and validated
its pain. This was accomplished through letting these feelings of trauma exist in their own
writing.
Furthermore, through this research, it quickly became evident that BET.com serves a
integral purpose in the realm of media. Although there are particular stereotypes associated with
Black Entertainment Television, these grievances should never overshadow the work
accomplished by the journalists on staff. In all, this news source serves as a rare entity dedicated
9
​Natelege Whaley (BET journalist) in phone interview with author, November 2015.

9. 8
solely to the black community. Currently, we are at a pivotal moment in civil rights history.
Thus, news organizations similar BET.com need to be studied further in order to preserve, uplift,
and amplify the African­American community and its pressing issues.

10. 9
Chapter 1
Oppression as Blackness
The Manhattan­bound 7 train slowly pulls into the Time Square. I place my headphones
in my ears and hurry to pick up my bag from the floor of the subway. Pushing past tourists,
Spidermen, and businessmen, I race down 7th Avenue and make a sharp left onto 45th Street.
With a few minutes to spare, I grab the elevator and press the button to the 27th floor. As the
elevators pull open, I scan my ID and walk past the many cubicles that span the office space. I
reach the BET Digital section and place my things at the middle table, which is surrounded by
four other cubicles. The middle table serves as an unofficial space for the interns. I am greeted
by Marissa who is interning for BET Digital as well. A senior at Syracuse University, Marissa is
studying Communications and is an editorial for the music portion of BET.com. We begin to talk
about our weekends until we are given tasks to complete. My editor, Erin, walks into the office
space and greets Marissa and I . She mentions that she has emailed me a link to an article that
she would like me to recap for the website. Marissa mentions that she has recently read about a
current heat wave taking place in Pakistan. Marissa continues to inform Erin and me of the rising
death toll due to the weather. Intrigued, I turn to Erin and ask if I could write a piece about the
event. She turns around in her office chair and shoots me a look. She responds with a chuckle
and responds quickly with a “No.” Embarrassed, I turn back to my computer and continue to
work on the article that Erin has assigned me.
This story, about a young writer’s first rejected pitch also conveys the presence and
importance of boundary work as a journalist working for Black Entertainment Television.

11. 10
“Boundary work” refers to the strategies that people enact to cultivate differences between
groups, and to clearly delimit the borders of inclusion and exclusion. Studies surrounding the 10
topic of boundary work and race are fairly common within the research realm. Yet, there is a
lack of institutional knowledge regarding the construction of identity within the journalistic
space. This scholarly knowledge is incredibly vital to the survival of imaginary journalistic
spaces. This is especially needed when the journalistic space is dedicated to a particular minority
group, such as BET.com. In addition, it should also be noted that these journalists hold extreme
power in defining “blackness” for followers who consume “black” entertainment yet identify as
non­black. Thus, the journalistic work published on BET.com has the potential ability to
dismantle or play up particular stereotypes or assumptions about the black community. With all
of these factors at stake, it is imperative that we study how these realms function and how they
are maintained.
In a study conducted by Dr. Kristine Ajrouch, researchers mapped the boundary work
conducted by second­generation Arab­American adolescents. More specifically, this work
examines identity formation among this group when discussing the tenets of immigrant culture
and “white” society. When comparing these realms, harsh lines are drawn by the teenage 11
participants in an attempt separate the two cultures. Moreover, through this process of boundary
work, we gain more insight into how racial categories are defined by a specific minority group.
This is antithetical to the more common practice of a majority group defining a minority group.
This is where the power within the research lies. Through interviewing these adolescents, the
10
​C. Essers and Y. Benschop, “Muslim Businesswomen Doing Boundary Work: The Negotiation of Islam, Gender
and Ethnicity Within Entrepreneurial Contexts,” ​Human Relations​ 62, no. 3 (March 1, 2009),
doi:10.1177/0018726708101042.
11
​Kristine J. Ajrouch, “Gender, Race, and Symbolic Boundaries: Contested Spaces of Identity Among Arab
American Adolescents,” ​Sociological Perspectives​ 47, no. 4 (December 2004), doi:10.1525/sop.2004.47.4.371.

12. 11
minority group is given the power to pushback and separate itself from the dominant culture
rather than being forced to assimilate. Overall, it is this distinct feature that relates closely to the
identity formation process portrayed by BET journalists. Thus, through this chapter, I hope to
convey how this boundary work operates and why it functions as an important and powerful tool
within this journalistic realm. In my exchange with Erin, we see the process of boundary work in
action. The struggles of the Pakistani people are deemed inappropriate for BET.com as a
majority of the articles and videos dedicated to national news coverage pertain strictly to “black
issues.” During my two months at BET, the operation of boundary work occurred in many
forms. This was also apparent when examining the case of Rachel Dolezal in relation to the
journalistic work of Black Entertainment Television.
In early June, Rachel Dolezal, a woman from Spokane, Washington, was outed by her
parents as a white woman. Before her parents’ announcement, Dolezal publicly identified as a
black woman and served as the president of Spokane’s NAACP chapter. Troubled by what the
pair saw as a scandalous lie, her parents revealed that Dolezal was of German and Czech descent.
The story immediately went viral as the media ignited a national debate about the black 12
experience in America. Despite pushback from many in the black community, Dolezal has
continued to insist that she identifies as a black woman even though she has admitted that she is
not African­American. A graduate of a historical black university, Dolezal also served as a
12
​Associated Newspapers Ltd, “Rachel Dolezal’s Parents Speak out about Her Ethnicity ‘lies’ | Daily Mail Online,”
Daily Mail​ (Daily Mail), n.d.,
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/video/news/video­1191520/Rachel­Dolezals­parents­speak­ethnicity­lies.html.

13. 12
professor of African­American studies at Eastern Washington University. In an interview with 13
Vanity Fair​, Dolezal stated:
It’s taken my entire life to negotiate how to identify, and I’ve done a lot of
research and a lot of studying.” I could have a long conversation, an academic
conversation about that. I don’t know. I just feel like I didn’t mislead anybody; I
didn’t deceive anybody. If people feel misled or deceived, then sorry that they
feel that way, but I believe that’s more due to their definition and construct of race
in their own minds than it is to my integrity or honesty, because I wouldn’t say
I’m African American, but I ​would​ say I’m black, and there’s a difference in those
terms. 14
During this debate, the BET National News team displayed fierce acts of boundary work to
pushback against what they saw as a white person co­opting the black experience for her own
gain. Ashley, a middle­aged black woman who worked in Ad Sales at BET, stated that Rachel
Dolezal reminded her of “the one white student in college who was down for the cause and
thought they understood the struggle.” She continued to comment on Dolezal’s actions with
skepticism explaining that these same students could never comprehend the challenges of the
black community. In response to the conversation, George, my supervisor and editorial assistant,
began to appear tense. He hunched his shoulders over his desk. He quickly opened his Facebook
profile and typed out a status: “TRANSRACIAL IS NOT A THING.” In sociology research,
transracial is traditionally used in relation to the adoption process. Specifically, transracial
adoption is defined as “the joining of racially different parents and children together in adoptive
13
​ ​Rachel Dolezal’s True Lies,” Vanity Fair, July 19, 2015, accessed April 28, 2016,
http://www.vanityfair.com/news/2015/07/rachel­dolezal­new­interview­pictures­exclusive.
14
​Rachel Dolezal’s True Lies,” Vanity Fair, July 19, 2015, accessed April 28, 2016,
http://www.vanityfair.com/news/2015/07/rachel­dolezal­new­interview­pictures­exclusive.

14. 13
families.” Yet, during the national debate regarding Dolezal, articles supporting Dolezal’s 15
“transracial” identity began to surface. Moreover, ​Dolezal's self presentation to the media echoed
the narrative of transgender individuals as "born into the wrong body.” This occurred at a time 16
when transgender issues had been actively and increasingly taken up by the mainstream U.S.
news circuit. ​In this case, the definition was conflated with the term “transgender,” suggesting
that Dolezal felt that she was “born into the wrong race.” Through George and Ashley’s
reactions, we witness the formation of a protective line to mark the essence of blackness. In
Ashley’s comment, she alludes to the fact that Dolezal could not be black because she has not
fully experienced “the struggle.” According to Ashley, blackness is inherently connected to
being historically oppressed. By equating “the struggle” to blackness, Ashley participates in
identity formation. As a black woman, she equates blackness to a burdensome experience due to
racial prejudice. Thus, it should be noted that Ashley’s definition of blackness operates outside
of self­identification. It does not rely on racialized body experience. Rather, it focuses heavily on
life experience. George creates a similar definition of the black experience. By denying the
existence of the “transracial” identity, he implies that blackness is not analogous to gender
identity in this situation. In fact, through this denial, George emphasizes that the black
experience has little do with self­identification and self­expression associated with gender
identity. Dissimilar to the transgender individual, a black person often does not have the ability
or agency to self­identify or self­express a different race if they so choose. Gender is ​internal
perception while race is ​imposed​ upon one by society.
15
​Richard M. Lee, “The Transracial Adoption Paradox: History, Research, and Counseling Implications of Cultural
Socialization,” ​The Counseling Psychologist​ 31, no. 6 (November 1, 2003), doi:10.1177/0011000003258087.
16
​“Is ‘Transracial’ Identity Real? 11 Opinions That Will Leave You Thinking,” June 15, 2015, accessed April 29,
2016, http://www.essence.com/2015/06/15/rachel­dolezal­transracial­identity­opinions.

15. 14
Whereas Ashley and George focus on life experience, Natelege, a national news
journalist, focuses on physical features associated with blackness. While discussing the Rachel
Dolezal case, Natelege pulled up pictures of Dolezal to share with those in the office space. As
she stared at the picture, she began to comment on Dolezal’s hair. She stated that one of
Dolezal’s hairstyles “has to be a wig.” Natalege made a similar comment about the long braid
extensions Dolezal was wearing in an additional picture. These comments continue to draw a
tighter and more “ physical” boundary around the essence of blackness. In other words, we see a
further materialization of the black experience through a discussion of hair texture. With
Natelege’s comment, she expresses that blackness is particularly related to ​natural ​hair texture.
This is an extremely important caveat. As Dr. Cheryl Thompson eloquently describes in her
research, ​Black Women, Beauty, and Hair as a Matter of Being​, the relationship between
blackness and hair styling is a complicated one. She states:
For the vast majority of Black women, hair is not just hair; it contains emotive
qualities that are linked to one’s lived experience. The crux of the Black hair
issue centers on three oppositional binaries—the natural/unnatural Black,
good/bad hair, and the authentic/inauthentic Black. On the one hand, scholars in
the Caribbean, Britain, and the United States speak of the importance given to
the dominant beauty paradigm, which privileges white/light skin, straight hair
and what are seen to be European facial features. 17
Through this quote, it is evident that natural hair has a highly politicized history. Even in
contemporary times, it operates in opposition to more European features, as black women have
even been fired over wearing natural hairstyles such as braids and twists. Ultimately, praise 18
towards European features has been institutionalized through centuries unequal racial power.
17
​Cheryl Thompson, “Black Women, Beauty, and Hair as a Matter of Being,” ​Women’s Studies​ 38, no. 8 (October
15, 2009), doi:10.1080/00497870903238463
18
​Thompson, 836.

16. 15
Thus, any feature deviating from this standard is automatically seen as abnormal and inferior.
Research conducted by Dr. Cheryl Thompson in her work explores this history in depth. Before
the Transatlantic Slave Trade, black hair was associated with cultural and spiritual meaning.
Styles such as twists, braids, Zulu knots, Nubian knots and dreadlocks are commonly worn
today. These styles originated from celebrated African culture during this period. Yet, the
relationship between the blackness and hair was transformed once the slave trade began. Forced
to work in the fields, slaves no longer had the time or the resources to manage their hair as they
once did. Those slaves that worked inside the plantation house were forced to assimilate to styles
of upper class white men. These men would often wear wigs and thus forced their slaves to do
the same. Eventually, African hair was deemed unattractive and inappropriate by Europeans who
often defined African tresses as “wool.” By associating African features with the lowly position
of a slave, a social hierarchy began to take place. Unfortunately, this social hierarchy still exists
today. Many black women are born with natural hair that they are forced to straighten in order to
assimilate into society. In 2007, a Black woman in West Virginia was fired from her job at a
prison for wearing braids, which was deemed to be inappropriate —even by penal standards. 19
Thus, by considering the effects of this history upon the black community, we are given insight
as to why Dolezal’s choice to wear a wig places her outside of the realm of blackness according
to Natelege. Firstly, as a white woman, she already holds enormous privilege due to her lighter
skin that is considered more classically beautiful. This is an advantage that is often not afforded
to black women. In addition, Dolezal is able to ​choose ​to wear her hair in natural hairstyles
whereas a black woman is born with kinks and curls already rejected by society. Therefore,
19
Thompson, 836.

17. 16
because Dolezal seems to use the natural hair look as a tool, Natalege invalidates her connection
her supposed “blackness.” Her choice to don a curlier hair pattern belies the ways in which black
women have struggled against oppression associated with hair texture.
Through these examples of commentary, we see journalists place a stark divide between
the “transracial” experience and the black experience. Particularly, there is a common theme that
relates blackness to a lived experience of maltreatment. But, more importantly, there is also a
sense of fate in relation to blackness. Through the boundary work processed by Ashley,
Natalege, and George, it is evident that a “true” black person does not ​choose ​to enter an
oppressive and racist society. They are born into it. This is why, according to Ashley,, a white
person will never “understand the struggle.” This is why, according to George, ​feeling​ black is
very different than ​being​ black. This is why, according to Natelege, natural hair cannot be
“worn” as a costume. Overall, Dolezal proves that she is indeed white because she actively
chooses to be oppressed. According to the sentiments of these black individuals, a black person
would never choose to be oppressed if given the choice. Yet, the most important element of the
Rachel Dolezal case is its ability to underscore the process of boundary work within journalistic
works. Eventually, the identity formation witnessed here trickles into articles posted on
BET.com and a strict definition of blackness is able to counter Dolezal’s distorted interpretation
of the black experience. Following the controversy, Natelege published a series of articles
regarding Rachel Dolezal on BET.com. In many of these articles, the tone within the article
correlates to the boundary work established within the office space. The title reads, “NAACP
Leader Rachel Dolezal Is Pretending To Be Black, Parents Say,” while the subtitle reads, “We
want answers.” In the subtitle, one can already hear an air of skepticism in Natelege’s

18. 17
journalistic tone . Through this subtitle, it is implied that Dolezal’s identification as “black” is 20
illogical and is in need of urgent clarification. The tone of skepticism becomes more apparent as
Natelege chooses to report on a botched interview with local Spokane, Washington news and
radio station, KXLY. In this video, Dolezal is confronted about her race. After being asked if 21
she is African­American, Dolezal is seen shifting her eyes away from the reporter and stating
that she “does not understand the question.” Next, Natelege tackles the “transracial” argument
and declares that although Dolezal “may be white she went at great lengths to live as a Black
person and to occupy prominent Black spaces.” By choosing the word, “occupy” Natelege
creates a mental picture of a white woman overtaking a black space. This relates greatly to the
infiltration of Dolezal into the bounded Black space as defined by BET employees. Continuing
on, she focuses on the controversial hairstyles worn by Dolezal. She writes,
According to her bio, her work in the African Diaspora has focused specifically
on the Black woman's image. Here is a YouTube video of her in February 2015,
giving a "Black Is Beautiful" lecture on modern Afro­centric hairstyles and
apparel. And if anyone has been studying the aesthetics of Black people, it's
Dolezal. In the news interview, Dolezal is wearing a curly 'fro with a texture that
could easily pass as a Black woman's hair texture. Other photos show her wearing
long blond micro braids, twisted and wrapped up into elaborate styles. Several
tweets have surfaced comparing photos of Dolezal as a young woman to her in the
present and the difference is astounding. 2223
20
​“NAACP Leader Rachel Dolezal Is Pretending to Be Black, Parents Say,” BET.com, June 12, 2015, accessed
April 28, 2016,
http://www.bet.com/news/national/2015/06/12/naacp­leader­rachel­dolezal­is­pretending­to­be­black­parents­say.ht
ml.
21
​KXLY, “Raw Interview with Rachel Dolezal,” ​YouTube​, June 11, 2015, posted April 28, 2016,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oKRj_h7vmMM.
22
“NAACP Leader Rachel Dolezal Is Pretending to Be Black, Parents Say,” BET.com, June 12, 2015, accessed April
28, 2016,
http://www.bet.com/news/national/2015/06/12/naacp­leader­rachel­dolezal­is­pretending­to­be­black­parents­say.ht
ml.
23
ORVILLE FARTWELL, “EWU PROFESSOR RACHEL DOLEZAL BLACK IS BEAUTIFUL LECTURE &
HAIR SHOW,” ​YouTube​, February 17, 2015, posted April 28, 2016,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2y2OGNyArg&app=desktop

19. 18
In this paragraph, we see a direct mirroring of Natelege's boundary work and her journalistic
voice. As she previously described, Dolezal’s choice to wear Afro­centric hairstyles is simply a
mask. She emphasizes this point in this article by linking Dolezal’s “black” aesthetic to her
academic work. In other words, Dolezal is only understands the black experience on a scholarly
basis, but not in the sense of lived experience. Finally, Natalege curtly ends her article stating
“​Rachel Dolezal, we need answers. Real ones.” Recently, Dolezal has returned back to the
headlines after it was discovered that she would name her unborn son after the infamous black
poet, Langston Hughes. The title of the article covering the story reads, “So Rachel Dolezal Will
Name Her Son After A Black Icon” while the subtitle reads, “The race faker just won’t quit.” 24
Immediately, we see that BET remains steadfast in its stance that Rachel Dolezal is not a black
woman in contrast to other media outlets.
The topic of natural hair was not only confined to the Dolezal controversy, but emerged
in many other discussions within the office. Building on elements of the “Black is Beautiful”
movement of the 1960s and 1970s, many journalists within the BET Digital department spend a
significant amount of time linking black pride with unaltered, “natural” hair. This is evident
when examining a comment made by George. One morning, I noticed George repeatedly running
his hands through his hair. His hair, which is normally styled in a tightly curled afro, had a much
larger and more defined curl pattern than usual. Next, George began to comment on his new
hairstyle. He explained that he decided to twist his hair before he went to sleep. He then laughed
and stated that he felt like a “negro” this morning. He began to sing the word “negro” out loud as
24
​So Rachel Dolezal Will Name Her Son After a Black Icon,” BET.com, December 9, 2015, accessed April 28,
2016, http://www.bet.com/news/celebrities/2015/12/09/so­rachel­dolezal­will­name­her­son­after­a­black­icon.html.

20. 19
he got up from his desk. Listening to George, Erin laughed and complimented him on his
hairstyle. Although the term “negro” refers to an era of more overt racism and segregation, we
can see through George’s behavior that the term “negro” is being used in a positive sense.
Ultimately, his natural hair is a tool used to elevate his sense of black pride. Yet, George does
not simply associate natural hair with blackness, as he exhibits multiple attempts to protect it
against actions of a white, dominant society. This is seen in daily conversation as well as within
his journalistic voice.
In early July, white socialite Kylie Jenner posted a picture of herself in cornrows on the
popular photo app, Instagram. The caption, an allusion to Beyonce’s song ​Flawless​, read “I woke
up like disss.” The photo was used to promote Jenner’s new wig line. Soon after the picture 25
was posted, African­American actress Amandla Stenberg commented, “When u appropriate
black features and culture but fail to use ur position of power to help black Americans by
directing attention towards ur wigs instead of police brutality or racism #whitegirlsdoitbetter.”
The conversation immediately became one of the dominant topics of the day within the office.
George finds a post on Facebook made by his cousin explaining the importance of Amandla’s
argument. He states how proud he is of his cousin for posting her opinion on the issue. Yet, as
soon as he finishes reading his cousin’s status, another person comments and states that he
disagrees with Amandla’s argument. The dissenter states that we should also think about the way
in which black women straighten their hair. He argues this act of straightening is equivalent to
white women wearing cornrows. George starts to get irritated and states that he is about to “go
25
​“Kylie Jenner and Hunger Games Actress Amandla Stenberg Get into Feud,” ​Daily Mail​ (Daily Mail), July 13,
2015,
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/article­3158410/Kylie­Jenner­Hunger­Games­actress­Amandla­Stenberg­bitt
er­online­feud­reality­star­s­cornrows.html​.

21. 20
off” on this person. He speaks his argument aloud before he starts to write his response. He states
that black women were taught to hate themselves for centuries. He also states that black women
are always placed as the opposite of European standards. After posting his response, he begins to
laugh as he realizes that his cousin had already posted a similar rebuttal. Here, we see George
protect or “bound” the politics of natural hair against the infiltration of white dominance. By
affirming his cousin’s support of Amandla’s argument, George exhibits dissent against the
wrongful appropriation of cornrows, a traditionally African­American hairstyle. Yet, when he is
challenged, George takes this belief one step further. He refuses to let the commenter place the
black and white experience on the same plane. Although the dissenter argues that the act of black
women straightening their hair is equally “racist,” George is quick to disprove this point. He
places the natural hair experience within its own unique and politicized space by mentioning the
historical pressure to assimilate to European beauty standards. Moreover, he draws attention to
the context of unequal institutionalized power and privilege. Thus, we see a distinct border being
drawn between the experiences of Jenner and Sternberg.
According to George, the act of appropriation cannot be analyzed without attention to a
historic institutionalized power structure. As Amandla points out, a white woman wearing
cornrows is an appropriation of black culture. Ultimately, this is wrongful because this act erases
black contributions and perpetuates black marginalization and oppression. Yet, black women
often straighten their hair in order to adhere to norms that are institutionally and historically
reified as the standard. Moreover, George emphasizes that “borrowing”, “appropriating”, and
“adhering” cannot be compared on the same plane when discussing race. This is because
direction and power matter enormously. Thus, concerning boundary work, the maintaining of the

22. 21
‘black’ boundary is one that continues to acknowledge black oppression as this oppression is
consistently invisibilized, normalized, and silenced. Similar to Natelege’s articles, we see that
George’s act of boundary work concerning natural hair trickles into his journalistic work. During
this same time frame, George is assigned to write a story about a black softball player who was
verbally abused by her high school coach. According to reports, Brenda Jacobson, a white coach,
described one of the black players’ hair is “nappy and nasty” in addition to other
racially­charged comments. ​Evidently, Jacobson’s actions are in line with the denigration of
black natural hair styles that the black pride movement has tried to refute. ​The title of George’s
article, “​Texas Softball Coach Tells Black Player Her Hair Is 'Nasty and Nappy',” immediately
conveys the inappropriate behavior of the coach. The subtitle of the article reads: Brenda
Jacobson gets slap on the wrist for her comments. In this subtitle, we see that George thinks 26
that the coach was not held accountable in a way proportionate to the harm inflicted on the
student.This tone continues throughout the article. He ends his introductory paragraph by
underscoring the fact that this coach was placed on administrative leave for “less than an average
work day.” He also strategically places quotations around particular words to highlight the ways
this racist act was dismissed by the institution in which it took place. One sentence reads: Joe
Cammarata, the associate superintendent for staff and services, claims the incident was a case of
“​bad judgment​,” not racism. Another sentence reads: Although parents of affected students have
called for Jacobson’s resignation, the Texas school district appears to be firm in their stance
claiming the situation has been “​thoroughly investigated​,” and appropriate action has been taken.
26
​“Texas Softball Coach Tells Black Player Her Hair Is ‘nasty and Nappy,’” July 14, 2015, accessed April 28, 2016,
http://www.bet.com/news/national/2015/07/14/texas­softball­coach­tells­black­player­her­hair­is­nasty­and­nappy.h
tml.

23. 22
​Although this article is relatively short, George’s journalistic voice is very clear and apparent
lines are drawn. By covering articles that expose racism and anti­blackness, George draws a
boundary between the reality of social inequity and a society where racism is normalized. In this
story, we see Jacobson focus solely on African­American hair and difference. Ultimately, she
uses this physical difference as a tool to perpetuate social inequality by calling the student’s curls
“nappy and nasty.” Thereafter, the school dismisses this action. As we see in the aforementioned
examples, George uses his journalistic voice to address this action as unacceptable. Therefore,
similar to Natelege’s journalistic voice, George uses his power as a writer to protect the realm of
blackness from understated acts of racism. Ultimately, this process of boundary work maintains a
defined imaginary black space within a predominantly white industry. This process of identity
formation is extremely important as it creates a power shift. Through these multiple case studies,
we have seen attempts by dominant white culture to co­opt and denigrate blackness. Yet, through
the protective nature of BET journalists, these acts are deemed unacceptable and are refuted.

24. 23
Chapter Two
Within Blackness: Amplification of the LGBTQ Struggle
In the previous chapter, I focused on the ways oppression is central to defining the
boundary lines of the black experience. Ultimately, articles on BET.com attempt to respond to
this normalized racial oppression by exposing acts of anti­blackness within our society. In
addition, journalists counter these acts by amplifying a prideful and positive perspective of
blackness within their journalistic voices. As previously mentioned, identity work can be defined
as “being engaged in forming, repairing, maintaining, strengthening, or revising the
constructions that are productive of a sense of coherence and distinctiveness.” Because BET 27
journalists respond to oppression when drawing boundary lines of blackness, we also see an
expansion of the black identity to changing social norms and circumstances. Moreover, there are
taboo practices that journalists at BET attempt to bring into the bounded lines of blackness to
reduce oppressive acts. This is especially evident concerning heterosexism and transphobia in the
black community. As aforementioned, Dr. Kristine J. Ajrouch examines boundary work founded
by Arab adolescents in relation to their religion within her study ​Gender Race, and Symbolic
Boundaries: Contested Spaces of Identity Among Arab Americans. ​During one of her focus
group interviews, one of the adolescents named Hanan interrogates the double standard that Arab
27
​C. Essers and Y. Benschop, “Muslim Businesswomen Doing Boundary Work: The Negotiation of Islam, Gender
and Ethnicity Within Entrepreneurial Contexts,” ​Human Relations​ 62, no. 3 (March 1, 2009),
doi:10.1177/0018726708101042.

25. 24
culture places upon girls in terms of sexual relationships. This conversation provides a prime 28
example of an individual attempting to shift boundary lines and reform identity. Hanan states:
You know what, I talk to guys, I’m going to say the truth. I talk to guys, and I do
flirt with guys. Don’t show my dad that (laughs) but I flirt with them, you know
when we’re playing around. But I don’t do anything that I think is a rat, you
know? And I don’t care. I’m going to change womanhood. I’m going to let girls
be able to do whatever they want, and not be talked about. 29
Through this quote, we see Hanan attempting to re­define what is acceptable behavior for young
women within Arab culture. In this case, the boundary line is being redefined to include women
within the realm of sexuality. A similar process of reforming of blackness can be seen when
discussing the LGBTQ identity within the BET Digital office. On June 26, 2015, the U.S.
Supreme Court ruled that same sex marriages were now legal across the United States. In the 5­4
decision in Obergefell v. Hodges case, same­sex marriage was upheld due to the Due Process
Clause as well as the Equal Protection Clause under the Fourteenth Amendment. Both the Due 30
Process Clause and the Equal Protection Clause of Fourteenth Amendment forbid the U.S
government from “discriminating invidiously against some of its citizens” and “assures that the
US government provides fair procedures.” On the day same­sex marriages were declared legal, 31
I walked into the office and sat down at my desk. I opened my laptop and began to read various
28
Essers and Benschop, 384­385.
29
Essers and Benschop, 384­385.
30
​“Obergefell V. Hodges,” Oyez, accessed April 28, 2016, https://www.oyez.org/cases/2014/14­556.
31
​“Obergefell V. Hodges.” ​Oyez, accessed April 28, 2016, https://www.oyez.org/cases/2014/14­556.

26. 25
articles concerning the legalization. A few moments later, George and Natelege arrive and begin
to talk about the news while they scroll through their Facebook updates. George excitedly
exclaims that he can’t believe that this legalization occurred. Natelege swivels her chair towards
George’s desk and begins to talk about the comments people are writing in the newsfeed of her
Facebook. She states that these people need to be defriended due to their ignorant comments.
George agrees and proceeds to read a comment from his own Facebook. The comment declares
that the world is “coming to the end of times” and that the world is “turning to Sodom and
Gomorrah.” Natelege and George begin to talk about how “the hood” can be such a “closed
place.” Then, George mentions that many people fail to realize that there are LGBTQ identifying
individuals within “the hood” as well. George expresses his annoyance with his friends who have
argued that the U.S. Supreme Court should also legalize “being black.” This comment is in
reference to the constant state of oppression black communities experience within America. This
comment also serves to place oppression experienced by the LGBTQ community outside of the
realm of blackness. Again, George emphasizes that fact that there are black individuals that are
oppressed through racism ​and ​heterosexism. Thus, black LGBTQ individuals should be able to
“celebrate for one day” and “get back to fighting the good fight tomorrow.” The LGBTQ
experience still stands as a highly controversial issue within the black community. This is
particularly evident within the relationship between sexual orientation and the teachings of the
black church. For example, many famous black church pastors and gospel singers have
expressed their relation of homosexuality to sin. In her popular gospel song, ​Break Every Chain​,
minister and singer Tasha Cobbs instructs her listeners to “come against the spirit of

27. 26
homosexuality.” Grammy award­winning gospel singer ​Erica Campbell made a controversial 32
comment about transgender individuals when asked about their relationship with Christianity.
She stated:
I think a lot of times we try to be God. We try to make the change. Everybody has
an issue. Sometimes people’s [issue] is a little more flamboyant than others.
Maybe yours is lying and we can’t see your issue. We all have something to work
on…My job is to love, not to judge. 33
As a whole, black voters have also voted against same­sex marriages in defining political
moments. In 2012, North Carolina residents voted to define marriage as solely between a man
and a woman. Amendment 1 was passed with 61% of voters affirming this addition to the North
Carolina constitution. During this process, black voters voted for Amendment 1 by a 2­1 34
margin. A similar picture appeared in 2008 when California passed anti­gay marriage
Proposition 8. During this process, 70% percent of blacks voted in favor of the bill compared to
53 percent of Latinos, 49 percent of whites and 49 percent of Asians. Although opinions of 35
same sex marriage have softened, with 49 percent of blacks opposed gay marriage in 2012, while
67 percent disapproved in 2008, there is still a rift between blackness and homosexuality as
32
​Tasha Cobbs ­ Topic, “Break Every Chain (live),” ​YouTube​, October 5, 2015, posted April 28, 2016,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CMG2XhawkC8&list=PLrAUTFnb3gjtmB­5p79RO_ChL3FIVCkwS&index=7
.
33
​“Erica Campbell on Transgender and Gay Community: ’Sin Is Sin’,” theGrio, November 21, 2015, accessed April
28, 2016, http://thegrio.com/2015/11/21/erica­campbell­on­transgender­and­gay­community­sin­is­sin/.
34
​“North Carolina Same­Sex Marriage, Amendment 1 (may 2012),” Ballotpedia, 2016, accessed April 28, 2016,
https://ballotpedia.org/North_Carolina_Same­Sex_Marriage,_Amendment_1_(May_2012).
35
​“The Historic Roots of Homophobia in Black America,” May 21, 2012, accessed April 28, 2016,
http://thegrio.com/2012/05/21/the­historic­roots­of­homophobia­in­black­america/.

28. 27
described by Natalege and George’s experience. I explore this topic further in my interviews 36
with Erin and Natalege. When asked about pushback they have received concerning LGBTQ
taboo issues Erin mentioned:​ ​“Just anecdotally ­ I’ve heard stories about BET covering
something and then people are hitting Debra Lee’s (CEO of BET) line like ­ “Why are you
doing this?” Natalege mentions something similar within her interview when commenting on 37
feedback from some readers. She states: “If you check the Facebook comments...especially when
you have a transgender woman killed. There are people that see the story and say ‘Well, you
know they were probably lying about their gender.’” 38
Natelege and George underscore the exclusion of LGBTQ identities from the bounded
lines of blackness by other black individuals. Yet, these journalists do not remain apathetic to
this issue. When examining articles published regarding this topic, it is evident that these
journalists attempt to shift the line of blackness to include the LGBTQ experience. BET.com has
covered the several murders of transgender women of color. During my time at BET, Natelege
reported on the murder of Zella Ziona, a 21 year old transgender black woman. There are 39
specific journalistic choices within this piece that affirm Ziona’s humanity as a transgender
woman. For example, throughout the article, Natelege uses the pronouns “she, her, hers” in
accordance with the gender Ziona identified with before her death. During an interview, I
questioned Natelege about this choice. She responded,
When I write about this community I want to do it in a way that is respectful of
their humanity. I wasn’t taught this in journalism school and I don’t know why
36
​“The Historic Roots of Homophobia in Black America”​ May 21, 2012, accessed April 28, 2016,
http://thegrio.com/2012/05/21/the­historic­roots­of­homophobia­in­black­america/.
37
​Erin Evans (BET journalist and editor) in phone interview with author, November 2015.
38
​Natelege Whaley (BET journalist) in phone interview with author, November 2015.
39
​“Man Arrested in Killing Black Transgender Woman in Maryland,” October 19, 2015, accessed April 28, 2016,
http://www.bet.com/news/national/2015/10/19/man­arrested­in­killing­transgender­woman­in­maryland.html.

29. 28
nobody taught us this but...I looked up on GLADD.org and how you report on
these issues in a way that is respectful and I learned something things. Like, okay
you aren’t supposed to say the person’s birth name if they changed their name. 40
Through Natelege’s attention to this detail, we see that the inclusion of correct pronouns is
conscious act to convey the ideal way in which we should address this marginalized community.
Moreover, by being featured on BET.com, Natelege also shifts the boundaries of blackness.
Writing under the brand of Black Entertainment Television, Natelege is able to underscore the
intersectionality between queerness and blackness. She emphasizes that, like police brutality,
LGBTQ issues deserve the same amount of coverage.
Journalists at BET also move issues affecting the trans community within the realm of
blackness through the structure of their articles. In mid­October, the article, “Transgender
Woman Keisha Jenkins Shot and Killed in Philadelphia”, was published on BET.com under the
byline “BET Staff.” This article, published after my time at BET, shows that this consideration
of LGBT issues as black issues continued after my internship. In this article, we see the transfer
of violence against transgender women into the bounded space of blackness through the wording
and placement of statistics. The beginning of the article reads:
Transgender woman ​Kiesha Jenkins ​was shot in the back and killed in
Philadelphia on Tuesday morning,​ BuzzFeed News reports​. Jenkins's death marks
the second homicide of a transgender woman of color in the city in the last five
months. This is the 18th transgender person of color murdered in America this
year. 41
40
​Natelege Whaley (BET journalist) in phone interview with author, November 2015.
41
​“Transgender Woman Kiesha Jenkins Shot and Killed in Philadelphia,” BET.com, October 7, 2015, accessed
April 28, 2016,
http://www.bet.com/news/national/2015/10/07/transgender­woman­kiesha­johnson­shot­and­killed­in­philadelphia.h
tml.

30. 29
Here, we see many structural choices to amplify the severity of the situation in relation to the
black community. In the first sentence, the name of the victim is placed in the first sentence and
is bolded. Similar to Natelege’s style, a birth name is not used to lead into the article. Rather, the
name the victim used to identify herself is utilized. Through this choice, BET follows the
GLAAD guidelines by affirming the victim’s decision to own her own name and identity.
Moreover, this first sentence affirms Jenkins’ trans identity. BET.com emphasizes this through
merging the identities of trans and black by highlighting some disturbing statistics. By
underscoring statistics in the framework of a “woman of color,” this journalist also highlights
that although Jenkins is trans, she also most likely died at the hand of racism. This is an
extremely important element of the article. Rather than splitting up these two identities, BET
chooses to report them as connected to one another. Overall, the journalistic voice of the article
declares that trans trauma is black trauma.
Video journalism plays a large role in BET’s shifting boundary lines. In the beginning of
August, BET.com released a promotional trailer for ​Holler If Ya Hear Me: Black and Gay in the
Church. ​Produced by BET.com’s entertainment editor, Clay Cane, the documentary explores the
narratives of black LGBTQ individuals in relation to their faith and the church. Similar to the
aforementioned article, the structure of the documentary creates an indisputable voice regarding
the relationship between blackness and queerness. The documentary opens with Cane’s voice
stating:
The church is the root of the African­American culture ­ a safe space during
slavery and a refuge during Jim Crow ­ the beginnings of the Civil Rights
movement began in churches across the country. For many of us, our memories
begin in houses of worship but what happens when a person is taught that they are

31. 30
an abomination ­ how can someone value their life when they are told that their
existence is a sin. The black church as a space of liberation is now being viewed
by many in the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender communities as a space of
oppression. Many LGBT people in the church are asking themselves ­ why must
we choose faith and living an authentic life? 42
This opening helps to set the framework for the rest of the documentary and raises important
questions about identity formation in relation to blackness. Through posing the last question,
Cane conveys that often blackness cannot be “formed” alongside the queer experience. But,
more importantly, Cane’s introduction poses this lack of synergy as a problem. He highlights this
by contrasting the liberation of black experiences with the oppression of queer experiences.
Moreover, he continues to build upon this troubling contrast throughout the film. In all, through
the narratives picked for this film, we see Cane attempt to highlight the problem with distancing
these two identities into separate bounds. More importantly, this documentary also shows what is
at stake if we fail to accommodate these two identities. In the beginning of the film, the viewers
are introduced to Hannah, a black woman who identifies as a lesbian. During her interview, she
discusses multiple suicide attempts because her mother refused to accept her queer identity due
to her religious beliefs. Here, we see that the rift between these identities is causing more harm
than good. A few scenes later, Cane interviews Del Antonio, a black man in his twenties who
identifies as gay. During his discussion, he also describes the moment he decided to take his own
life as a teenager:
I stood there with my hands shaking and I remember it like it was yesterday and I
just closed my eyes and when I opened my eyes, there was just blood ­ I could
42
​BET Networks' channel, “Holler If You Hear Me: Black and Gay in the Church ­ Part 1,” ​YouTube​, November 16,
2015, posted April 28, 2016, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EhzF635gZVU.

32. 31
feel it. It was such a rush. Blood going everywhere. And then at the moment, I
just thought ‘Oh my God, I don’t want to die, I don’t want to die, I don’t want to
die…’I felt the need to do something to express the pain that I was feeling. 43
Before this part of the interview, Del Antonio describes his familial background which he
describes as “very religious.” His family were members of Church of God in Christ, ​a Christian
organization in the Holiness­Pentecostal tradition with mostly African­American members.
When asked about what he would hear preached from the pulpit in regards to gay people, Del
Antonio replied, “A man is not to lay with another man...being gay is an abomination to
God...those were two of the strongest things.” Similarly to Hannah’s lived experience, placing
queerness outside the realm of blackness came close to taking another life. As the documentary
continues, narratives such as these are conveyed multiple times. Overall, by producing this
documentary, we see the ways in which BET Digital not only accepts the LGBTQ struggle into
the realm of blackness but also goes a step forward. Through amplifying the struggles of those
who have been isolated, BET clearly displays the ways in which these beliefs have damaged our
already weakened black community.
In chapter one, it is established that creating strict bound concerning blackness helps to
maintain BET’s authenticity in a predominantly white industry. But, when we delve deeper, we
see that fluidity with these lines help to sustain this media space as well. Writing about the
LGBTQ community may be seen as a taboo to some. Yet, the journalists’ work to build a bridge
between these two identities is very well received. I discussed the addition of this topic during
my interview with Erin. She stated:
43
​BET Networks' channel, “Holler If You Hear Me: Black and Gay in the Church ­ Part 4,” ​YouTube​, November 23,
2015, posted April 28, 2016, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sFfvIS5nU34.

33. 32
With the direction of the network, we are hitting the traffic numbers and we are
becoming a place that really wants to find its own voice and not be afraid to
stand up behind it. Honest, as much as there are people that are haters and will
never try to understand the issues that the LGBTQ community goes through ­ a
lot of that stuff does well on our site because the LGBTQ community is so happy
that this is being covered. 44
As discussed in chapter one, we see that blackness is defined as struggle against oppression. Yet,
in chapter two, it is evident that this boundary line has to stretch further to accommodate black
members of the LGBTQ community. BET journalists respond to this loophole by amplifying the
voices of those that hold both of these identities.
44
Erin Evans (BET journalist and editor) in phone interview with author, November 2015.

34. 33
Chapter Three
Emotions as Fact: Challenging the Neutral Stance
In the two previous chapters, I explored the creation of ‘blackness’ as an identity through
examples of boundary work. Through these aforementioned case studies, we see blackness
defined through the lens of oppression. Yet, this oppression is not solely related to race.
Journalists at BET strive to ensure that this ‘truth’ isconsistently amplified through their writing.
Focusing less on boundary work, this chapter seeks to analyze how particular emotions drive
BET journalists and editors to continue tirelessly reporting on black issues. ​In her work, ​Back
Stories: U.S. News Production and Palestinian Politics, ​anthropologist​ ​Amahl Bishara examines
the work of U.S. journalists and interrogates news stories to investigate the production of
knowledge about the Israeli­Palestinian conflict. In her chapter, “Disinterest and the Scope of the
Political,” Bishara explores how journalists conceptualize their purpose and position within the
Israeli­Palestinian conflict. She demonstrates that the personal connection and commitment to
the issues form an essential aspect of the production of journalistic work for the Palestinian
stringers, reporters, photojournalists, and journalists invested in news production. This notion

35. 34
hinges on separation between the politics journalists cover and the lives they live. Yet this 45
argument unjustly demonizes having an ​inevitable​ interest in controversial topics as a journalist.
Further, this perspective assumes that all journalists occupy privileged identities. As both black
individuals and budding journalists, the BET Digital Team is constantly caught at the
intersection of these two identities. According to the official discourse of journalistic disinterest,
this dual perspective would taint their work. Yet, in this chapter I argue that this connection to
the production of knowledge is imperative, especially in marginalized communities.
On the night of June 17th 2016, a white gunman named Dylann Roof opened fire​ ​inside
of the basement of Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina.
The gunman killed nine black congregation members during their bible study. The case was 46
eventually handled as a federal hate crime. Before the shooting, Roof was photographed holding
a confederate flag and a handgun. Authorities also linked Mr. Roof to a racist manifesto posted
online. It outlined the purpose of the murders stating:
I have no choice.I am not in the position to, alone, go into the ghetto and fight. I
chose Charleston because it is most historic city in my state, and at one time had
the highest ratio of blacks to Whites in the country. We have no skinheads, no real
KKK, no one doing anything but talking on the Internet. Well someone has to
have the bravery to take it to the real world, and I guess that has to be me. 47
This racist act sparked a national debate regarding the dehumanization of the black body as well
as the symbolism behind the Confederate flag. Ultimately, this debate trickled into the BET
45
​Amahl A. Bishara, ​Back Stories: U.S. News Production and Palestinian Politics​ (United States: Stanford
University Press, 2012), 109.
46
​Karen Workman and Andrea Kannapell, “The Charleston Shooting: What Happened,” ​U.S.​ (The New York
Times), June 23, 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/18/us/the­charleston­shooting­what­happened.html?_r=0
47
​Frances Robles, “Dylann Roof Photos and a Manifesto Are Posted on Website,” ​U.S.​ (The New York Times),
June 26, 2015,
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/21/us/dylann­storm­roof­photos­website­charleston­church­shooting.html.

36. 35
National News office and exemplified the role of emotional investment within the creation of
black national news. ​On my morning commute into Times Square, I received a push notification
from ​The New York Times​ summarizing the attack on AME Emanuel that occurred the previous
night. As I walk into the BET offices, I find the atmosphere is very somber and quieter than
usual. A few minutes after I arrive Tori walks into the office and wishes everyone a good
morning. Tori is a black woman in her late twenties who mainly focuses on music journalism at
BET. She then raises her voice and states that she is tired of watching the news cycle because it
makes her feel like it is 1965. She then hurriedly begins to recount what she has learned about
the massacre and emphasizes her frustration with CNN’s coverage. According to Tori, a white
anchor repeatedly asked her guests if the attack was “really a hate crime.” Incredibly frustrated,
Tori walks over to her desk. George also portrays emotional investment in the developing new
story. George walks into the office and immediately begins to start talking about the shooting.
He also mentions a tweet that he recently read which stated: “Black people should stop
complaining about this because they knew that coming to this country that they would be a
minority.” George is incredibly angered by this tweet and replies back: “Girl, what book are you
reading? One with pictures and crayons to color?” Tori then chimes in a seemingly sarcastic tone
and replies: Yes, we shackles ourselves for comfort so we could all join in the fun on the way
there. And we left our homes. And we left our identity. So fun!” A few moments later, Erin
walks into the office and looks extremely distressed as she quietly sits down at her desk. An hour
passes by and the office maintains its somber energy. Then, Dave, a music journalist for
BET.com, shares some unfortunate news with the office. He has just learned that one of his
wife’s sorority sisters was killed in the attack. Here, we see the events of a breaking news story

37. 36
directly affect the office community. Through these examples, it is apparent that emotional toll in
this work is almost inevitable for these black journalists. In an interview I conducted with Erin,
she expanded upon the emotions of a black journalist within this field:
One of my friends works for Code Switch and he wrote an article about black
reporters and how hard it is to cover this type of news. Like, what the fuck is this
life? I can open Twitter on a freakin’ Thursday night and nine black people have
been shot in a church in Charleston. Like, what? What the fuck? But when I feel
that way I know that this is something that people will want to know about. 48
From Erin’s interview, it is almost undebatable that emotions are involved in this journalistic
work. For example, it may be assumed that emotions may cloud her judgement and negatively
impact productivity. In addition, it may also be expected that Erin separate her personal 49
experience with racism and her professional experience as an editor. Yet, through this interview,
we also see that this emotional investment plays a vital role in the production of news. By
embracing her feelings of anger and frustration, she is able to gauge what stories need to be
amplified. Ultimately, the emotional investment that was conveyed in these numerous examples
is evident through the way in which the Charleston shooting was reported on BET.com. During
my interview with Natalege, who covered the Charleston shooting heavily, she expands upon
this point:
48
Erin Evans (BET journalist and editor) in phone interview with author, November 2015.
49
​“Re­Thinking Objectivity,” 2016, accessed April 29, 2016, http://www.cjr.org/feature/rethinking_objectivity.php

38. 37
I’m emotionally invested and it is because ­ I guess for me these
things that I’ve seen in my neighborhood. There are people I
know ­ if I didn’t know them ­ it’s a friend of a friend. So, yeah,
it’s news and you have to be objective but at the same time it is
fact that a lot of this stuff is happening because you are black and
I do put some of that emotion in my articles. We have a right to
feel fear, to feel anger ­ there is crazy stuff happening. 50
Here, Natelege emphasizes the importance of letting her own emotions slip into her writing.
Through this process, she is able to affirm the emotions her readers may be feeling. Furthermore,
through her work as a journalist, Natalege supports reporting accurate information but also
emphasizes the importance of highlighting the injustices that occur within the black community.
When examining coverage from three different media outlets, it is evident that this
emphasis on injustice is needed. After the Charleston shooting, Fox News headline read: “Police
said nine killed at black church in possible hate crime.” ​The​ ​New York Times​ published a 51
headline that read: “The Charleston Shooting, What Happened.” BET published a flipbook with 52
the headline: Everything You Need To Know About the Charleston Massacre. By using the 53
words “possible hate crime,” Fox News conveys a journalistic voice of skepticism and mistrust.
The ​New York Times ​takes a more neutral stance by simply stating what occurred. Yet, BET’s
headline conveys a journalistic voice of urgency by describing the Charleston shooting as a
50
Natelege Whaley (BET journalist and editor) in phone interview with author, November 2015.
51
​Associated Press, “The Latest on Charleston Shooting: Police Say 9 Killed at Black Church in Possible Hate
Crime,” ​Fox News​ (Fox News), June 18, 2015,
http://www.foxnews.com/us/2015/06/18/latest­on­charleston­shooting­police­say­killed­at­black­church­in­possible.
html.
52
​Karen Workman and Andrea Kannapell, “The Charleston Shooting: What Happened,” ​U.S.​ (The New York
Times), June 23, 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/18/us/the­charleston­shooting­what­happened.html?_r=0.
53
​“Everything You Need to Know about the Charleston Massacre,” BET.com, July 2, 2015, accessed April 28,
2016,
http://www.bet.com/news/national/photos/2015/06/everything­you­need­to­know­about­the­charleston­church­mass
acre.html.

39. 38
massacre. BET’s journalistic voice also evokes more emotion than the two other headlines as a
massacre is associated with extreme bloodshed by brutal means. By using this term, the
Charleston shooting is placed on the same plane as other national tragedies such as the Sandy
Hook massacre, where twenty children were fatally shot inside of their elementary school. 54
Moreover, the trauma experienced by the black community is amplified and validated. In most of
the articles concerning the shooting on BET’s website thereafter, the incident is repeatedly
described as a massacre. In Amahl A. Bishara’s work, Bishara interviews a Palestinian reporter
who states that his job is to provide context to foreign reporters who already have a particular
framework of what is going on in this region. In other words, this journalist believes his 55
purpose is to serve as a corrective voice that dismantles any preconceived notions about
Palestinian life. We see a similar perspective regarding journalists at BET. These journalists
utilize their emotional investment in their work to portray the trauma experienced by the black
community. By doing this, these journalists serve as a corrective rebuttal to those that may not
believe that this attack was truly a hate crime as well as those who choose to remain neutral.
Similar to the Charleston massacre, the emotional of toll of this journalistic work was
apparent when discussing the case of Sandra Bland in the office. In early July, Sandra Bland, a
28­year­old African­American woman, was arrested for failing to signal while switching lanes.
The arrest took place in Waller County, Texas. According to the dashboard camera of the police
vehicle, Bland was threatened with a taser by arresting officer, Brian T. Encinia. Encinia
threatened to taze Bland because she refused to get out of her car and refused to dispose of her
cigarette. The situation escalated and Bland was taken to jail. Three days later, Bland was found
54
​“Sandy Hook Elementary Shooting: What Happened?,” ​CNN​ (CNN), n.d.,
http://edition.cnn.com/interactive/2012/12/us/sandy­hook­timeline/.
55
Bishara, 126.

40. 39
hanging from a garbage bag in her jail cell. She was pronounced dead and her death was ruled a
suicide. An autopsy of Bland’s body displayed injuries consistent with suicide and lacked any
sign of a struggle. Her death, similar to many other police brutality cases, ignited a national
demand for further investigation into the arrest. 56
Almost a week after her death, the topic of Bland’s arrest still permeated conversations
throughout the BET Digital office. Following her death, a new theory surfaced and ignited the
internet. According to Bland’s mugshot and the upward position of her nostrils, individuals
suggested that Bland was already deceased while she was photographed. In response to this 57
theory, George angrily states that “black people should be able to stick up for themselves when
they feel like they are being disrespected.” A few months after the Sandra Bland case, I
interviewed Erin and questioned her about feelings about the death. Equally as frustrated as
George, she states:
It’s like ­ why? Sandra Bland ­ she got pulled over for some stupid traffic
violation and the next thing you know. That situation just crazy with people
thinking she was already dead in her mugshot ­ it was like, what the fuck? what is
this life? 58
Through these anecdotes, it is evident that the death of Sandra Bland had a large emotional effect
on both Erin, George, and the office as a whole as the topic drifted in and out of conversation for
many weeks after. When examining articles on BET.com, we see a voice of pain and mistrust
56
​Katie Rogers, “F.B.I. Investigating Police Accounts of Black Woman’s Death in Custody,” ​NYT Now​ (The New
York Times), July 23, 2015,
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/17/nytnow/online­campaign­questions­official­account­of­sandra­bland­death.htm
l
57
​Melanie Eversley, “Social Media Speculates Whether Bland Is Dead in Mugshot,” ​USAToday​ (USA TODAY),
July 25, 2015, http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/2015/07/24/sandra­bland­mugshot­dead/30647275/.
58
​Erin Evans (BET journalist and editor) in phone interview with author, November 2015.

41. 40
apparent in BET’s coverage of Bland’s death. Ultimately, this journalistic voice differs largely
from reporting from other major news sources. Similar to the Charleston case study, we can use
Fox News, ​The New York Times​, and BET.com to compare journalistic perspectives. Fox News
published an article online entitled, “​Family seeks more answers in woman's Texas jail death.” ​. 59
Describing the arrest, the article states:
Friends and relatives of a black woman whom authorities say hanged herself in a
Texas jail after her arrest for allegedly kicking an officer following a traffic stop,
sought more details of her death Thursday, saying the 28­year­old gave no
indication she was in such an emotional state...Bland, who was originally from
Naperville, Illinois, was moving to Texas to work at Prairie View A&M
University, a historically black college from which she graduated in 2009. She
was arrested last Friday in Prairie View.
The New York Times ​published an article entitled “F.B.I. Investigating Police Accounts of Black
Woman’s Death in Custody.”​. ​The description of this arrest states:
The woman, Sandra Bland, 28, was arrested last Friday in Waller County by an
officer with the Texas Department of Public Safety on a charge of assaulting a
public servant. She had been pulled over for failing to signal a lane change. 60
BET.com dedicates a featured information page regarding Bland on their website. The beginning
of the description states:
59
​FoxNews.com, “Family Seeks More Answers in Woman’s Texas Jail Death,” ​Fox News​ (Fox News), July 17,
2015, http://www.foxnews.com/us/2015/07/17/family­seeks­more­answers­in­woman­texas­jail­death.html.
60
​Katie Rogers, “F.B.I. Investigating Police Accounts of Black Woman’s Death in Custody,” ​NYT Now​ (The New
York Times), July 23, 2015,
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/17/nytnow/online­campaign­questions­official­account­of­sandra­bland­death.htm
l

42. 41
Sandra Bland was a 28­year­old Chicago native and activist who was found dead
in a jail cell in Waller County, Texas, on July 13, 2015, after being pulled over
three days earlier for a traffic violation. Bland, who was driving to Texas to
begin a new job, was violently ordered to get out of her vehicle by an officer
who threatened to “light” her up with his stun gun if she did not oblige. 61
Through examining word choice, the Fox News article exhibits a slightly sympathetic tone
towards the police officer involved in the arrest while ​The New York Times​ displays a more
neutral stance. In the Fox News​ ​article, the journalist chooses to emphasize that Bland “kicked”
the officer. In this reporting of the arrest, we see more of an emphasis on Bland’s actions against
the officer while providing very little information about how the officer treated Bland. As
aforementioned, ​The New York Times ​reports with a more neutral journalistic voice. Bland’s
actions are vaguely described as an “assaulting a public servant.” Through this description, the
reader isn’t given any additional information about Bland’s or the policeman’s actions.
Additional articles following updated information on the case follow a similar pattern. Fox
News’ additional coverage of the Sandra Bland focuses largely on the emotional instability of
Bland. ​
​The New York Times​’ additional coverage focuses gathering perspectives from
62
protestors as well as the police force. Ultimately, these two journalistic voices differ greatly 63
from the report posted by BET.com. While there are only separate updated articles dedicated to
the Bland story on FoxNews.com and NYTimes.com, there is a whole page dedicated to Bland’s
story on BET.com. In this briefing, there is no emphasis on Bland’s actions. Rather, BET.com
chooses to focus on the actions of the officer. The report states that Bland was “violently ordered
61
​“Sandra Bland,” July 22, 2015, accessed April 28, 2016, http://www.bet.com/topics/s/sandra­bland.html.
62
​FoxNews.com, “Sheriff: Sandra Bland Indicated Previous Suicide Attempt,” ​Fox News​ (Fox News), July 23,
2015,
http://video.foxnews.com/v/4370069539001/sheriff­sandra­bland­indicated­previous­suicide­attempt/#sp=show­clip
s.
63
​Katie Rogers, “The Death of Sandra Bland: Questions and Answers,” ​U.S.​, July 23, 2015,
http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2015/07/23/us/23blandlisty.html?_r=0.

43. 42
to get out her vehicle.” This report also includes Officer Encinia’s words directed at Bland. The
report states that Officer Encinia threatened to “light” Bland up if she didn’t get out of her car. 64
Similar to the Charleston shooting, we see BET journalists allowing their own emotions to
inspire their writing. In my interview with Natelege, she also expands upon the specific emotions
that inspire her reporting. She states:
I think those are the emotions that I really feel ­ anger and sadness. It’s
paralyzing at times ­ sometimes you write one story and then you see another
story and then you are like ­ oh my God ­ I have to write that too? So, at times,
you don’t want to write. There are times when I don’t want to write about
anything about what is going on. Then, you have days where it is slow and I’m
on edge ­ like what is going to happen next? What is going to pop up? And then
when it doesn’t ­ it’s nice to have a day where things are going normally for
black people. 65
Although Natelege did not solely write this report, her emotions mirror the feelings conveyed in
the BET Digital office as the Bland case began to unfold. One may condemn the allowance of
emotion to affect one’s journalistic voice. As aforementioned, conventional journalistic practices
state that this act jeopardizes journalistic material. Yet, through examining reporting on the 66
Sandra Bland case, we can again argue that this theory is outdated. As seen in reporting
surrounding the Charleston shooting, major news sources were unsuccessful at highlighting the
suffering experienced by the black community as prominently as BET.com when following this
journalistic rule. By allowing emotions to inspire writing, BET is able to express feelings
experienced by black individuals in times of communal stress. This is an extremely important
64
“Sandra Bland,” July 22, 2015, accessed April 28, 2016, http://www.bet.com/topics/s/sandra­bland.html.
65
​Natelege Whaley (BET journalist) in phone interview with author, November 2015.
66
​“Re­Thinking Objectivity,” 2016, accessed April 29, 2016, http://www.cjr.org/feature/rethinking_objectivity.php.