1. LEBANON
Terre des hommes Lausanne and Insan Association
A Child Protection Assessment:
Migrant Workers and their children in Lebanon.
2010

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Table of Contents
Executive Summary
Section One – Purpose, Objectives and Methodology
Section Two – Background: Domestic migrant workers in Lebanon
Context
History
Current Situation
Causes of vulnerability and abuse of migrant domestic workers in Lebanon
a) Employment process
b) Kafalah system
c) Lebanese Labour Law
d) Contracts
Sources of protection for migrant domestic workers in Lebanon
a) International legal texts
b) The unified contract
c) Ministry of Labor
d) Embassies and consulates
e) NGOs
f) Churches
g) Community leaders
h) Media and civil society activism
Children of migrant workers in Lebanon
Section Three – Assessment Findings: Protection needs of migrant communities
and children
a) Main areas of concern for the domestic migrant workers community
b) Main areas of concern for the children of migrant workers
Section Four – Conclusion and Recommendations
Bibliography
Annex 1: List of research interviewees
Annex 2: Directory of organisations and services for domestic migrant workers in Lebanon

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Acknowledgements
Terre des hommes and Insan Association would like to thank all of the people who
participated in this research. Our particular gratitude goes out to those migrant workers
who agreed to speak with us on the condition of anonymity, those who felt that taking a role
in representing their communities superceded personal acknowledgement.
We also appreciate the mothers and children who generously gave of their time in order to
participate in the focus group discussions.
The researchers would also like to acknowledge the support received from Tdh
Headquarters, primarily through Mr. Yann Colliou, Program Manager for the Middle East and
North Africa Zone, his assistant Ms. Marie du Pontavice and the Tdh trafficking and
exploitation resource person Mrs. Mirella Shuteriqi.
Special thanks goes to Mrs.Sharyn Johns who assisted the research with proof reading the
English version of the document, and to Kafa (Enough Violence and Exploitation) for allowing
us to include their directory of resources for migrant workers (Annex 2).
Special Note: photograph on front cover
All the children in this photograph are migrant children who attend Insan School and have
agreed to have their photograph on this document. Permission from their parents was also
obtained. The use of this photograph and the images of children are within the practices of
both the Tdh and Insan Association Child Protection Policies. This image holds a copyright
to Insan Association.
Research Team:
Kristen Hope: Primary Researcher/Author
Simba Shani Kamaria Russeau: Primary Researcher/Author
Hassan Bahani: Research Manager/Author
Lala Arabian: Research Manager/Editor
Charles Nasrallah: Editor
Jason Squire: Author/Editor
Kristen Hope has been working as a researcher for Tdh since 2009. After graduating with
a BA in Arabic and Politics from the School of Oriental and African Studies in London in
2007, Kristen moved to Lebanon where she spent two years working as a translator and
editor while volunteering with children in the Palestinian refugee camp of Shatila. Kristen is
actively involved in several civil society campaigns that aim to raise awareness about such
social justice issues as environmentalism, conscious consumerism and the rights of vulnerable
communities, including women, children and minority groups.

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Simba Shani Kamaria Russeau is a multimedia storyteller living in Beirut, Lebanon. She
has worked as a photographer and writer in many countries, including East Timor, South
Korea, Philippines, Haiti, Japan, the United States and Dubai. She has conducted several
workshops with streets kids, ex-prisoners, children of migrant workers and refugees on the
use of photography and interviewing as a tool for self-empowerment in underrepresented
communities as means of dealing with racism, poverty, prejudice and war. Currently she is
working with COSV Libano researching the culture of racism and discrimination in Lebanon
as well as multimedia essays documenting displaced faces around the world, migrant
workers, Black Arabs and women in the MENA region. She is the founder and organiser of
the "Taste Culture" events initiative and the 24/7 Campaign.
Hassan Bahani has 20 years experience working with local and international
organisations as a centre manager, pedagogical coordinator, senior field officer in psycho-
social support, protection, income generation and children with special needs. In 2006
Hassan joined TDH as a Project Coordinator and currently holds the position of Child
Protection Officer for Lebanon and acts as a regional consultant for Tdh projects. Hassan is
still active in the Palestinian context as a training coordinator for the Palestinian Scouts in
Lebanon on a voluntary bases, specialising in social animation and play.
Lala Arabian has been the project Manager at Insan Association since 2004, she’s been
actively working in the field of Human Rights since the year 2000 working in various
international and local organisations, most notably Amnesty International where she still
holds the position of Campaigns Coordinator on voluntary basis. Lala holds a License degree
in Law from the Lebanese University and an MA in Human Rights and Democratisation from
the University of Malta.
Charles Nasrallah is the founder and Director of Insan Association since its creation in
the year 2000, he's been active in the field of human rights in Lebanon since 1995 working
and co-founding various local and international human rights organisations. Charles is also
the national coordinator and the spokesperson of the local group of Amnesty International.
Jason Squire joined Tdh in 2004 and has carried out various child protection roles within
the organisation, in numerous delegations globally. Jason is the current Country
Representative and has worked in Lebanon since 2007. Jason holds a degree in Labour
Relations and a Masters in Education, focusing on adult learning.

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Executive Summary
Terre des hommes Foundation Lausanne (TdhL) and Insan Association carried out the
following needs assessment of migrant domestic workers and their children in various
locations throughout Beirut, Lebanon, between August 2009 and October 2009. The
research also focused on establishing and locating children of migrant workers and their
family unit.
The aims of the assessment were to:
• Identify the most vulnerable and at risk population of migrant workers
• Establish what migrant children do in their free time
• Examine how current formal and informal structures, systems and actors are
working to protect children from the identified risks
• Identify what formal and informal systems are in place to protect children of migrant
workers
• Examine how children of migrants protect themselves
Child protection is defined as work which aims to prevent, respond to and resolve the
abuse, neglect, exploitation and violence experienced by children in all settings. While there
are several aspects of child protection, including social, legal, health and education, Tdh
focuses its interventions on the former two for the assessment.
Target groups
The assessment focused on domestic migrant workers and their families in Lebanon. The
International Labour Organisation (ILO) defines domestic workers as those who are
employed to “facilitate the running of domestic life and personal needs”.1 Workers, mostly
women, come to Lebanon from many African and Asian countries, including Sri Lanka, the
Philippines, Ethiopia, Madagascar, Nepal and Bangladesh, in order to engage in such work on
either a live-in or freelance basis. It is estimated that there are some 200,000 migrant
workers in Lebanon.2
There is also a considerable number of Sudanese migrants who take up domestic work in
Lebanon, although the vast majority of these have not come to the country for that purpose.
Most Sudanese have come to Lebanon seeking refugee or asylum status because of the
conflict in their home country. Nevertheless, Sudanese women often take on employment as
freelance domestic workers because it is a relatively unregulated sector in that one can find
work despite not having the required employment papers or residency status. Sudanese
domestic workers also suffer from similar social and economic factors as their Asian and
African counterparts, including discrimination, racism, legal status problems and limited
income. For these reasons, and because the Sudanese constitute a relatively large and
1
ILO (2003:31)
2 http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NEWSEVENTS/Pages/UnifiedContractLebanon.aspx

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vulnerable population in Lebanon, they have been included in this study alongside domestic
workers from the aforementioned countries.
Scope and method
The assessment focused on various areas of Beirut, including Basta, Bir Hassan, Clemenceau,
Jnah, Shabra/Shatila and Zarif. Research was also conducted in various Beirut suburbs,
including Dora, Nabaa, Jounieh and Dahiyeh.
The assessment was carried out using an ‘action-oriented’ research approach. During this
process, twenty interviews with migrant workers, families of migrant workers and migrant
community leaders were conducted. Additionally, several meetings were held with a range of
other key actors including staff from international and local non-governmental organisations
(NGOs) and embassy personnel.3 Tdh also held three focus group discussions (FGD) with
mothers and children of migrant domestic workers.
There are no statistics available on the number of children of migrant workers in Lebanon. In
the course of the study, researchers gained direct access to a total of 57 migrant children.
On top of this, interviewees made reference to other families within the Filipino, Bangladeshi
and Sudanese communities. Sudanese participants noted that there are many families within
the Sudanese migrant community, with an average of 2-3 children each.
Key findings: Vulnerable communities, vulnerable children
The study found a series of key areas of concern amongst the migrant domestic worker
community alongside specific risks for children. In the course of the research, it was
suggested that in order to assess the particular needs of migrant children and establish
relevant child protection concerns, the needs of the community on the whole should be
examined. Accordingly, concerns articulated in the course of the research were classified
into two groups.
a) Main areas of concern for adult domestic migrant workers
1. Violence and abuse (racial, physical, sexual, psychological) – The main
recurring theme throughout the research was the extent to which domestic migrant
workers faced different types of violence and/or abuse, in both public and private
domains.
2. Lack of documentation and legal status – One of the most frequent concerns
cited by migrant workers was the lack of legal working papers. This left them
vulnerable to detention by Lebanese security forces or refusal of services by NGOs
working in the field: some NGOs, including the United Nations High Commission
for Refugees (UNHCR) and the Caritas Lebanon Migrants Centre (CLMC), only
provide services to those who have acquired some sort of official status in Lebanon,
3 See Annex 1 for full list of interviews.

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whether as refugees and asylum seekers or through work or residency permits.
Those migrants which are in Lebanon illegally cannot benefit from the services of
such organisations.
3. NGO service provision does not meet the needs of the communities –
There are only a few NGOs in Lebanon that deal specifically with migrant workers,
providing various forms of assistance, including legal, medical, social and psychosocial
assistance through centres and shelters. Participants voiced concerns that the need
for such support far surpasses the capacities of NGO service providers.
4. Limitations in embassy/consular support – Many domestic workers identified
gaps in the services provided by embassies or honorary consulates. Poorer nations
do not have embassies but instead have recourse to honorary consulates which lack
the proper resources and, in some cases, interest in assisting their nationals4.
b) Main areas of concern for the children of migrant workers
1. Lack of legal status – Parents were very scared that their children would be left
without anyone to care for them if they were detained. As a consequence of this
fear, children were discouraged from spending time outside, which restricted their
opportunities to engage in healthy social interaction.
2. Racism and discrimination – Most families interviewed raised the issue of racism
in the schools, stating that the children have experienced violence in the form of
physical or verbal abuse. Many parents spoke about the discrimination that they and
their children faced on a daily basis in Lebanon. In addition to the racial component,
domestic workers are treated as having a particularly low status because of the
servile and subordinate character of their work.
3. Inadequate medical support and funds – Lack of health care funds and services
was often cited as a major concern for the families of migrant domestic workers.
4. School-related difficulties – Such issues as tuition fees, the cost of transport and
books, lack of academic support and limited possibilities for secondary education
were all cited as obstacles to ensuring that the children of migrant workers had
access to education.
5. Lack of childcare and child-safe environments – Children and parents spoke
about the lack of facilities available to children outside school hours, particularly
during weekends and over the summer. Many children were left alone and locked in
the house when parents had to go to work. Unsupervised children were vulnerable
to a series of house-hold dangers, including fires or electrocution.
6. Poor housing conditions– Many families visited lived in one or two room
apartments and the standards of many houses were below acceptable. Rent was a
major concern for many of the families.
4 Because of the nature of the conflict in Sudan, which has seen pro-government forces pitted
against anti-government rebels, many Sudanese migrants are considered opponents of the
government, and therefore not provided for by the Embassy

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Recommendations
1. Encourage reform of the Lebanese Labour Law to abolish the kafalah system
2. Lobby for better protection of domestic workers by Lebanese law
enforcement bodies
3. Improve the scope and quality of services for migrants and their families
4. Support the establishment of services that better accommodate the multiple
religious, spiritual and philosophical identities of the migrants
5. Ensure that migrant community leaders are better supported to assisting
their communities
6. Strengthen existing informal childcare networks for migrants and, where
these are absent, support the establishment of formal childcare facilities
7. Encourage educational and recreational activities between migrant and non-
migrant children in order to promote cultural understanding and fight
discrimination
8. Provide psychosocial support for migrant children

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Section One
Purpose, Objectives and Methodology
Purpose
The purpose of this assessment was to identify the protection needs of children of migrant
workers living in Beirut.
Objectives
To this end, the main objectives of the assessment were:
• To establish the protection needs of the children by identifying the major risks to children’s
safety and well-being; and identifying where children required greater protection to be able
to develop and enjoy their rights, as laid out in the United Nations Convention on the Rights
of the Child (UNCRC).
• To examine how current formal and informal structures, networks and actors are working
to protect children from the identified risks.
• The research sought to suggest how protection mechanisms could be strengthened to
create a more protective environment for children where formal and informal structures,
systems and actors are failing to protect them.
For the purposes of this report, child protection is defined as work which aims to prevent,
respond to, and resolve the abuse, neglect, exploitation and violence experienced by migrant
children.
For Terre des hommes and Insan Association, the four main pillars of child protection are:
• It is rights-based: all children are entitled to protection as laid out in the UNCRC.
• It is primarily a state responsibility: only where and when a state cannot meet its
responsibility to protect is it charged with enabling the provision of humanitarian action by
impartial organisations.
• It is delivered in accordance with humanitarian principals of non- discrimination and respect
for all human beings.
• It empowers people to be actors in their own protection: Even in cases of humanitarian
crisis and within a weak state, communities have their own child protection and coping
mechanisms, however often children do not benefit from them. Intervention should always
take into account the community’s own coping mechanisms and seek to ensure that they are
available and connected to children.

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Given that the current needs assessment was intended to be child protection-focused,
participants in interviews and FGDs were asked to comment on their primary concerns
regarding the safety of migrant domestic workers’ children, and to state what they saw as
threats to the children’s safety and wellbeing. The responses from participants often included
concerns that would usually be associated with the fields of education, health, level of social
integration and livelihoods.
Considering that child protection work requires a multi- disciplinary, multi-sectorial
approach, this assessment does report on findings that are not protection-specific, those that
fall outside children’s exposure to all forms of abuse, neglect, exploitation and violence. In
the case of migrant workers in Lebanon, this includes the fields of health or education, which
emerged as major concerns for the communities.
Methodology
The needs assessment was carried out over a two-month period from the end of
August 2009 to the end of October 2009. The report was then updated in July 2010 in
order to reflect new developments in the field of NGO service provision that occurred in
the time following the end of the field research and the publishing of this report.
It was carried out using an ‘action-oriented’ research approach. This approach is chosen by
Terre des hommes because it is best suited to research where the principal objective is to
provide timely and appropriate programme responses to identified needs. It has been
described as research which “collects information needed for an action to take place in
order to design practical solutions to practical problems.”5
In line with this process, the needs assessment had four distinct phases as laid out below.
Findings were based on the outcomes of meetings, interviews and focus group
discussions with key stakeholders, community members and children.
Phase One
Phase one consisted of a desk review of existing literature, examining current knowledge on
the situation of migrant domestic workers and Sudanese refugees throughout Lebanon.
During this phase, preliminary meetings with self-appointed community leaders amongst the
various nationalities of migrant domestic workers were also held. The objective of these
meetings was to inform the community leaders of the purpose of the assessment and gain
their consent to access members of the community.
Phase Two
The second phase consisted of field researchers conducting a total of thirty-six interviews
and meeting with around twelve key actors. These actors included representatives from the
5 Regional Working Group on Child Labour (2002:4)

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following: the Filipino and Sudanese Embassies; a CLMC run-shelter community leaders as
well as directors from two private schools.
Phase Three
The third phase consisted of community-based focus group discussions with children, young
people and parents. A total of 19 children and young people between the ages of 6 and 13
years took part in two focus group discussions, and 9 parents participated in one FGD. The
children and parents were all contacted through the Insan Association, and discussions took
place at the
Insan Center. Home visits to the houses of migrants were also conducted during this phase.
Limitations of the research
Several limitations are present in the current research. Firstly, the researchers encountered
many obstacles due to the nature of migrant domestic work. Many migrant domestic
workers are confined to the home of their employer and gaining access is limited. For
example, churches represent a significant place where migrant workers gather on Sundays.
However, accessing migrants through churches was sometimes met with opposition from
Lebanese Priests who wanted the women to be left alone. Moreover, those migrants who
live in Lebanon illegally and work as freelancers fear problems from the General Security,
which creates difficulties in approaching women directly.
Secondly, political issues were also apparent when conducting field visits in Beirut’s southern
suburbs, areas controlled by Hezbollah. Some families were uncomfortable with the potential
that the presence of researchers would draw unwanted attention to them, which could have
also been dangerous for the researchers.
Thirdly, due to the small number of participants, the research does not claim to have
accessed a representative sample of the migrant workers community. This research does not
claim to generate accurate quantitative data about migrant children in Lebanon.
Nevertheless, significant qualitative information was collected regarding the daily routines
and most pressing needs of many migrant families. This research therefore may not be
representative of the overall experience of migrant families in Lebanon, it does, however,
succeed in capturing a detailed and poignant snapshot of a group of migrant children and
their parents. This enables valuable and much-needed insight into this often invisible
community.
Ethical considerations
All TdhL research is guided by the best interest of the child and the protection of children’s
rights in the process of gathering information. All members of the TdhL research team
signed the Terre des hommes Child Protection Policy and were governed by its principles
and code of conduct. The following points, drawn from the research team’s terms of
reference, provide clear instructions regarding the ethical rules and consideration of the
research:

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The research will be guided by the following ethical rules/considerations:
The outcomes and conclusions of the research must be correct, trustworthy,
cross-checked and open to scrutiny without embarrassment to TdhL and Insan.
The researcher must respect the privacy of the persons interviewed.
The researcher must consider the level of vulnerability and protection status of
the research targets and adapt their questions and attitude accordingly.
Tdh has ‘the best interests of the child’ as its central theme of the research. This is
to be interwoven into all aspects. If during the process, the researcher becomes
aware of a child in need of protection and/or assistance, ‘the best interest of the
child’ takes precedent over the desired outcomes of the research. This research
should not put any child in danger and if a request is made for assistance or the
researcher recognises a risk, the appropriate resource agencies will be activated
to assist the child when possible.
The research will be as ‘child led’ as possible, utilising child participatory
techniques. Children’s opinions will be actively listened to and encouraged.
Children’s right to privacy and confidentiality will be maintained to the highest
level.
The researcher must sign the Terre des hommes Child Protection Policy and
Code of Conduct and be willing to adhere to its principles and expected
practices. If a breach of the policy or code of conduct takes place the researcher
will be terminated immediately without any financial burden on Tdh or Insan.

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Section Two
Background: Domestic migrant workers in Lebanon
Context
This report focused on migrant women working as domestic workers in Lebanon and the
effect that their work has on their families. Migrant women employed in this area fall into
two broad categories: live-in and freelance.6 The vast majority of domestic workers initially
come to Lebanon as live-in help sponsored by a Lebanese employer, known as the “kafalah”
system. These women working as live-in domestic workers do not have children in Lebanon,
although they may very well have dependents in their home country. Sometimes, they
choose to stay on in Lebanon after their contract has finished and find work independently.
Sometimes, these women may start a family and earn their living by selling their labour on a
freelance basis.
Therefore, although the target group for this research was migrant worker women with
children, contact was also made with women who were or had been live-in domestic
workers, because their situation provides the context in which most migrant domestic
workers come to live and work in Lebanon.7 For this reason it is important to outline the
recruitment process of workers into Lebanon in order to better understand the context in
which they come and stay in the country, with the several levels of vulnerability that they
face throughout their time here.
History
In the twentieth century, the phenomenon of migrant workers coming to the Middle East
from Asia and Africa dates back to the 1970’s. The key event that sparked the current
migration trend was the oil boom that started in 1974. This resulted in a surge of wealth for
Arab states and therefore an increase in their standard of living and purchasing power for
human and material resources.8
In Lebanon particularly, young women from poorer, rural areas were traditionally employed
as domestic workers in the houses of the wealthy. But the possibility of employing foreign
workers for lower wages, coupled with what one scholar has called the increased
6 “Live-in” domestic workers have contracts with a single employer and live in their employer’s
house. Freelance workers live independently and may work for several different employers on
a non-contractual basis. Due to the dictates of the kafalah system, this type of employment is
technically illegal in Lebanon.
7
The exception to this are Sudanese domestic workers. Though they are a particular case,
they have been included in this study for reasons stated in the Executive Summary.
8
Jurendini (2003:2)

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non.
“racialisation” of the profession,9 has led to massive demand for women from Asia and
Africa to come and be employed as domestic workers in Leba
Current situation
For decades, women have been coming to Lebanon from labour exporting countries such as
the Philippines and Sri Lanka, where billions of dollars of remittances from nationals living
abroad represent some 10% and 9% of gross domestic product respectively.10 In 1996, the
Lebanese The Minister of Labor stated that there was “no less than US$10 million a month”
being repatriated from the “wages of foreign maids” in Lebanon.11 More recently, there has
been an influx of women coming from Ethiopia, Madagascar, Nepal and Bangladesh. There
are also many Sudanese women who work in the domestic sphere, although, as noted in the
introduction, they have probably not come to Lebanon for that purpose but take up
employment in the domestic sector because it is unregulated.
It is estimated that there are currently some 200,000 Afro-Asian migrant domestic workers
in Lebanon,12 earning between $100-250 per month as live-in help, or charging between $3-
5 per hour if work as freelancers.
Table 1: Statistics on migrant workers in Lebanon by country13
Country Estimated
population
Percentage of
migrants who
are women (%
of total
Number of
work
permits
issued for
first time
in 2008
Number
of work
permits
renewed
in 2008
Average
age
Average
monthly
wage
Consular
representation
Sri Lanka 80-100,000 2,520 14,124 $150 Embassy
Philippines 30,000 85% 5,915 15,770 $200 Embassy
Sudan 4,000 266 1,277 Embassy
Nepal 17,000 90% 4,756 1,982 18-24 Honorary
Consulate
Ethiopia 20,000 13,225 29,722 $100 Honorary
Consulate
Madagascar 5,000 1,211 692 19-21 $150 Honorary
Consulate
Bangladesh 4,994 6,039 Embassy
9
Jurendini (2003):4
10
Figures for Philippines from World Bank website:
http://blogs.worldbank.org/eastasiapacific/remittances-and-the-philippines-economy-the-
elephant-in-the-room (accessed 20 October 2009). Figures for Sri Lanka from HRW report
(2007:2
11
Jurendini (2002):3
12 http://www.hrw.org/ar/news/2008/04/29/lebanon-protect-domestic-workers-abuse-
exploitation. (accessed 13 April 2010)
13 Sources: Estimated total population given by embassies or community leaders. Information
on work permits contained in the Annual Statistical Bulletin 2008. Available through
http://www.cas.gov.lb (accessed 20 October 2009)

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Causes of vulnerability and abuse of migrant domestic workers in
Lebanon
In recent years, the difficult and sometimes abusive conditions faced by domestic workers in
Lebanon, including confiscation of identity papers, withholding of wages or food, confinement
to employers’ residency, unlimited working hours, physical abuse and sexual abuse, have
been well-documented by media and human rights organisations.14 All these factors
combine to result in many considering the conditions in which migrant domestic workers
live and work to equate to a form of modern slavery.15 In some extreme cases, such
treatment has gone as far as causing the death of migrant workers.16 In 2008, Human Rights
Watch (HRW) estimated that these deaths were occurring at the alarming rate of one per
week.17 The underlying causes for such treatment are outlined below.
a) Employment process
Before even leaving their home country, domestic migrant workers become exposed to a
series of compromising practices during their employment process, in which employment
agencies act as the middle-man. Most agencies have offices in both the sending and receiving
countries. The former work as recruiters of domestic workers, often targeting poor, low-
income areas where women have little prospects for economic success, while the latter
lodge the potential employers’ requests for domestic staff.
Although formally it is the employer who covers all the costs of bringing the worker to
Lebanon, including airfares, visas, health check-ups and agencies commissions, recruitment
agencies often charge fees at both ends. As documented in a Human Rights Watch report in
the case of
Sri Lanka, potential employees are often charged a hefty fee by the recruitment agency at the
sending end. In order to pay such fees, women are forced into taking loans from local
sources, sometimes at exorbitant interest rates.18
The result of such a system is that both parties, employer and employee, incur high financial
stakes in the transaction, with the employee entering into a form of debt bondage and the
employer making a significant investment. This investment can subsequently serve to
legitimise future abuse, such as the employer confiscating the employee’s passport or
restricting her physical movements, under the pretext that the employee was a costly
acquisition that cannot afford to be lost.
14 See for example, Jurendini (2002), HRW (2007) and Young (2000)
15
See Arabian, L. (2006) Women Domestic Migrant Workers in Lebanon: A Modern form of
Slavery, and Russeau, S. (2009) The New Slavery: Domestic Workers in Lebanon.
16 Mahdawi, (2009)
17http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2008/08/24/lebanon-migrant-domestic-workers-dying-every-
week (Accessed 6 August 2010)
18
Human Rights Watch (2007:24-25)

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b) Kafalah system
Flaws in the employment process constitute only a fraction of the sources of vulnerability for
migrant domestic workers in Lebanon. In order to initially enter Lebanon, a female domestic
worker must be “sponsored” by an employer. This system, known as “kafalah” in Arabic,
links the migrant domestic worker’s immigration process and residency and employment
permits to a single person, which binds the migrant domestic worker to her individual
employer. An unequal relationship results from the kafalah system whereby the employer is
left with significant control and leverage over his/her employees. Such authority in the
private context of the household increases the likeliness of an employer treating his/her
domestic worker abusively and decreases the likelihood of such abuses being reported.
c) Lebanese Labour Law
Once in the country, domestic migrant workers are explicitly excluded from Lebanese
Labour Law: Article 7 states that all workers are covered except domestic workers. This
means they have little or no recourse to channels through which they can seek legal redress
for any abusive treatment that may occur, a system that fosters impunity towards the abuser
and, by default, enables abusive treatment to continue.
d) Contracts
Workers sign a contract in their home country before leaving, which stipulates wages and
working hours, but are often made to sign a second contract upon their arrival in the
country of employment. The conditions of this second contract are often stricter than the
first, and more unfavorable to the employee. It can stipulate longer working hours, less pay
and less or no days off. The worker, however, is not always aware of this, because most of
these contracts are in Arabic, and she therefore is not aware of the contents of the
document she is being made to sign.
When the period of contractual labour is over, the employment contract normally stipulates
that the employer will pay the cost of the airfare so that the worker can return to her
country. However, there are a variety of reasons why women do not return to their country
but stay on in Lebanon. For example, the employer may simply not fulfill their part of the
bargain; a worker may have run away from her employer because of abusive treatment and
has no financial means to return home; or the worker may seek out a Lebanese sponsor that
does not require them as live-in help. Because their contract with their employer is broken,
any migrant worker who stays on in Lebanon does so illegally.
This results in a sizable population of migrant women living in Lebanon working as domestics
on a freelance basis, whereby they live independently and work illegally as domestic workers,
being paid on an hourly basis. It is these women who stay on in Lebanon that may start
families here, and it is their children that have constituted the target group of the current
research, and their views are expressed in section 3.

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Potential sources of protection of migrant workers in Lebanon
a) International legal texts
Although migrant domestic workers are not protected by domestic labour laws, Lebanon is
a signatory of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant of
Economic and Social Rights, which mandate it to take action against rights violations on its
soil regardless of the nationality of the plaintiff. For over a decade, these frameworks have
been used by migrant workers to take their employers to court for human rights abuses.
While only fraction of cases have actually ruled in favour of the migrant worker, such
international legal texts remain key instruments for defending against abusive treatment of
migrant domestic workers.
b) The unified contract
In 2009, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and the
International Labor Organization (ILO) supported the establishment of a Lebanese Steering
Committee responsible for drafting a new unified contract for women domestic workers in
Lebanon. The contract stipulates a set of common standards to protect domestic workers in
Lebanon; standards which all employment contracts should adhere to before a work permit
can be issued by the Ministry of Labor.19 Such protection mechanisms include the worker’s
right to decent clothing and food, sleeping quarters that respect their privacy, a weekly day
off and annual holidays, health insurance and no more than 10 hours’ work per day. It also
states that workers may leave their place of work if these conditions are not respected.
Originally drafted in Arabic, the contract has been translated into several different languages,
so that workers can read the contract in their own mother tongue.
Despite constituting a major development in the drive to ensure that the rights of migrant
domestic workers in Lebanon are respected, the unified contract has so far been met with
limited success. The main reason for this is that both employers and workers are not aware
of the unified contract, and therefore still use the arbitrary contracts provided through
employment agencies.
Moreover, the unified contract is still bound by the dictates of the kafalah system, meaning it
only applies to live-in domestic workers. There is still no mechanism for legalizing or
protecting migrant domestic workers who live independently and work on a freelance basis.
19 http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NEWSEVENTS/Pages/UnifiedContractLebanon.aspx (Accessed
6 August 2010)

18. Lebanon
18
c) Ministry of Labor
In addition to endorsing the new unified contract, the Ministry of Labor has taken steps to
support domestic migrant workers in Lebanon. The most recent of these was the
establishment in
May 2010 of a telephone hotline hosted by the Ministry to receive complaints from domestic
workers about breaches of the unified contract. Two operators are available from 8am to
2pm to take calls, afterwards complaints are recorded on voicemail and operators should
return the call. However, similar to the unified contract, awareness about this service is
piecemeal due to lack of publicising, which has led to the service not being used to its
maximum potential.
d) Embassies and honorary consulates
One of the main sources of potential protection and support for both live-in and free-lance
domestic workers are the embassies or honorary consulates of their home country. In
addition to standard consular services, some embassies offer legal advice, psychological
counseling or even shelters that their nationals can access if needed. For example, in the case
of a worker imprisoned because of lack of documentation, a worker fleeing an abusive
employer or spouse, or a worker attempting to retrieve documents withheld by an
employer. In recent years, the Sri Lankan and Filipino embassies have made efforts to
develop such services. Embassies can also act as mediators in disputes between the worker
and the employer or even the employment agency. Because of their limited human and
financial resources, honorary consulates tend to offer less substantial services than
embassies.
e) NGOs
Despite the very strong presence of NGOs in Lebanon, only a handful of these deal
specifically with migrant workers. An informal coalition of local and international NGOs,
including Human Rights Watch, Caritas Lebanon, ILO, Kafa (Enough Violence and
Exploitation Against Women) and Insan Association, have all been active in bringing issues
facing domestic workers to the forefront of policy debates through awareness raising
campaigns and lobbying. Together, this coalition has provided a strong voice for lobbying the
Lebanese government to guarantee that the rights of domestic workers in Lebanon are
respected and ensure that any violations do not go unattended.
With respect to service provision, Caritas Lebanon is the principle actor, and has been
offering services through its Migrant Centre (CLMC) since 1994. The CLMC provides legal,
social, medical and psychosocial support through its several affiliated centres and shelters in
Lebanon. In cases of severe abuse, the CLMC assists in relocating the worker with another
employer or repatriating the worker to their home country.

19. Lebanon
19
mestic workers.23
Kafa has also recently begun to provide services to the migrant domestic worker
community. In 2010 it established the Exploitation and Trafficking Unit, which is currently
piloting a one year long project focusing on domestic migrant workers. Sponsored by the
Danish Refugee Council, the project is multi-faceted and combines a research component20
and awareness raising activities with such services as a hotline to lodge complaints of abuse
and social workers to offer support and legal advice.
The awareness raising activities have included a photo exhibition and a series of newsletters
to be published in 2010. According to Ghada Jabbour, Head of the Unit, the newsletters aim
to provide a space for migrant workers to “share stories amongst themselves and
Lebanese,”21 which is why they have been published in 4 languages.22 Alongside
encouraging dialogue, the newsletters aim to tackle the lack of awareness about service
provisions and legal technicalities relevant to domestic workers by clearly outlining the
provisions of the unified contract and providing a detailed directory of organisations and
services in Lebanon who work with do
f) Churches
Another major source of support for migrant workers and their families is the network of
churches present in Lebanon. Functioning under the auspices of the Ecclesiastic Council of
Lebanon, the Pastoral Committee of Asian-African Migrants was established in 1997 as an
umbrella organization that oversees the work of four Catholic centres dedicated to assisting
the migrant community.24 Along with religious services, these centres host recreational
events, assist in retrieving confiscated passports from employers, conduct prison visits to
detained migrants and offer welfare, legal, and medical services. Because of its own links with
the Ecclesiastic Council of Lebanon, the CLMC coordinates with all these centres.
g) Community leaders
Communities are a huge source of support and protection within the migrant worker
population. Each national, and sometimes religious group has a community leader. Some of
them work in conjunction with the embassy or consulate, some work through CLMC, while
a select few function independently. In most cases, community leaders act as a focal point
between individual workers and the bigger groups and organisations that assist them. Several
community leaders work in conjunction with NGOs or embassies.
Alternatively, there are community leaders who provide facilities and services independently,
such as opening up their own homes as shelters for runaways. They do this because they
feel that the structures in place do not meet the needs of members of their communities.
20 See, for example, Kafa (2010)
21 Ghada Jabbour, Kafa. Personal interview 8/7/10
22 English, Arabic, Tagalog and Nepalese
23 See Annex 2
24 Jurendini (2002):12

20. Lebanon
20
“I provide a safe space because there are no other options for Nigerian
women living in Jounieh. Women who run away from abusive employers
otherwise would end up in the streets so I opened my home and we live
as a community.”
(name withheld) Nigerian community leader.
It is important to note that sheltering runaway domestic migrant workers in private homes is
illegal, which means that by meeting the needs of the most vulnerable members of
community, these leaders are putting themselves in danger.
Community leaders have also been instrumental in organising recreational activities. With
the help of the Philippines Embassy, key members of the Filipino community launched a
women’s football league, which holds weekly matches on Sunday afternoons.25 Members of
the Nigerian community have also started their own assembly for organising both social
activities and support networks for families in need.26
Community leaders play a key role in helping to address the needs of migrant worker
communities. However, sometimes they do not receive sufficient support to fulfill their
roles, an issue which will be dealt with in the following chapter.
h) Media and civil society activism
Recently, the plight of domestic migrant workers in Lebanon has received considerable
attention in the local print and televised media and has been the object of campaigns by
various civil society groups. For example, the “24/7 Campaign” was recently launched by a
group of these civil society actors in order to highlight the plight of domestic migrant
workers to mark
Labour Day 2010. A series of fundraising and awareness raising events were organized,
including a street demonstration, alongside an online petition to lobby the Ministry of Labor
to become more active in defending migrant’s rights.
Multimedia attempts at documenting the difficulties faced by domestic migrant workers in
Lebanon have flourished, with two documentary films being made on the topic, entitled
“Maid in Lebanon”, alongside a host of internet blogging sites.27
25 Personal interview with Matthew Cassel, 29/6/10
26 ibid.
27See, for example, the Ethiopian Suicides blog: http://ethiopiansuicides.blogspot.com/
(accessed 13 April 2010) and articles on Daily Star journalist Dalila Mahdawi’s Gutter Poetry
http://gutterpoetry.wordpress.com/tag/migrant-domestic-workers/ (accessed 6 August 2010)

21. Lebanon
21
Children and families of migrant workers
The previous paragraphs indicate that despite the difficult situations facing migrant domestic
workers in Lebanon, there has been considerable movement on many fronts in recent years
in order to address them. Most interventions, however, have focused on live-in domestic
workers, women who live in the country without family or children. So far, the lives of
migrant domestic workers who have children have not yet been the subject of critical
inquiry. It is these voices that this report hopes to share.
It is very difficult to give an accurate estimate of the number of children of migrant workers
in Lebanon. Although the majority of children of migrant workers have been born in
Lebanon, it is important to note that migrant workers themselves may be considered
children, in cases where a girl is under-18 years old but who has been encouraged to lie
about her age in official documents in order to enter Lebanon as a worker.28
Children born in Lebanon to migrants who do not have legal residential or employment
status will not have their births officially registered. There are, therefore, no official statistics
about the number of these children. A representative of the CLMC estimated that there are
as few as 150 children in total, 29 while another NGO, Insan Association, records having
worked with 300 migrant children in under 5 years.30 Moreover, because of their illegal
status, such children are often kept on the margins of society as an initial means of
protecting them. Consequently, they often miss out on educational and social activities,
which can further contribute towards their isolation.
Existing services for children of migrant workers
The CLMC primarily works with adults, however it does offer services catered towards
children, including a 3-week long summer camp and non-formal education in its shelters.
Najla Chehada, Director of the CLMC, maintains that “there aren’t very many children” of
migrants in Lebanon, which is why the direct services the CLMC offers for children of
migrants are relatively limited.
The CLMC does indirectly support activities for migrant children through partner
organisations, such as Insan Association. Insan runs a school, provides psychosocial and
outreach support to migrant families and has set up a safe house to accommodate the most
vulnerable children, those facing major child protection concerns. Insan also runs a series of
recreational activities for migrant children, such as Capoeira lessons and street-based
animation. In 2010, it conducted a seven month long project in partnership with Association
Najdeh and Samandal, which aimed to promote cultural exchange and dialogue amongst
28 Though the current report does not address this issue, it is an important factor to bear in
mind when discussing issues related to migrant children.
29 Telephone interview with Najla Chahada, 20/09/09.
30 Personal interview, Lala Arabian. 14/10/09

22. Lebanon
22
children from different migrant and refugee backgrounds through a series of workshops
teaching comic strip drawing techniques.31
The Insan School, located in the eastern Beirut suburb of Nab’aa, caters specifically to the
needs of children of migrants who have often missed out on early education opportunities.
The school has a tailored curriculum designed to assist these children in attaining the
educational levels necessary for entering into Lebanese schools. According to Lala Arabian,
Project Manager of Insan Association, the school has assisted over 300 children of migrants
since 2004. Upon completing Insan School, 35% of these children have been registered to
continue their education in the Lebanese schools with which Insan has links, including the
College des Frères Unis and Dar Al Awlad, run by Kids Alive International.32 A further 7%
have been referred to vocational training courses.33
For migrant families in general, the community serves as the primary avenue for support.
Cultural and religious events provide opportunities for migrant families to socialise with their
children. For example, migrant domestic workers can often be seen attending church with
their children. One journalist observed a children’s choir singing during a celebration of Sri
Lankan New Year.34 Community ties can also be instrumental in finding solutions to day-to-
day obstacles, such as the challenge of finding childcare facilities while the parents are at
work. One case was identified of a beauty salon run by a Cameroonian woman in a northern
suburb of Beirut which doubles as an informal crèche.35
31 Personal communication, Lala Arabian, 2/8/10.
32 Personal inerview, Lala Arabian. 05/10/09
33 ibid
34 Matthew Cassel. Personal interview, 29/6/10
35 ibid

23. Lebanon
23
Section Three
Assessment Findings:
Protection needs of migrant communities and children
The research revealed several key areas of concern for domestic migrant workers and their
families, which were consistently raised by all participants - parents, children, I/NGO staff
and community leaders alike. These can be divided into two groups: There are those factors
that affect the migrant community as a whole; and there are those particular factors that
specifically affect the children of migrants and constitute child protection concerns.
It is important to document the overarching factors of vulnerability alongside the specific
child protection issues, because the former give the context of the latter. Examining the
needs of the domestic migrant worker community as a whole enables us to better situate
the needs of its most vulnerable members: children.
Main areas of concern for members of the domestic migrant worker
community
Data for this category was collected through interviews with domestic migrant workers who
did not necessarily have children but were community leaders and were aware of the needs
of their communities. This section also incorporates the views of NGOs that work with
migrant workers and embassy personnel.
The most common factors cited as constituting areas of concern for the domestic migrant
worker community are outlined below according to priority/frequency of mention.
1) Violence and abuse (racial, physical, sexual, psychological)
The most common source of vulnerability and danger mentioned for those employed as
domestic migrant workers are abuse or violence of physical, sexual, psychological or racial
character. This can include anything from harassment in public spaces to gross violations of
person and dignity in the work place, going as far as rape and, in the worst cases, even
murder.36
“People don't treat you like a person. They don't listen to you, call you
“Ya Saouda, ya chocolat”37. I can never respond. If I respond there
will be violence; physical violence”.
(name withheld) Sudanese Muslim community leader.
36
See HRW (2008)
37
Hey, black woman; hey chocolate.

24. Lebanon
24
Almost all of the community leaders and migrant domestic workers interviewed during this
research expressed experience with racism and discrimination from the Lebanese society on
a daily basis. This was a major reason for many of them to create their own social networks
so that they could provide a space or network that allowed them to feel secure by being
around others in similar situations coming from their nationality.
“I had a case where a Nepalese girl was raped by the son of her
employer and then he invited over two guys who also raped her.
Around midnight she managed to run away to a church that she knew.
The next morning the members of the church took her to the hospital.
After she ran away, the employer filed a police report claiming that she
had stolen money and ran away, which later managed to get her
detained.” (name withheld) Nepalese community leader.
Within the scope of this research, this category of vulnerability was mentioned in the
context of protection offered to domestic migrant workers who were suffering from such
abuses, whether in the form of shelters, legal support or psychological assistance. The CLMC
has a secret shelter open to women who are fleeing abuse from their employers. Some
community leaders, one being from the Eritrean/Ethiopian community and another from the
Nigerian community have opened their homes as shelters. The Filipino and Sri Lankan
Embassies also offer shelters for this purpose.
“When I started work with this family I was sexually abused all the
time by the father of my employer. The kids would beat me every day
and I would try to explain to the Madame but she wouldn’t do
anything. Sometimes the father would come to sleep with me and
threaten that if I refused he would beat me. So I left the house.”
(name withheld) Ethiopian migrant domestic worker.
As mentioned in the previous section, domestic migrant workers who encounter severe
violence and abuse do have access to a handful of options. Its reputation as the main service
provider for migrant workers in Lebanon means that Caritas is often the first place many
domestic workers turn, where they can benefit from the shelter, counseling and legal advice.
Such services may also be sought in the embassies that provide them, namely the Sri Lankan
and Filipino Embassies. These Embassies have taken it upon themselves to protect those
members of their community who have encountered such violence and abuse.
2) Lack of documentation and legal status
There are several ways in which a migrant domestic worker can be penalised because of
their lack of proper documentation in the country. Migrant domestic workers caught
without their papers by the Lebanese security forces are often sent to prison or detention
centres. The exact numbers of workers currently in prisons for this reason is unknown, but
a significant aspect of service provision by the CLMC, embassies and community leaders

25. Lebanon
25
involves addressing this issue by visiting prisons in order to deliver food and clothing to
detainees.
Live-in domestic workers are at risk when, as mentioned in the previous section, their
employers confiscate their passports. If the worker faces abusive working conditions and
decides to flee, they suffer the complete loss of legal documentation.
“Because they don’t have papers they are immediately sent to the
prisons where they lose six months of their lives. Why not give the
employer a copy of the passport and let the worker keep their passport
and iqama38 instead?”
(name withheld) Eritrean community leader.
The condition of freelancers is even more precarious, as many of them have stayed on after
an initial live-in contract has ended and are living and working in Lebanon illegally. Because
this makes them susceptible to detention by Lebanese security forces, it means they
deliberately restrict their movements and live in a constant state of fear of being caught.
“Many of the women that you see in Dora don’t have legal papers and
when the police see ten Filipinos in the streets together they
immediately rush to harass them and ask for their papers. Before even
taking their papers they police will bargain them for bribes to not take
them to jail.” (name withheld) Filipino community leader.
Members of the Sudanese community are particularly affected by the lack of legal standing, as
many have come to Lebanon fleeing the conflict in their home country and seeking asylum or
refugee status but are not granted it. This does not only expose them to the possibility of
being detained or imprisoned, but it also means that they can be refused assistance by
NGOS.
“I went to Caritas when my husband was ill and asked for oil and salt. I
also explained our situation and that we are in need of assistance for
medical needs and they turned us away because we didn’t have
refugee status. We even tried to go the Palestinian Red Crescent (PRC)
and they told us there is no assistance for Sudanese unless we have
and ID card from the PRC.”
A Sudanese refugee living in the Sabra refugee camp.
UNHCR has 636 Sudanese registered under its care, 114 as refugees and 551 as asylum
seekers. 39 However, because Lebanon is not a signatory to the United Nations
Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, even those Sudanese who are granted
refugee status by the UNHCR are still not strictly legal and vulnerable to detention.40
38 Residency permit
39
UNCHR Lebanon Fact Sheet July 2010. Personal communication, Lara Ajjawi 8/10/09.

26. Lebanon
26
Some Sudanese participants claimed that in recent years, assistance to Sudanese has been
severely cut, particularly since 2006 when Lebanon witnessed a huge influx of Iraqi refugees
and funds were diverted to meet that emerging need. For example, one community leader
for the Southern Sudanese population used to receive $300 every three months from the
UNCHR, but that assistance stopped in 2006, compelling her to seek employment illegally in
order to sustain herself and her two children.
“Even though you are a refugee with status, no one can help you. The
UNHCR status doesn't protect refugees or allow them to work. So we
are a target in a foreign land.”
(name withheld) Southern Sudanese community leader and
freelance domestic worker.
3) Limitations in NGO service provision
As the major NGO in Lebanon that provides services specifically for migrant workers, it is
undeniable that the CLMC plays a much-needed role. Nevertheless, some of the participants
in the research expressed some reservations about aspects of its service provision.
On a logistical level, some participants noted shortcomings in the CLMC referral system.
CLMC policy is that it does not intervene in cases of maltreatment or abuse unless they are
contacted by the domestic worker themselves or referred by the community leader. This
makes it very difficult for live-in workers who face severe restrictions on their movements
and are isolated from fellow community members to access CLMC services.
The story of one domestic worker from the Democratic Republic of Congo is a case in
point. While being interviewed across the balcony of her employers’ home, she said:
“I have been confined to the apartment for four years, only being let
outside to take out the trash. I have no room to myself and sleep on
the kitchen floor.”
This woman used to have long braids, but at the time of the interview her head had been
shaven by one of her employers. Having concerns that this woman was being mistreated by
her employers, the interviewer approach the CLMC and explained the situation. Although
sympathetic, they explained that in order for them to intervene, the woman would need to
contact them personally. This incident highlighted the operational difficulties that the CLMC
encounters in accessing and responding to the needs of domestic workers.
40 In 2003, UNHCR and the Lebanese Government signed a Memorandum of Understanding
which states that refugees and asylum-seekers will be tolerated, but only for a limited period,
pending resettlement or voluntary repatriation. See
http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e486676.html (accessed 20 October 2009)

27. Lebanon
27
Another source of tension between members of the migrant community and NGOs is
specific to those migrants working as community leaders or representative. What seems to
have begun as a positive model of community volunteerism is currently resulting in
community leaders feeling overburdened and under-supported. They are expected to
perform various tasks including social work and translation, some of which require travel and
related costs. Considering that the role of community leader is sometimes played alongside
other paid employment, some community leaders that participated in the research were
critical of how they were not being fairly remunerated for their efforts.
As one community leader told us:
“It would be great if some of these NGO’s who are interested in
working with migrant workers would hire us as community leaders.
Right now I work with Caritas and the Nepalese Honorary Consulate
but neither takes care of my work papers or financial assistance and I
work with them full time in between also working two shifts.” (name
withheld)
Moreover, participants voiced frustration at the lack of options available to them in terms of
service provision. Domestic workers who are Muslim also voiced their reservations about
dealing with the CLMC because of its Christian groundings. One member from the Sri
Lankan community said that the reason why she works through Caritas is because it is “the
only option” for workers who require assistance in terms of prisons and shelters.
“We need an alternative to Caritas because they are the only ones
providing assistance in terms of shelters and access to the prisons.”
(name withheld) Madagascan community leader.
“We need shelters outside of Caritas that provide assistance for
Muslim women and that are free from the General Security”. (name
withheld), Nigerian community leader.
As the main service provider for domestic workers in Lebanon, the CLMC is the subject of
criticism from beneficiaries because its capacities cannot meet the needs of the communities.
A recurring theme from participants was suspicion of the close links between the CLMC and
the Lebanese General Security, which is the governmental body in charge of foreigners in
Lebanon. Some interviewees stated that workers were wary of the CLMC because of its ties
with the body responsible for detaining or arresting migrants and refugees, and feared that
Caritas could not provide them with the independent and unbiased support that they
needed.
Such suspicions have been exacerbated by media reports that have highlighted cases in which
the CLMC has cooperated with the General Security by using its shelter facilities to detain
refugees, such as in the case of Iraqi refugee Yousra el-Amiri. Although she had initially been
granted refugee status by the UNHCR, Amiri was arrested by the General Security and

28. Lebanon
28
detained at their detention centre in Adliyeh. Following a court ruling stating that Amiri’s
detention was illegal and demanding her release, Amiri was transferred to a CLMC shelter,
an act which sparked outrage in human rights circles.41During a press conference held by
Caritas to explain its position on the issue, a representative of the NGO maintained that
Caritas is a humanitarian NGO, not a legal one, and that Amiri came to the centre by “her
own request” while her documents were being dealt with.42
Regardless of the exact level of cooperation between the General Security and Caritas, the
reaction of the human rights community in Lebanon and the media coverage of the event
contributed to a wide-spread sense of unease and suspicion amongst vulnerable members of
the migrant community, particularly those living and working illegally. In turn, this made many
migrants reluctant to seek out the services of the CLMC and led them to request other
alternatives in service provision.
4) Limitations in Embassy/Consular support
As stated in the previous section, embassies do offer valuable services to their nationals
living in Lebanon. Several shortcomings have, however, been identified.
Honorary consuls that exist in the absence of an embassy tend to be understaffed and
underfinanced. Therefore, they tend to use community leaders for outreach or social work
on either a paid or unpaid basis.
For example, one Madagascan community leader, Marie,43 performs her tasks through the
Madagascan consul, who recently arrived in Lebanon. According to Marie, the consul before
him was not interested in the situation of workers in Lebanon but the current consul is
“trying her best” to help, despite receiving no financial assistance from the Madagascan
government.
Consequently, Marie is paid $200 per month by the Madagascan consul to work seven days a
week, with unlimited hours. Although she receives some form of financial compensation for
her work, which involves visiting prisons and hospitals and referring abused workers to
Caritas, it is the same salary received by live-in domestic workers. Not only is the amount
insufficient to cover the transportation costs of her work, it is not enough to enable her to
afford an apartment. This is a similar situation to those community leaders who lend their
time to NGOs for the benefit of their communities: although their efforts are positive
41 For comprehensive coverage of this incident, see the aticle in Now Lebanon
http://www.nowlebanon.com/NewsArchiveDetails.aspx?ID=141586 (accessed 13 April 2010)
and the article published in Al Akhbar http://www.al-akhbar.com/ar/node/173750 (accessed
13 April 2010). See also http://www.migrant-rights.org/2010/01/18/lebanese-general-security-
maintain-arbitrary-detention-of-iraqi-refugee-against-judge-decision-and-moi-orders/
(accessed 13 April 2010).
42 For video footage of the CLMC press conference, see http://blip.tv/file/3108575
43 Not her real name.

29. Lebanon
29
attempts at community mobilisation, the volunteers do not receive adequate support to
fulfill their roles.
In other situations, the relationship between the embassy and an individual from a segment
of its national population can be antagonistic.
“I started visiting the prisons and even wrote an article talking about
the situation of the women here and the lack of support the Sri Lankan
embassy provides for their nationals. As a result, the Sri Lankan
embassy asked the General Security to have me arrested so as to
silence my work and they also made sure that I no longer had access to
the prisons.” (name withheld) Sri Lankan community leader.
Embassy antagonism is particularly present within the Sudanese community because of the
nature of the conflict in Sudan. According to some Sudanese refugees who participated in
the research, the Sudanese government and its embassy in Lebanon can consider refugees
coming from Southern Sudan to be rebels and refuse them services.44
“If I had an embassy that cared for me, of course I would try to get a
residency license.” (name withheld) Southern Sudanese community
Leader.
Main areas of concern for the children of migrant workers
This category considers data collected from domestic migrant workers who have children
and migrant children themselves. This data was gathered through a series of field visits to
migrant families and three FGDs. The main areas of concern mentioned by respondents are
outlined below according to priority/frequency of mention.
1) Lack of legal status
“The biggest danger is the iqama, because children can be taken away
from their parents.” Raouda, Sudanese migrant worker and mother
When asked about the dangers facing their children, parents of migrant children
overwhelmingly cited the lack of legal status. As previously noted, lack of legal status affects
the domestic workers themselves, but the repercussions for children are magnified. A
pressing fear of migrant worker parents was that if they were caught and taken to prison,
their children would be left without anyone to care for them. Meanwhile, parents also feared
that if their adolescent children were caught, they would be detained in difficult conditions
and the parents would have to pay large sums to release them.
44 This could not be confirmed by the staff at the Sudanese Embassy. Needless to say, Tdh
does not support these views.

30. Lebanon
Consequently, migrant parents tended to dissuade their children from leaving the house
after school, on weekends or during holidays. Parents apprehension about letting their
children out of the house was reflected in the findings of the two FGDs conducted with
migrant children. When asked what they did in their free time, over half cited in-house
activities, such as watching television, playing computer or video games, doing homework or
helping with chores. This was particularly true for the younger children, aged between 6 and
9 years old. The following graphs illustrate this issue.
Figure 3: Free-time activities in 6-9 age group
Outdoors
activities:
football,
swimming,
beach
2nd
Quarter
Figure 4: Free-time activities in 10-13 age group
Outdoors
activities
Indoors
activities
2) Racism and discrimination
Parents spoke of children regularly being exposed to discrimination and racism from the
Lebanese society mainly due to their parents’ social status. In Lebanon, migrant domestic
workers are considered servants and are looked upon as slaves rather than employees. This
stereotype is then reflected on how the children are treated by other Lebanese children in
the schools and in their neighborhoods.
“My kids came home very upset and said that they were being picked
on in the school so I went to the school to speak with the director and
she told me that she could do nothing because they have a lot of kids
in the school.”
Amina, Sudanese migrant and mother
30

31. Lebanon
31
In turn, those children suffering form racially-motivated discrimination can become reclusive,
accentuating their already marginalised status in Lebanese society.
“Our kids were constantly being beaten by Lebanese kids in the school so
now they refuse to attend.” Touna, Sudanese migrant worker and
father
3) Economic and health-related problems
Medical needs are another pressing issue for migrant families. In some cases, when an adult
family member is ill the children are encouraged to work in order to compensate for lost
income. This was the case with 14 year-old Wissam of Egyptian-Lebanese descent, who
works at a beach resort on weekdays and at a restaurant on weekend nights in order to
contribute to his family’s livelihood.
In other cases, chronic health problems mean that children do not get the medical care they
need.
“My son Assif had an eye problem and he needed an operation. I
saved money and was able to pay, but now he needs a second one and
I don’t have enough money. So we’ll have to wait till we go back to
Bangladesh”. Ruby, Bangladeshi migrant worker and mother
Those that have refugee status are marginally better off, with the UNHCR paying 70% of
medical bills. With all other costs, including rent and school fees, even that amount is difficult
to meet, especially if several members of the family have health problems.
“I have an injured disc problem, which keeps me from working. My
daughter has heart problems and my husband has asthma. You see all
these medical bills. My husband is the only one working and we don’t
have the funds to pay and even we are not able to pay for our
children’s school fees so they will not be enrolled this year.”
Amina, Sudanese migrant and mother
4) School-related difficulties
Several parents interviewed mentioned the difficulties faced in terms of schooling, including
lack of academic support and problems with access.
“My children have problems in English and (classical) Arabic in school,
and I am unable to help them. This is why I started taking English
classes: I want to learn as much as I can to help my children.”
Arafa, Sudanese Muslim community leader and mother of five

32. Lebanon
32
There are several problems facing migrant children in terms of access. The main one is
financial, in that it is often difficult for families to pay for tuition fees. According to Insan
Association, 8% of children currently enrolled at Insan School between 2006 and 2010 had
dropped out of their former school for financial reasons.45
“We’re not all in the same conditions. Some can afford to send their
children to private schools, and those with 1 or 2 kids are ok. But most
of us live in difficult conditions with insufficient salaries, especially if we
put our kids in school.”
Raouda, Sudanese migrant worker and mother
Transportation is often a major issue, with children living in some parts of Beirut or in the
suburbs having to travel considerable distances in order to get to the schools that will accept
them. Such travel is often expensive. Combine this with the cost of books and uniforms, the
result is that the schooling process is considered a serious financial burden for migrant
families.
Even if the problem of funds could be overcome, there is no guarantee that migrant children
could stay in the Lebanese school system. Most schools which cater to or at least accept
migrants, such as the C.F.U and Dar al Awlad, only run until sixth grade. Finding secondary
schools willing to accommodate migrant adolescents is no easy task, considering that the
majority of secondary schools give priority to Lebanese students, amongst whom there is
also a high demand.
Lastly, supposing that the financial or structural problems can be overcome, some migrant
children end up dropping out because of family constraints. This was the case of 16 year-old
Mona, of Jordanian and Sri Lankan descent, whose parents were discouraging her from
attending secondary boarding school so that she could stay at home and take care of her
three younger siblings. Despite these pressures, Mona still has aspirations:
“I would like to find a trade school so that I can learn to work in a
coiffure and earn money to support my family. Also, I want to learn
English so that I can get a better job.”
Mona, 16, Sri Lankan-Jordanian
5) Lack of childcare and child-safe environments
In the course of the research, childcare emerged as a key area of concern for the families of
domestic migrant workers. In some cases, a lack of childcare facilities had prevented mothers
from continuing with their work, even though they may have been keen to have the
additional income.
45 Personal interview, Lala Arabian. 14/10/09

33. Lebanon
33
“I would like to be able to put my child in a nursery or daycare for
babies so that my wife can work. If she could earn extra income it
would really help our financial situation.”
Faysal, Sudanese migrant worker and father.
In other cases, some mothers admitted to leaving their children at home unattended on
weekends and during holidays while they went to work. One mother said that her own 8
year old son often babysat for the 1 and 3 year-old children of a neighbour, and if her son
didn’t, then she would leave the infants by themselves.
“All the Sudanese leave their children at home when they go to work.”
Raouda, Sudanese migrant worker and mother
In order to protect the children from outside dangers, including racially-motivated attacks or
security forces, mothers would lock their children in the house, leaving them vulnerable to a
host of household accidents, including electrocution or fire.
“The television was very old and it went on fire. I jumped from the
window but the window was higher than the floor. I wanted to jump on
a car but I missed and landed on the floor on my face. I broke my
tooth”. Tania, 8, Pakistani-Filipina.
As a result of this incident, Tania is too scared to stay at home alone by herself, so now her
mother takes her to work on weekends and during school holidays.
Moreover, linking up with the aforementioned issue of parents reluctance to let their
children spend time outside for fear of detention by Lebanese security forces, several
parents spoke about the need for safe places where their children could spend their free
time. The only facility offered in this regard is a three week-long summer camp by Caritas,
which has limited availability and is not open to younger children (7 and below).
6) Poor housing conditions
In the course of family visits and interviews, the conditions of the houses in which
respondents lived were noted as being below acceptable. In many cases, large families of five
or more were living in small spaces, maybe only one or two rooms. Several houses seemed
to have severe structural failings that could endanger the family inside at any time. For
example, in one of the houses, the roof was caving in. Moreover, respondents claimed that
rent was high, even though the buildings and apartments themselves were of particularly low
quality.

34. Lebanon
34
Section Four:
Conclusions and Recommendations
Migrant domestic workers constitute a vulnerable community in Lebanon. They face a set of
legal and economic hurdles in achieving a dignified existence, which is exacerbated by social
discrimination. Although these factors affect both live-in and freelance domestic workers,
they weigh disproportionally on the migrants with children and their need to provide
responsible care for them whilst they are at work. A lack of protection for parents translates
into a lack of protection for their children.
In view of the needs, dangers and sources of vulnerability identified in the preceding
paragraphs, the following recommendations for protection of migrant children in Lebanon
can be made.
1. Encourage reform of the Lebanese Labour law to abolish the kafalah
system
The kafalah system fosters an imbalanced relationship between domestic migrant workers
and their employers. In the case of live-in workers, this can lead to increased probability of
abuse. As the only legitimate way of workers engaging in a contractual employment
relationship, it also forecloses the possibility of migrant domestic workers choosing to work
legally on a freelance basis. Being able to legally live and work independently of a single
employer would mean that migrants would no longer face the fear of detention by law
enforcement bodies.
2. Lobby for better protection of domestic workers by Lebanese law
enforcement bodies
In order to combat the culture of impunity that prevails among Lebanese employers of
migrant domestic workers, Lebanese law enforcement bodies should be pressured into
investigating human rights abuses of workers.
3. Improve the scope and quality of services for migrants and their families
Despite the considerable efforts of NGOs and embassies, the needs of migrant communities
far surpasses the available resources. Participants expressed a need to be supported in day-
to-day concerns such as schooling, health and housing, and not just in times of emergency.
4. Support the establishment of services that better accommodate the
multiple religious, spiritual and philosophical identities of the migrants
The majority of support networks available to migrants in Lebanon, whether through
churches or the CLMC, are Christian institutions. Consequently, migrants from Muslim,
Buddhist or Hindu communities do not benefit from the same level of services as their
Christian counterparts. Members of such communities are in need of services that fit their
cultural, spiritual and philosophical identities.

35. Lebanon
35
5. Ensure that migrant community leaders are better supported in assisting
their communities
Community leaders constitute a vital source of protection for migrant domestic workers.
Unfortunately, they are often not sufficiently remunerated for the services they offer. All
bodies or organisations who benefit from the services of community leaders should ensure
that sufficient remuneration is accorded in cash or kind for their time and energy.
6. Strengthen existing informal childcare networks for migrants and, where
these are absent, support the establishment of formal childcare facilities
Migrant families where both parents work often have no options in terms of childcare. This
gap should be addressed by supporting community childcare alternatives, such as informal
crèches, or through the establishment of formal childcare facilities.
7. Encourage educational and recreational activities between migrant and
non-migrant children in order to promote cultural understanding and
fight discrimination
Both migrant adults and children face racism on a daily basis. It is important to tackle this
from an early age by promoting activities among children from different ethnic, cultural and
religious backgrounds.
8. Provide psychosocial support for migrant adults and children
Migrant children require support to assist them in dealing with the racism and discrimination
that they may face in school or in their neighborhoods. Such support could also be
conducted within the family unit to assist migrant parents in helping their children cope with
racism and discrimination.

36. Lebanon
36
Bibliography
Arabian, L. (2006) Women Domestic Migrant Workers in Lebanon: A Modern Form of Slavery.
Research paper submitted to European University Institute and University of Florence.
Hasenau, Michael (1991) ILO Standards on Migrant Workers: The Fundamentals of the UN
Convention and Their Genesis. International Migration Review (25[4]:687-697).
Human Rights Watch (2007) Exported and Exposed: Abuses against Sri Lankan Domestic
Workers in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Lebanon, and the United Arab Emirates. Volume 19, No.16(C)
Human Rights Watch (2008) Annex: Deaths of Migrant Domestic Workers in Lebanon.
http://www.hrw.org/pub/2008/women/Lebanon.MDW.Annex.082608.pdf (accessed 13 April
2010)
ILO (2000) International Labour Office ABC of Women Workers’ Rights and Gender Equality,
International Labour Organisation, Geneva.
ILO (2008) Decent Work for Domestic Workers: Plans for a new ILO Convention and how NGO’s
can be involved. Beirut office.
ILO (2009) Decent Work for Domestic Workers. Report IV(1). Beirut office.
Jureidini, Ray (2002) Migrant Women Domestic Workers in Lebanon. Geneva: International
Labor Organization (ILO).
Jurendini, R. (2003) “Migrant Workers and Xenophobia in the Middle East”, monograph in
series Identity, Conflict and Cohesion, Programme Paper Number 2, November, United
Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), Geneva
Kafa (enough) Violence and Exploitation (2010) Servant, Daughter or Employee? A study on
Attitudes of Lebanese Employers towards Domestic Workers in Lebanon. Kafa, Beirut
Mahdawi, D. (2009) Women worked to death in Lebanon. The Guardian, Comment is Free.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/nov/10/ethiopian-women-domestic-death-
lebanon. (Accessed 6 August 2010)
Regional Working Group on Child Labour (2002) Handbook for action-research on the worst
forms of child labour including trafficking of children. Bangkok: RWG-CL Asia
Russeau, S. (2009) The New Slavery: Domestic Workers in Lebanon
http://www.imow.org/community/stories/viewStory?storyId=3133 (accessed 13 April 2010)
Young, M. (2000) Migrant Workers in Lebanon. Lebanese NGO Forum, Beirut

37. Lebanon
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Annex 1: List of interview participants
Date Name Role/Organisation
28/08/09 (name withheld) Madagascan community leader
28/08/09 (name withheld) Madagascan migrant domestic
worker
01/09/09 (name withheld) Nepalese community leader
02/09/09 (name withheld) Sri Lankan community leader
03/09/09 (name withheld) Ethiopian migrant domestic
worker
03/09/09 (name withheld) Congolese migrant domestic
worker
05/09/09 (name withheld) Filipino community leader
06/09/09 (name withheld) Nigerian community leader
07/09/09 (name withheld) Director, Caritas secret shelter
11/09/09 (name withheld) Sudanese Christian community
leader
13/09/09 (name withheld) Eritrean/Ethiopian community
leader
15/09/09 May Abou Sleiman Assistant Programme Officer,
UNHCR
16/09/09 Abeer Abu Zaki Education Officer, UNICEF
30/09/09 Najla Chehada Director, Caritas Migrant
Center
5/10/09 Lala Arabian Project Manager, Insan
Association
5/10/09 (name withheld) Sudanese refugee
5/10/09 (name withheld) Sudanese refugee
6/10/09 (names withheld) Sudanese families
7/10/09 Abed Al Rahman Doumyati
and Riwa Bader
Supervisor and Director, Bayt
Al Awlad School, Basta
7/10/09 (name withheld) Sudanese refugee
7/10/09 (name withheld) Sudanese refugee
7/10/09 (name withheld) Sudanese community leader
8/10/09 Lara Ajjawi UNHCR
14/10/09 Lala Arabian Project manager , Insan
Association

38. Lebanon
38
15/10/09 Leonilla Robillos Labour Attaché, Filipino
Embassy
16/10/09 Samir Bashir Public Relations Officer,
Sudanese Embassy
29/06/10 Matthew Cassel Independent journalist
08/07/10 Ghada Jabbour Head of Exploitation and
Trafficking Unit, Kafa

39. Lebanon
39
Annex 2: Directory of Organisations and Services for Domestic Migrant
Workers in Lebanon (provided by Kafa)
Government Contact Information
Ministry of Labor + 961-1-540114 Hotline number for general complaints from Lebanese and foreign workers.
Hours of operation: 8am-2pm, Two employees are there to answer your call. They speak Arabic, French and
English. After 2pm and during the weekends, you can record your complaint.
General Security Service +961-1-425610 Reporting line for General Security operating 24/7
Organizations Contact Information Services
Afro-Asian Migrant
Center
St. Joseph’s Church, 1st
Floor, near Tabaris, in
Monot area, Beirut. +961-1-
332 601; +961 1 200 458
(Office open
Tuesday/Thursday
mornings)
Conducts visits to detention centers, provides detained migrants with food,
assistance, and informs their families. Provides religious instruction and
guidance through radio program in their languages on the Voice of Charity
radio station on Sunday evenings (between 8:00pm – 9:30pm, and on Friday
afternoon at 4:00pm). The stations are 87.5 FM, 105.8 FM and 106.2 FM.
Armenian Relief Cross in
Lebanon
Assaf Khoury Street, Bourj
Hammound, Beirut. Under
the Bourj Hammound
Bridge, close to the
beginning of Nabaa, Beirut.
Tel/Fax:+ 961-1-253793 to
5
Provides social and medical services to refugees and migrants and others in
need. Runs a health blog, available at: http://www.lokh.org/
Caritas Lebanon Migrant
Centre
Migrant Centre, Ave.
Charles Helou, Beirut.
+961-1-502550, dial ext.
127 for emergencies;
carimigr@inco.com.lb
Provides shelter and social, legal and medical assistance to migrant workers,
including victims of trafficking.
Insan Association Sin el Fil, street 88, Sector
1, (close to Gallery Al Arez
in Nabaa). +961-1-485237,
961-70-893144;
www.insanassociation.org
Works on two axes: Education and Protection. Education: runs a specialized
educational program, “Insan School,” for migrant & refugee children not
academically or psychologically prepared to attend a regular school, to prepare
them and help on all aspects for later integration in mainstream
education/vocational training. Protection: provides social, psychological & legal
support for refugee & migrant families, psycho-social and recreational activities
for children & temporary shelter, “Insan House” for vulnerable & a- risk
children for whom no other alternative is available.
KAFA (Enough) Violence
& Exploitation
Beirut, Badaro Street ,43 St,
Beydoun Building. +961-1-
392220-1; +961-1-381245
Offers a 24/7 hotline and a Listening & Counseling center as well referral
services to other organizations and social, legal and psychological assistance to
migrant domestic workers who are victims of physical or sexual abuse.
Helpline: +961-3-018019
SIDC (Soins Infirmiers et
Développement
Sin El fil- Youssef Karam St, SIDC association offers social, psychological and health services and follow up
for people Living with HIV/AIDS and their relatives, for drug users and their

40. Lebanon
40
Communautaire) Daou Bldg. +961-1-480714
www.sidc-lebanon.org or e-
mail
info@sidc-lebanon.org
relatives, for women commercial sex workers, and other vulnerable groups.
SIDC also offers free HIV/HCV/HBV counseling and testing and information on
sexually transmitted diseases and referral. SIDC conducts and monitors
outreach peer activities addressing vulnerable groups and receives them at the
Drop In Center.
Dar Al Amal Tel/Fax: +961-1-483508 Sin
El Fil- Horsh Tabet- Habib
Hakim Str. Samir Ghazal
Bldg
Social rehabilitation and reintegration center assisting women in prostitution to
help them exit through social, medical and legal support.
Associations Contact Information Description
Non-Resident Nepali
Association (NRNA)
+96- 3-95 260
www.nrna.org.np
The NRNA is a non-political, non-profit and voluntary international
organization. NRNA helps Nepali citizens who have been arrested and detained
in prisons, provides for the social welfare and wellbeing of Nepalese citizens,
and distributes to the Nepalese domestic workers, pamphlets on the duties,
responsibilities and rights of the workers and their employers. The Association
holds a gathering once a month to meet, share information and discuss any
problems they confront.
Contact for Nigerians in
Lebanon
Mr. Lucky Odiase
+961-3-817753
A group of Nigerian workers in Lebanon whose goal is to ameliorate the
Nigerian community’s situation and conditions, and act as a link between
Nigerian workers and their embassy in Beirut. The group’s work also aims at
strengthening the bonds between all Nigerian residents in Lebanon through
regular meetings as well as social services and religious events.
African United
Community in Lebanon
Mr. Salmon Jide
Mohammed.
+96-3-450685
Jid1562@yahoo.com Dora
Highway, MMS Bldg
The African United Community brings together workers who come from
different countries in Africa to work in Lebanon, with the objective of
enhancing African workers’ living conditions, solve their problems, and organize
meetings.
Embassy/Consulate Contact Information Address Tel/Email
Bangladesh Hon. Consul: Mr.
Mohammad Dandan;
Welfare/Labor: Shaza
Creidi
John Kennedy Street, Tina Center Building block
B, 1st Floor, Ain Mreisse
+961-1-375357
Ethiopia General Consul: Mr
Asaminew Debelie Bonssa
Badaro, Sami el Solah Highway, Manhatton Bldg.
2nd Floor
+961-1-388786

41. Lebanon
41
India Mr. Ravi Thapar; Second
Secretary & HOC: Kartar
Singh
Sahmarani Building, 2nd Floor, on Kantari
Street, n. 31 Bourj Al Mur.
+961-1-372619
Indonesia Mr. Bagas Hapsoro Avenue Palais Presidential, Rue No. 68 Secteur
3, Baabda
+961-5-924682-3
Malaysia Mr. Ilango Karuppannan Room 202-203, Savoy Suites, Raoucheh-
Andalus Street
+96- 1-787144-166;+ 961-1-
785968
Madagascar Honorary Consul: Mr.
Marcel Abi Chedid
Okaibe, Keserwan- New SantaTheresa Beach +961-9- 444333 ext. 104
Nepal Honorary Consul: Mr. Joe
Issa El-Khoury
Badaro St, Nadim Domair Bldg +961-1-386690
Nigeria Charge D’Affaires: Mrs.
A.A. Sonaike-Ayodeji
Bir Hassan, Adnan Hakim St, Al Abir Bldg, 1st
floor
+961-1-857614-5
consularandinfo@nigeriabeirut.or
g
Philippines/POLO Labor attaché: Mr.
Lacombra; Welfare attaché:
Ms. Tracy Floraz
Achrafieh, Charles Malek Ave., near Sagesse
School, across from Roadster Diner
+961-1-212001 to 3; Hotline:
+961-3-988207 or +961-1-
807017; Embassy Shelter+ 961-1-
204328; beirutpe@dfa.gov.ph
Togo Honorary Consul: Mr.
George Boustany
Ain el Rihani, Jeita, Kesserwan +961-9-230807
Sri Lanka Counselor for Labor and
Welfare: Mr. WM
Premarathna
Embassy Building, 1st and 2nd Floor, in the
area Louiaze, near Jamhour
+961-5-924769/64
slemblbn@cyberia.net.lb
Sudan General Consul: Mrs.
Sayeda Marwa Kamal
Hamad
Minkarra Building, 7th Floor, facing Bristol
Hotel, Hamra
+961-1-353270;+ 961-1-350057

42. Lebanon
42
Service Meeting
time/frequency
Language Location Contact Information
St. Joseph's
Church/Catholic
Sunday Service: 10:30am English St. Joseph's
Church, Rue de
Monot, Tabaris
Father Martin +961-1-200458 (for other
locations for the Sunday mass please contact
961 1 331601)
Church of Christ Sunday Service: 10am-
12pm
Sinhala Dora (Tawkatli
bldg) Across for
Akil Bros.
Brother Lawrence +961-3-019 679
Buddhist prayer Once a Month Sinhala St. Joseph's
Church, Rue de
Monot, Tabaris
Tel: +961-70-247142 or email:
boduekamutuathawa@yahoo.com to find out
the times & date
International
Church
Sunday Service:2pm English, Arabic, &
translation in
Magalasy
Jean d’Arc St.
Near East School
of Theology Bld.
Father Charbel. Contact Aimee Hary,
+961-70-868253
El Shaday
International
Church/Pentecosta
l
Every Saturday/7pm &
Sunday Service:2:30pm
Amharic In Nazarene
Church, near
Lebanese Univ.,
Karm el-Zeitoun
+961-3-476563
Ethiopian Full
Gospel Church
Sunday Service:10:30am Amharic In Adventist
Secondary School,
Bouchrieh
Ms. Vicky Andarge, +961-70-851772
Open Doors Sunday: Bible Study
11am to 12pm/ Service
12pm to 2pm ,s
Tagalog Doura Sister Gina Gamus, +961-70-657758
Lord of Lords
Hillside Ministry
Sunday Service:11am-
2:30pm
Tagalog Mary Wakim
Center-
Mansourieh
Father Nelia, +961-3-190674
Christ Devine
Love/
Sunday Service:11:30-
2pm
Tagalog Achrafieh-
Fassouh, turn right
after Spinneys
Sister Merly, +961-3-877865
Church of
Pentecost/African
Sunday Service:10am-
1pm
English Dora, Amano Str. Father John, +961-3-947910