4. 4
Table of contents
1. Abstract…………………………………………………………………………......……...…………….5
2. List of abbreviations and acronyms.……………………..……………………...…….…..7
3. List of figures……………………………………………………………………………………..…8-9
4. Introduction…………………………………………………………….……………………….10-18
a. Background………………………………………..…….……………….…………………….10
b. Outline of problem………………………………………………….……………....…...…10
c. Rationale and aims of project focus…………………………..…...……...…...…11
d. Terminology……………………………………………………...…….…………….......……12
e. Objects collected for data generation………………….…….…….……..…...…14
f. Methodological prolegomenon………………………………….…....…….……..…14
g. Limits to the research strategy………………………………….……………..……17
h. Originality of the project………………………….………………………………..……18
i. Ethical considerations……………………..…………………………….….……………18
5. Chapter 1 – ‘tribalist’ outfits………………………………………..….……....……..…19-31
a. The ‘traditional Zulu’ commonly coordinated outfit……...….….…20-26
i. Fighting-stick..…….…………………………………………….…….…………..…20
ii. Leopard skin..…….………………………………..….…………………………..….22
iii. Kingship..…….………………………………………….…………………………..….24
iv. Shaka..…….………………………………………………………...………………..….25
b. The ‘tribal/formal’ commonly coordinated outfit………………….…27-29
i. Bricolage..…….…………………………………………...………………………..….27
ii. Hybridity..…….……………………………………………………...……………..….28
c. Cartoon assessment…………………………………………………………...…30-31
6. Chapter 2 – ‘militarist’ outfits ……………………………………………………....…32-41
a. The ‘all black’ commonly coordinated outfit……….........................…33-35
i. Bespoke uniform..…….………………………………………………..………..….34
ii. Disingenuous mistakes..……………………………………………………...….35
b. The ‘second liberation’ commonly coordinated outfit……….....…36-39
i. Second liberation..…….…………..……………………….………....….……..….36
ii. Leaping gesture..…….…………………………………………………………..….37
iii. Lighting..…….……………………………………………………………….……...….38
c. Cartoon assessment…………………………………………………………...…40-41
7. Chapter 3 – ‘populist’ outfits …………..……………………………………..……..…42-52
a. The ‘sports-fan’ commonly coordinated outfit……………………...…43-46
i. The team..…….……………………………………………………………..….…..….44
ii. Springboks..…….……………………………………………………...…………..….45
b. The ‘working-class’ commonly coordinated outfit……………......…47-52
i. Polo shirt..…….………………………………..………………………………………48
ii. Clenched fist..…….…………………………………………………….………….….49
c. Cartoon assessment……………………………………………………………….…51-52
8. Concluding remarks……………………………………………………….……...…..……53-55
9. Bibliography……………………………………………………...…………..…………...……56-61
10.Appendices……………………………………………………...…………..…………...…...…62-90
5. 5
Abstract
It is perplexing that President Jacob Zuma has achieved such political success
despite embroilment in scandal. This project is founded on the premise that this
political success is partially due to his resilient political identity of ‘Zuma’. This
identity is partially constructed by Jacob Zuma’s ‘performances of dress’ - defined as
all iterations of the entire production of the visual appearance of JZ’s dress, in given
moments on the political stage. This construction occurs through a process of
iteration (Derrida, 1978). This is where communicative objects encompassed by all
reference to Jacob Zuma through any medium, are repeatedly interpreted
synchronically, and as such, contribute discursive meaning to the construction of
‘Zuma’. This repetitive and cumulative process, which occurs in JZ’s performances of
dress, creates temporary structures of knowledge about ‘Zuma’.
This project is focussed specifically on the discursive mechanisms of Jacob Zuma’s
dress as opposed to another aspect of his political spectacle. This is because dress is
a basic fact of social life. As such, it constructs knowledge of him as legitimately as
other facets of his political spectacle, despite the prevailing attitude in political
science that dress is trivial.
In this project, I adhere to the post-structuralist tradition, as a result of my anti-
foundationalist epistemological characterisation of ‘Zuma’. I use interpretive
methodology, which allows me to deploy my ‘socio-cultural resources’ (Schwartz-
Shea and Yanow, 2006: 178) to generate data for analysis. I use semiotic methods to
analyse the interpretive meanings of the visual language within this data.
Specifically, I generate my data by interpreting over 20,000 photographs of Jacob
Zuma to ascertain the most powerful, distinctive, and recurrent, discursive
mechanisms across all instances of his performances of dress. I then select
commonly coordinated outfits that contain the most of these ascertained
mechanisms. Once these outfits are identified, I select exemplary photographs that
6. 6
most pertinently exemplify each of these commonly coordinated outfits
respectively. I then semiotically analyse how these commonly coordinated outfits
construct ‘Zuma’, as exemplified in the photographs. To bolster the credibility of
this interpretive analysis and to constrain undesired bias, I check my postulated
theoretical positions against Zapiro’s interpretive views of ‘Zuma’, which are
instantiated in his cartoons.
The ultimate aim of this project was to uncover something specific about power.
Explaining the mechanisms through which discursive points of knowledge
pertaining to ‘Zuma’ are constructed, allowed better understanding of how Jacob
Zuma’s political identity is made popular in the given interpretive community of SA.
By explaining interpretations of these mechanisms, something was learned about
the exercise of political power, facilitated by the construction of ‘Zuma’. This is the
power to influence political outcomes, such as outcomes of elections, or in enabling
retention of office despite scandal. This project did so, through this better
appreciation for the taken-for-granted discursive codes in Jacob Zuma’s
performances of dress, which construct ‘Zuma’ as part of his wider political
spectacle.
[476 words]
8. 8
List of figures
Figure 1 – Shapiro, J. (2014) Partial cover image. In Shapiro, J. Democrazy: SA’s
Twenty-Year trip. South Africa: Jacana Media.
Figure 2 – Getty images. (2014) Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi and President Jacob
Zuma with Zulu King Goodwill during his wedding at Ondini Sports Complex on July 26,
2014 in Ulundi, South Africa. Available at:
http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/prince-mangosuthu-buthelezi-
and-president-jacob-Zuma-with-news-photo/470620684 [Accessed 25 February
2016].
Figure 3 – Getty Images. (2008) Former South Africa's President Nelson Mandela (C)
poses with ANC (African National Congress) President Jacob Zuma (L) and current
South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki during his 90th birthday celebrations on July 19,
2008 at his house, in Qunu. Mandela, the anti-Apartheid icon with his family, and the
whole village are celebrating. He served 27 years as a prisoner for his leading role in
the fight against the whites-only Apartheid regime before being released in 1990.
Available at: www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/former-south-africas-
president-nelson-mandela-poses-with-news-photo/82002187 [Accessed 25
February 2016].
Figure 4 – Shapiro, J. (2010) New age remarks on Zuma’s clothes as ‘outfit stunning’.
Available at: www.zapiro.com/cartoons/100819tt [Accessed 25 February 2016].
Figure 5 – Shapiro, J. (2006) Zuma: ‘my credibility intact’. Available at:
www.zapiro.com/cartoons/060509indep [Accessed 25 February 2016].
Figure 6 – Getty Images. (2010) The South African President Jacob Zuma and Prince
Philip, the Duke of Edinburgh inspect the troops at the ceremonial welcome on Horse
Guards Parade, as part of his three day State Visit to the UK, March 03, 2010 in
London, England. Available at: www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/the-
south-african-president-Jacob-Zuma-and-prince-philip-news-photo/97396575
[Accessed 25 February 2016].
Figure 7 – Getty Images. (2009) African National Congress leader and presidential
favourite Jacob Zuma leaps into the air while dancing on stage during an ANC victory
9. 9
celebration April 23, 2009 in downtown Johannesburg, South Africa. With most of the
results tallied, the ruling ANC has won an overwhelming victory in national elections
held Wednesday. Available at: www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/african-
national-congress-leader-and-presidential-favorite-news-photo/86184649
[Accessed 25 February 2016].
Figure 8 – Shapiro, J. (2006) Bring me my machine gun. Available at:
www.zapiro.com/cartoons/060309mg [Accessed 25 February 2016].
Figure 9 – Getty Images. (2011) South African President Jacob Zuma shares a joke
with Captain of the Springboks John Smit (L) during a send off ceremony on August 29,
2011 at the presidential guesthouse in Pretoria before their departure for New
Zealand. Jacob Zuma told the Springboks Monday that they were 'warriors' who had
the backing of 50 million South Africans when the Rugby World Cup kicks off next
month in New Zealand. 'You are warriors. The entire 50 million citizens of South Africa
will be behind you,' said Zuma when he wished the defending champions good luck at
the presidential guesthouse in Pretoria. Available at:
www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/south-african-president-Jacob-Zuma-
shares-a-joke-with-news-photo/122828946 [Accessed 25 February 2016].
Figure 10 – Getty Images. (2013) South African president and ANC leader Jacob
Zuma addresses people of Ka-Nyamana in Nelspruit, Mpumalanga on January 8, 2013
during the birthday of the ANC ahead of the manifesto launch on Saturday. Jacob
Zuma vowed on Wednesday that his ANC party will rule Africa's wealthiest nation
'forever' as the country gears up for elections expected within months. Available at:
www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/south-african-president-and-anc-
leader-Jacob-Zuma-addresses-news-photo/461385501 [Accessed 25 February
2016].
Figure 11 – Shapiro, J. (2014) ANC struggle legacy - credit extended only to 2019.
Available at: www.zapiro.com/cartoons/140508mg [Accessed 25 February 2016].
Figure 12 – Shapiro, J. (2006) The thinker and the poser. Available at:
www.zapiro.com/cartoons/061005indep [Accessed 25 February 2016].
10. 10
Introduction
Background
Jacob Zuma (hereafter ‘JZ’), President of South Africa (hereafter ‘SA’) incumbent,
won consecutive general elections in 2009 and 2014 after his appointment as ANC
President in 2007. This is notwithstanding substantial controversy in the years
leading up to, and during, his time in power:
i. Perceived Ignorance – While Vice President in SA, where in 2014 an
estimated 6,800,000 people live with HIV (UNAIDS, 2014), JZ erroneously
claimed that through showering after unprotected sex with an HIV-positive
woman, he ‘minimised’ the possibility of contracting HIV (Sidley, 2006:
1112).
ii. Misogynistic Comments – While on trial for rape in 2006, he made the
statement that he couldn’t ‘just leave a woman if she is ready … to deny …
sex, that would … [be] tantamount to rape’ (Vincent, 2009: 216).
iii. Alleged Corruption - JZ allegedly engaged in corruption with his former
financial advisor, Schabir Shaik. Judge Hilary Squires, while convicting Shaik
of corruption and fraud, accused JZ of involvement with Shaik in a ‘mutually
beneficial symbiosis’ (BBC, 2009). In 2009, shortly before the election, a total
of ‘700 charges against … [JZ] were dropped’, with the prosecutor citing
‘political interference’ (Smith, 2013).
Outline of the problem
It’s perplexing that JZ has achieved political successes despite such scandal. One
must acknowledge that JZ’s ANC leadership role has been instrumental in his
political successes and electoral resilience, because of the ANC’ historic popularity
derived from its role in ending Apartheid. However, JZ’s hold on power by popular
mandate, despite scandal, is also at least in part due to resilient individual political
identity. I characterise this political identity as ‘Zuma’. Political identities can behave
like ‘brands’. Brands have the benefit that consumers of the brand ‘can be critical of
11. 11
the actions of those representing … a brand … while never dreaming of switching
one’s allegiance [,] … what one wants is “undying brand loyalty”’ (Robertson, 2015:
543-545). Thus, strong political identity gives scope for scandal, because the benefit
of the ‘brand’ can add resilience to political popularity, as shown by ‘Zuma’.
In this project, I adhere to post-structuralist tradition; I characterise the
construction of ‘Zuma’ as having ‘anti-essentialist ontology and … anti-
foundationalist epistemology’ (Torfing, 2005: 13). ‘Zuma’ is ‘continuously
constructed by means of [the] narrative and rhetoric’ (Carver and Hyvarinen, 1997:
5) contained within JZ’s political spectacle. This construction occurs through a
process of iteration (Derrida, 1978), whereby communicative objects encompassed
by all reference to JZ through any medium (be it in the auditory, visual or tactile
channels), are repeatedly interpreted synchronically, and as such, contribute
discursive meaning to the concept of ‘Zuma’. This repetitive and cumulative process
accrues discursive meaning to create temporary structures of knowledge about
‘Zuma’, in the form of privileged discursive points concerning ‘Zuma’.
Specifically, considerable construction of ‘Zuma’ occurs through JZ’s political
spectacle. JZ’s political spectacle encompasses the entirety of reader’s visual,
‘iterative, phenomenological–hermeneutic sense-making’ (Schwartz-Shea and
Yanow, 2012: 91) of JZ’s appearances on the political stage. A central visual element
of this spectacle, and thus a pivotal way in which JZ’s political identity of ‘Zuma’ is
constructed, are JZ’s ‘performances of dress’ (hereafter ‘PoD’). In identifying the
discursive mechanisms contained within JZ’s PoD, I therefore consequently explain
some discursive processes, through which ‘Zuma’ is constructed to build his ‘brand’.
While also gaining an understanding of how JZ has achieved political success despite
scandal.
Rationale and aims of project focus
I focus specifically on PoD because ‘all cultures dress the body in some way’
(Entwistle and Wilson, 1998: 107). Dress ‘is a basic fact of social life’ (Entwistle,
12. 12
2000: 6), where the body is prepared ‘for the social world’ (Entwistle and Wilson,
1998: 108). Dress is not trivial; although this is the way it’s often perceived. The
necessity of dress means it inextricably contributes to the discursive construction of
individual identity (despite many politicians’ apparent denial of this fact…). Indeed,
as non-verbal communication, dress ‘sets the stage for [the] subsequent verbal
communication’ (Eicher and Roach-Higgins, 1995: 16) of identity. If we deem
political identity to be important, we must deem PoD salient.
The ultimate aim of this project is to uncover something specific about power.
Explaining the mechanisms through which discursive points of knowledge
pertaining to ‘Zuma’ are constructed, allows better understanding of how JZ’s
political identity is made popular in the given interpretive community of SA. The
aim in explaining interpretations of these mechanisms is to learn about the exercise
of political power, facilitated by the construction of ‘Zuma’. This is the power to
influence political outcomes, such as outcomes of elections, or in enabling retention
of office despite scandal. This project will do so, through better appreciation for the
taken-for-granted discursive codes in JZ’s PoD, which construct ‘Zuma’. ‘Such
“revelations” can make possible new understandings and [critical] evaluations of the
status quo, enabling human growth and change’ (Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, 2006:
92).
This project is focused on JZ as opposed to another political actor because his PoD
are particularly charismatic and contain numerous different, polysemic, commonly
coordinated outfits, each rich in discursive mechanisms.
Terminology
Performances of Dress
All iterations of the entire production of the visual appearance of JZ’s dress, in given
moments on the political stage. This includes bodily gestures that dictate visual
interaction of the body with clothing, and body adornments. It also includes lighting
that illuminates dress.
13. 13
Communicative object
An object containing interpretively understandable discourses.
Discursive mechanism
The language function of a communicative object, which operates conditionally
within an interpretive community.
Dress
The phenomenon where the body visually interacts with clothing and body
adornments. It is not concerned with items of clothing, as artefacts, divorced from
the body.
Commonly coordinated outfit
Coordinations of clothing and adornments united with the body, which are iterated
in different instances of an individual’s PoD.
Political identity of ‘Zuma’
That concept of JZ, ‘continuously constructed by means of [the] narrative and
rhetoric’ (Carver and Hyvarinen, 1997: 5) arising from interpretation of the
discursive mechanisms contained in all references to JZ through all conceivable
mediums.
Political stage
An event of national political ‘significance’, i.e. subject to coverage in the national
press.
Political spectacle of JZ
The entirety of all reader’s visual, ‘iterative, phenomenological–hermeneutic sense-
making’ (Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, 2012: 91) of all appearances of JZ on the
political stage. JZ’s PoD are centrally included within this. The channels of auditory
and tactile perception are evidently excluded.
14. 14
Objects collected for data generation
I utilise two banks of articles for the creation of researcher-generated data:
Bank 1 – Photographs that feature JZ undertaking PoD:
To collect these, I searched for ‘Jacob Zuma’ on GettyImages.co.uk on 25/01/2016,
which delivered 11,546 photographs, and did the same on the ‘GovernmentZA’
Flickr.com page, which delivered 9,019 photographs. This search was
comprehensive as Getty Images is the world's largest photo agency (BBC, 2014)
with ‘the deepest digital archive’ (Getty Images, 2016), and Flickr has over 3.5
million new images uploaded daily (Jeffries, 2013).
Bank 2 – Cartoons by Zapiro that feature representations of JZ:
To collect these, I searched through all images on Zapiro.com on 25/01/2016. This
delivered a collection of 4350 cartoons.
Methodological prolegomenon
Interpretive research
‘Zuma’ is constructed by discursive mechanisms arising from the communicative
objects contained within JZ’s PoD. These are not objects ‘independent of us’
(Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, 2006: 9) as foundationalism theory asserts. These
objects have no prior ontological existence and cannot be collected or examined in a
strictly positivist methodological sense. To answer how ‘Zuma’ is constructed, the
methodology acknowledges that ‘Zuma’ is constructed through a language process
indivisible from human intuitive meaning-making practices. A process whereby
readers use prior knowledge and unconsciously internalised codes (Hall, 1997: 22)
as a ‘mediating factor in sense-making’ (Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, 2006: 10) of
discursive mechanisms. These codes are embedded within ‘a socially constructed
system of rules and significant differences’ (Laclau and Mouffe, 2001: 107).
Accordingly, I utilise interpretive methodology to examine JZ’s ‘personal identity ...
15. 15
produced in language usage’ (Carver and Hyvarinen, 1997: 5). This methodology
allows me to deploy my ‘socio-cultural resources’ (Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, 2006:
178) to generate data for analysis (as opposed to collecting it), using the research
focus as guidance. It also enables me to analyse the intuitive meanings of the visual
language within the generated data. The interpretive knowledge I use to do this
does ‘not need to be explicitly articulated … to be used’ (Schwartz-Shea and Yanow,
2006: 92).
To generate the data for explanatory use, I use the article banks as follows:
Bank 1 – I interpret the photographs to ascertain the most powerful, distinctive to
JZ, and recurrent, discursive mechanisms across all instances of JZ’s PoD. I then
select commonly coordinated outfits that contain the most of these ascertained
mechanisms. Once these outfits are identified, I select exemplary photographs that
most pertinently exemplify each of these commonly coordinated outfits respectively
in a PoD. I use one photograph per outfit to exemplify the outfits within the body of
this project, and then analyse these exemplified instances of JZ’s PoD. I affirm that
this specific analysis also largely applies to other iterations of the outfit, and
ultimately ‘Zuma’. Photographs of other iterations of the outfits are attached in the
Appendices.
Bank 2 – I interpret the bank of cartoons to ascertain which cartoons contain most
satirical references corresponding to the discursive mechanisms I have identified in
my analysis of the photographs.
Semiotic research method
I analyse the generated data with the method of semiotic analysis.
JZ’s PoD is a phenomenon with discursive meaning through visual communicative
objects. Thus, to analyse it, one must use visual analysis. Semiotic analysis is
suitable for this as it’s ‘concerned with everything that can be taken as a sign' (Eco,
1976: 7) and ‘how meanings are made’ through visual discursive mechanisms,
whereby one thing 'stands for' something else (Chandler, 2001: 8).
16. 16
The conceptual tools I use from within this un-institutionalised method; are the
following:
i. Abduction
ii. Aesthetic code
iii. Anchorage
iv. Articulation
v. Binary oppositions
vi. Bricolage and pastiche
vii. Denotation
viii. Icon, index and symbol
ix. Interpellation
x. Intertextuality
xi. Kineme
xii. Naturalisation
xiii. Paradigms and syntagms
xiv. Rhetorical tropes - metaphor and metonym
xv. Transference
I use these conceptual tools, with reference to dress, primarily using the various
theoretical approaches of the following scholars: Barnard (1996), Barthes (1972),
Baudrillard (2002), Birdwhistell (1970), Chandler (2001), Davis (1994), de
Saussure (2013), Derrida (1978), Eco (1976), Fiske (1989), Hall (1997), Jameson
(1992), Kristeva (1982), Levi-Strauss (2008), Lurie and Palca (1981), Peirce (1993),
Polhemus (1978), Rose (2011), Simmel (1957), Weldes (1999), Williamson (1978),
and Wilson and Entwistle (2001).
The analysis is organised into three chapters, divided in accordance with the genres
of the discursive mechanisms that constitute ‘Zuma’, contained in each commonly
coordinated outfit. Two different commonly coordinated outfits are analysed in each
respective chapter using the photographs that exemplify these outfits. Each chapter
17. 17
is chiefly concerned with analysing these photographs, to ascertain how ‘Zuma’ is
constructed. Secondarily, I use the critical readings of ‘Zuma’ by Zapiro, exemplified
in the cartoon data included in each chapter. I do this to give my interpretive
reading of the discursive mechanisms contained within the photographs additional
credibility, but not strict ‘validity’ in positivist terms.
Limits to the research strategy
The ‘necessary interpretive nature’ (Hall, 1997: 42) of this project, is its primary
limitation, as my ‘own sense-making’ that I use to generate data, prohibits any
claims of incorporeal scientific objectivity. This is because when using interpretive
research methods, one is unable to isolate and analyse data with disembodied
rationality, which is required for ‘internal validity’, in positivist terms. However,
‘with methods, as with people, if you focus on their limitations you will always be
disappointed’ (Masoud, Shapiro and Smith, 2004: 35). The cost of ‘internal validity’
to make credible analytical observations as to how ‘Zuma’ is constructed is worth
scientific doubt. Indeed, to bolster the credibility of my analysis I will, reflexively,
‘assiduously and continuously check … [my] postulated theoretical position against
the evidence that the investigation throws up’ (Davies, 2014: 242), to constrain
undesired bias. Such reflexivity is the ‘interpretive counter-point to positivist
objectivity’ (Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, 2012: 99). I will achieve this partially by
using Zapiro’s representations of ‘Zuma’ that provide ‘windows on … [the] nation’s
psyche’ (Hammet, 2010: 89) through their interpretation of the communicative
objects of JZ’s PoD. Zapiro’s cartoons feature, amplify and satirise the key discursive
components of JZ’s PoD, and consequently ‘Zuma’. Although Zapiro has a dissenting
reading of ‘Zuma’ and his ideological oeuvre is ‘satire and subverting the powerful’
(Dodds, 2010: 120). Zapiro’s cartoons show a seditious but ‘common sense view of’
(Greenberg, 2008: 184) ‘Zuma’, as if they did not, Zapiro would not be so popular. ‘If
one is unable to relate or identify with the object of satire, one will not understand
its point … [and the joke will] fall flat’ (Bal et al., 2009: 232).
18. 18
Originality of the project
This project’s focus on how dress can turn ‘flesh into something recognisable and
meaningful to … culture’ within a social meaning-making system (Entwistle and
Wilson, 1998: 109) is not unique. The argument that dress conveys meaning
linguistically in fluid, arbitrary, meaning-making systems is well established,
particularly in relation to female dress. For instance, Polhemus (1978) argues dress
can be used to communicate attractiveness. Eicher and Roach-Higgins (1995),
Simmel (1957), and Veblen (1953) argue that dress can be used to communicate
class identity. Butler (1990) argues that dress can be used to communicate a
distinctly gendered identity. Entwistle and Wilson (2001) argue that dress can be
used to convey opposition to mainstream culture at large. However, the focus of the
project is distinct from this other literature. To my knowledge, it is unique because
of its focus on a singular individual’s real-life dress, let alone a political actor. Brief
assessments have been made of Madonna (Evans, 2001) and Bowie’s (Hawkins,
2009) use of costumes; however these projects were undertaken under the distinct
pretence of costume, and therefore fiction. The project is also unique because it
doesn’t focus on a singular outfit of an individual but contrasting outfits, whose
languages convey contrasting messages that together have discursive interplay,
which help constitute the complete identity of the individual. Finally, another novel
aspect of the project is its deployment of the oppositional reading of JZ’s PoD by
Zapiro, to enhance the credibility of the interpretive reading.
Ethical considerations
This research involves no contact with human subjects and sources used are
publically available. Therefore, this project does not face ethical concerns
concerning confidentiality and anonymity. However, because photographs are being
reproduced in the project, I will request the permission of copyright owners of
selected photographs before reproduction.
20. 20
‘Traditional Zulu’ commonly coordinated outfit
Figure 2 exemplifies JZ’s (Right) ‘traditional Zulu’ outfit (see Appendix 1). It’s
iterated mainly at Zulu cultural events. Such as weddings and court, where he
addresses local ‘grievances like [a] … tribal chief’ (Russell, 2010: 258). This example,
features the following main components:
i. ‘Amashoba’ – Cow’s tails worn on arms and knees
ii. Fighting-stick
iii. ‘Ikehla’ – Decorated head-ring
iv. ‘Injobo’ – Fur waist adornment
v. Leopard skin chest adornment
Fighting-stick
The fighting-stick JZ wields is a synecdoche, a form of metonym, or more broadly, a
trope. It’s a metonym because it ‘stands’ for the practice of ‘stick-fighting’, ‘Pars Pro
Toto’, whereby a ‘part’ represents the ‘whole’, in a ‘substitution of part for whole’
Fig 2.
21. 21
(Lanham, 1969: 97). The fighting-stick constitutes ‘part’ of stick-fighting as essential
apparel for a fight and in this way represents the ‘whole’. Invocation, through this
metonym, of the practice of stick-fighting is salient as stick-fighting is a widespread
Zulu male ‘rite of passage’ (Carton and Morrell, 2012: 51), with importance ‘since
the days of Shaka’ (Russell, 2010: 239). It is a, sometimes fatal, landmark life
moment (Kapff, 1997: 55).
This metonym invokes the binary difference between stick-fight veterans who have
completed the rite and those who haven’t. This differentiates those of the
11,587,374 Zulus in SA (SouthAfrica.info, 2015), who are both ostensibly mature
and brave males who have completed this rite, not only from other Zulu men and all
women, but also from the rest of the SA population. By deploying this binary the
fighting-stick communicates difference and constitutes ‘in-grouping’ of those who
are in the ‘privileged group’ that have undertaken stick-fighting, and those who are
outside. This creates subject positions and concurrently, social antagonism
(Howarth, 2000: 104). The wielding of the fighting-stick constructs ‘Zuma’ as a stick-
fighter, and as such, a member of this valorised group of stick-fighting veterans. This
invokes notions of commonality and empathy for ‘Zuma’ by readers of JZ’s PoD, who
themselves identify with the subject position of stick-fight veterans, due to this
process of interpellation whereby these ‘subject positions or identities are created’
(Weldes, 1999: 105).
The point of a stick-fight is to be considered ‘Amasoka’ - ‘most attractive to …
women’, as opposed to ‘Amagwala’ - ‘effeminate boy’ (Carton and Morrell, 2012: 42).
This is achieved by forcing the opponent to submit in adherence with a strict
conduct code (Kapff, 1997: 55). Showing of pain is disallowed (Coetzee, 2000: 99),
and the winner must wash the losers wounds and abandon animosity (Carton and
Morrell, 2012: 41). Construction of ‘Zuma’ as a protagonist of stick-fighting, assigns
characteristics associated with this value system of stick-fighting, to the construct of
‘Zuma’. These characteristics are discipline, honour, masculinity, bravery, and
conciliation.
22. 22
Leopard skin
The leopard skin dressing JZ’s chest has polysemic discursive meaning. Two
possible denotations of leopard skin are promiscuity and prostitution. This is due, in
part, to our intertextual knowledge of popular films that depict sex workers clothed
in leopard skin print. However, due to the coordination of the various
communicative objects of the ‘Zulu traditional’ outfit, we deduce that the ‘genre’ or
‘particular conventions of form and content’, which are shared by (Chandler, 2001:
158) these communicative objects, is traditional Zulu. Thus, richest meaning is
ascertainable with reference to the conventions of this genre.
Indeed, discursive meaning in the whole outfit is largely coded in traditional Zulu
dress convention’s ‘distinctive dialect’ (Duncan, 1973: 77), with deep but not
definite typologies of meaning. Zulu traditionalists uphold these typologies as they
‘are by definition conservative: they seek to preserve their [dress] culture despite
the threat of change and instability’ (Polhemus, 1978: 22). As such, this outfit is a
relatively ‘closed’ text that strongly inspires certain interpretation (Eco, 1981), and
is resistant to 'aberrant decoding’. That is, interpretive decoding using a different
code to the one used to initially attempt to ‘encode’ meaning.
JZ’s leopard skin is another synecdochal trope. Leopard skin is an internal
metonymic part of the animal and thus represents it. The leopard ‘is a rich source
domain for metaphor in Zulu’ (Hermanson and du Plessis, 1997: 49). The leopard
has been anthropomorphised by Zulu ‘praise poets’ in accordance with the leopard’s
perceived human characteristics. As such, the metaphor of the leopard represents
an enriched ‘imagery bank for eloquent communication’ (Biyela, 2014: 639); or an
‘aesthetic code’, with poetic and expressive function. These anthropomorphised
characteristics of leopards are ‘blended … as in no other animal’ (Biyela, 2014: 639),
and are notably those characteristics of a ‘good leader [,] … a leopard is
independent, cunning, strong and invincible’ (Kapff, 1997: 19). The aesthetic code
instituted by this popularised anthropomorphism influences construction of ‘Zuma’
through transference (Williamson, 1978: 25). Perceived human characteristics of
23. 23
the leopard, whose skin prominently adorns JZ, are consequently associated with
‘Zuma’, by those familiar with this aesthetic code.
Analogous to the relationship of swans to the British Monarch, in Zulu culture, the
King has honorary responsibility ‘for the welfare’ of leopards (Biyela, 2014: 639). ‘If
a leopard is killed, the skin has to be handed over to the King’ (Kapff, 1997: 19).
Connected to this cultural convention, is a dress convention that stipulates only the
royal family are permitted to wear leopard skin (Kapff, 1997: 19). Anecdotally,
royalty ‘have [previously] responded with rage at the wearing of the leopard’s skin
by ordinary citizens’ (Biyela, 2014: 639). As a result, leopard skin serves as an -
albeit capricious - indicator to those within the Zulu interpretive community, that
the wearer is of royal lineage.
This cultural convention evokes a strong binary opposition between ‘noble’ and ‘lay’
people. The corresponding valorised denotations of authority and wisdom, and
legitimacy are on the ‘noble’ axis of this binary; inferiority and submission are on
the ‘lay’ axis. As JZ is ‘not of chiefly stock’ (Russell, 2010: 236), he subverts this
traditional social convention in dressing as though he were nobility. The intertextual
knowledge of this subversion facilitates unconventional discursive meaning, arising
from this subversion. JZ’s adornment in leopard skin doesn’t just simply erroneously
indicate noble blood. This identification of ‘Zuma’ can be read as ‘authentic’, in a
nuanced sense, in that it identifies ‘Zuma’ with the hierarchical tranche of royalty
less prescriptively. The aforementioned denotations of this hierarchical tier of
nobility, such as authority, can be interpreted as ‘authentic’, in relation to JZ’s
ascendant democratic political mandate. Although, this interpretation could be
displaced with the oppositional reading of the leopard skin constituting a
masquerade. In Figure 2, JZ and King Goodwill Zwelithini wear this leopard skin
with upright and puffed out posture. This denotes confidence in their dress and
therefore signals intuitively to the reader that both JZ and Zwelithini are
comfortable with, and endorse JZ’s membership of this hierarchical tranche, which
leopard skin indicates. This construction of JZ, within the same political hierarchical
24. 24
tranche as royalty, is afforded additional complexity in light of the intertextual
knowledge that via the ‘amount of leopard skin worn … one can immediately
recognise the seniority of the wearer’ (Kapff, 1997: 19). This evokes an additional
valorised hierarchical division, the division between Zwelithini and JZ, who wear
approximately the same amount of leopard skin, and other less prominent adorners
of leopard skin. This further intensifies construction of ‘Zuma’s tiered political
position.
Kingship
Each component of this outfit constitutes an individual communicative object.
However, the outfit, wedded as a complete syntagmatic set (the totality of all
constituent units), or ‘diegesis’, which encapsulates ‘the sum of the denotive
meanings of an image’ (Rose, 2011: 78), constitutes a united communicative object.
These components, in addition to the fighting-stick and leopard skin, are the ‘Ikehla’
and ‘Amashoba’. This united communicative object, where communicative objects
operate in discursive intratextuality with others on the syntagmatic axis, is
completed by the sum of these components. It characterises the minimum
requirement for the ‘Zulu royal male’ hierarchical syntagmatic set.
The Zulu convention that on any Zulu occasion, the most important man at the
occasion has ‘the finest … head-dress on show’ (Mertens and Schoeman, 1975: 61),
gives this communicative object supplementary meaning. JZ dresses in the most
ornate ‘Ikehla’, rivalling even that of Zwelithini, which denotes ‘Zuma’s’ membership
of the highest level of the hierarchy of Zulu royalty. This hierarchical denotive
function of the ‘Ikehla’ alters ‘the way in which elements [of the outfit] relate to each
other syntagmatically’ (Barnard, 1996: 93-4), and therefore the meaning of the
united communicative object. Due to this ornateness, the communicative object of
the outfit, here, powerfully iconically represents, Zulu Kingship, and consequently
constructs ‘Zuma’ in accordance with this motif. Indeed, even without appropriate
knowledge of the ‘Ikehla’, an unenlightened reader can understand this Kingship
motif through the immediate, comprehensive iconic resemblance of JZ’s entire outfit
25. 25
to Zwelithini’s. This construction of ‘Zuma’ as ‘Kingly’ is potent, as the concept of
‘Zuluness’ is ‘strongly tied to the person of the King’; the King is ‘the outstanding
symbol of the Zulu nation’ (Harries, 1993: 115). This construction interpellates
readers as political subjects of the politically legitimated, ‘King’ ‘Zuma’, and
resultantly ‘Zuma’ benefits somewhat from the ‘powerful focus’ of the ‘loyalties of
rural Zulu speakers’ to Kingship (Klopper, 1996: 57).
Shaka
Due to readers’ ‘on-going process of interpretation’ (Abulafia, 2015: 72) using their
knowledge, a chain of commutability ensues where notions of Zulu Kingship
subsequently invoke the concept of Shaka, because of the concepts’ substantial
contiguity. This invocation of the concept of Shaka is an example of semiotic play
(Derrida, 1978), whereby a concept that is discursively invoked by a communicative
object, subsequently invokes a further concept. This process occurs outside of de
Saussure (2013) and other structuralists’, stable and predictable, structure of the
‘signifier’ and the ‘signified’.
Zulu Kingship invokes the concept of ‘Shaka’, the primordial Zulu King, because Zulu
ethnic consciousness is inextricably tied to the concept of Kingship via ‘historical
processes’ (Carton, Laband, and Sithole, 2008: 35). These processes have
constructed the concept Shaka as ‘the primary symbol of Zulu culture and unity’
(Harries, 1993: 118) (immortalised in statue, Appendix 2.1). This Zulu ethnic
consciousness has been based on rearticulation of the ‘Orientalist’ binary opposition
(Saïd, 1980) of the Zulu as part of the ‘Other’, against the civilised ‘West’. The
invocation of ‘Shaka’ as the ideal form of ‘Zuluness’, is a central part of this. This
rearticulation can be characterised as Self-Orientalism, and is the process ‘whereby
the Orientalist gaze’ is exploited to turn the Self into an Other through ‘profound
complicity’ in order to essentialise the Self. ‘It should not be confused with
Occidentalism’, it ‘is not focused on or against the West’ (Huisman, 2011: 25).
Rather, it is focussed on ‘orientalising’ the Self by uniquely constructing Zulus with
exclusive ‘Zulu’ or ‘Shakan’ qualities, in a passive strategy to counter Orientalism
26. 26
and maintain a strong and positive ‘cultural identity’ (Huisman, 2011: 25). The main
constructors of this identity, and Shaka as the ideal form of the Zulu, are IFP
President Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi and the TV series ‘Shaka Zulu’. Buthelezi has
wielded ‘enormous influence in the construction of the public identity of the Zulu for
more than thirty years’ (Firenzi, 2012: 422). In addition, the TV series ‘Shaka Zulu’
has been ‘seen by more than 350 million people’ (Mersham, 1993: 80). As these
texts are ‘necessarily read in relationship to’ (Fiske 1989: 108) this outfit, the Self-
Orientalist discursive meaning they enrich the concepts of Zulu Kingship and ethnic
identity with, reinforces the construction of ‘Zuma’.
27. 27
‘Tribal/formal’ commonly coordinated outfit
Figure 3 exemplifies JZ’s (Left) ‘tribal/formal’ outfit (see Appendix 3). It’s iterated at
events where others are dressed in Western businesswear. A bespoke amalgam of
Western businesswear, and ‘tribal-influenced’ styles of clothing or adornments,
dressed with JZ’s body. In it’s various iterations, Nehru or Madiba Shirts and
Dashikis are influences, in addition to components, modified, from the ‘Zulu
traditional’ outfit. This example, features the following main components:
i. Black Western-style suit jacket arms
ii. ‘Madiba print’ on the jacket body
iii. Nehru-style jacket lapels
Bricolage
The pre-existing discursive mechanisms of traditional tribal and Western formal
dress interact in the syntagmatic set comprised by of all components of this outfit.
They do so in a bricolage, the ‘intertextual authorial practice of adopting and
adapting signs from other texts’ (Chandler, 2001: 245). Bricolage is the non-
Fig 3.
28. 28
nihilistic process where new meanings are made from the interplay of various
‘materials and styles taken from the past’ (Barnard, 1996: 180). In a practical sense,
the process of getting dressed ‘is a matter of bricolage’, where we select different
clothing and adornments to combine ‘to create a finished appearance' (Wilson,
1992: 248). Conceptually, it’s impossible to ‘cut’ new meaning ‘out of whole cloth’,
due to the ‘necessity of borrowing one's concepts from … a heritage’ (Derrida 1978:
285). However, some dress comes closer to pastiche than others, which is,
‘immediate and total recycling of past forms’ (Baudrillard, 1993: 88).
The ‘tribal/formal’ outfit, as a united communicative object, is a literal hybrid of
traditional tribal and Western textiles, in a rich bricolage. As such, it is a discursive
reconstruction of the pre-existing conceptual ‘materials’ (Levi-Strauss, 1966: 21)
contained by these garments. A reconstruction that creates new bespoke meaning,
in tandem with bespokely manufactured garments.
Hybridity
The Nehru-style jacket lapels are a novel creation. They are based on the Nehru-
collar, which is commonly worn in Sub-Saharan Africa (hereafter ‘SSA’), but
elongated to resemble a Western suit jacket’s cut-away lapel. In the paradigmatic set
that concerns ‘types of collar’ (Barnard, 1996: 9), JZ makes novel permutation,
inspired by both of these styles. The jacket body features ‘Madiba print’, which is a
traditional SSA customisation of Javanese Batik print with more colour, and bolder,
thicker patterned lines. It was popularised by Mandela’s shirts, which featured the
print. The suits arms, in contrast with this print, are Western-style and plain black.
These features all constitute independent communicative objects; however, they
have richest meaning as an ensemble. The outfit is a fantastic blend of ‘blend of rural
and urban, traditional and progressive, old and new’ (Russell, 2010: 258). Each
element of this ensemble is inspired by a traditional or Western article of dress but
with the 'charm of difference' (Simmel, 1957: 320) of bricolage. The jacket fits him
as though tailored specifically to him, contributing to this ‘bespoke’ construction of
Zuma in this outfit.
29. 29
The Batik print, due to its traditional tribal origin, subtly denotes many of the same
discursive constructions of ‘Zuma’, as the aforementioned ‘Zulu traditional’ outfit.
However, it also partially countervails the outfit’s partisan construction of ‘Zuma’, as
the print is not associated with a particular SA tribe. It also countervails this outfit,
because the print, as a constituent component, represents a synecdoche for the
‘Madiba shirt’. This subsequently denotes Mandela, after whom the Madiba shirt is
named. This denotation countervails the divisiveness of the ‘Zulu traditional’ outfit
because Mandela was not only non-partisan politically, but also a Xhosa, the largest
SA tribe after the Zulu.
Formal political dress convention informs us that Western-style dress is the
dominant dress convention at formal political events. JZ’s subtle hybrid of Western-
style arms and Batik print, in the syntagmatic set of the jacket, generates bricolage
meaning by breaking down the binary between traditional and Western. The blend
of the clothing styles, and insistence on integrating aspects of traditional dress in
clothes worn at formal political events, denotes loyalty and acknowledgement for
tradition, and also revisionism and recontextualisation of tradition for the modern.
The hybrid produces new meanings in relation to ‘capability of moving forward’
(Makulilo, 2013: 197), while retaining tradition. More specifically, these meanings
can be interpreted in the context of Thabo Mbeki (Right in Figure 2), JZ’s
predecessor. They can be interpreted as a ‘contemptuous reaction to the
intellectualism and worldliness of Mbeki’ (Mokoena, 2010: 50) and his associations
with black apologism.
31. 31
Cartoons constitute ‘intersemiotic translations’ (Jakobson, 1959: 261) that have
iconicity on two levels; on the level of linguistic code (e.g. metaphor) and also in the
visual code, where referential nonmetaphorical objects are depicted (Nöth, 1995:
473). They transplant a text from one context into another, to satirise, subvert or
rearticulate the meaning (Fairclough, 1993: 123). My interpretive identification of
‘tribalist’ discursive mechanisms that construct ‘Zuma’ is corroborated in both
Figures. In Figure 4, Zapiro subverts the construction of ‘Zuma’ as ‘King-like’ or
‘Shakan’, due to the cartoon’s thematic depiction of the linguistic metaphor of the
story of the ‘Emperor with no clothes’. Within this theme, the cartoon substantiates
my identified construction of ‘Zuma’ as ‘King-like’, through translation of the
concept of regality into the visual metaphor of a crown on ‘Zuma’s’ head. In Figure 5,
interpretive anchorage is provided by the inscription of ‘Zuma Zulu Culture’ on the
cape, which mediates it’s meaning and infers JZ’s appropriation of ‘Zulu’ culture.
This supports my focus on JZ’ use of hybridity and ‘Zulu’ imagery to construct
‘Zuma’. The leopard print, depicted on the cape for the purpose of iconic
representation of ‘Zuluness’, reinforces my focus on this particular component of his
Zulu dress.
32. 32
Chapter 2 – ‘militarist’ outfits
In this chapter, I explore how communicative objects in outfits of the ‘militarist’
genre are used to construct ‘Zuma’. These communicative objects mobilise ‘a set of
images that construct ‘Zuma’ in a distinctive non-traditional military image, which is
simultaneously serious, anti-institutional, progressive, patriotic and determinedly
revolutionary.
34. 34
Bespoke uniform
The ‘dress-for-success ensemble’ of the formal suit, is dictated by ‘ludicrous
prescriptiveness’ (Lurie, 1981: 26), with conventional ‘musts’ and ‘nevers’ (Davis,
1994: 53). These conventions have remained almost constant ‘for two hundred
years' (Hollander, 1994: 4). In most contexts, only ‘certain hues’ of black, grey and
navy are acceptable, only a ‘choice of shirt and tie’ is standard, and even this choice
‘may be very limited’ (Lurie and Palca, 1981: 183). These conventions constitute a
uniform, appropriate for the broad, formal, context.
JZ’s ‘all black’ outfit, understood as a united communicative object, is yet more rigid
than the ‘dress-for-success ensemble’, and constitutes a bespoke uniform for the
specific context of an inspection of military officers in rank. The only habitual
permutation of a single component, or paradigmatic category of this outfit, is the tie.
This bespoke and self-enforced uniform, used in a military context, has enriched
discursive meaning in the interpretive delimitation of SSA. Where numerous elected
leaders (Kenyan, Ugandan, Nigerian, Zimbabwean, for example) and Julius Malema
(Appendix 5.1), head of the EFF and political rival of JZ, wear traditional military
uniforms iconically resembling those used in active combat. They do so in formal
military contexts such as this, and also in civil contexts. These traditional military
uniforms, which are largely externally prescribed, invoke a binary between civil and
military leadership and a corresponding binary between civil and military societies.
The iconic resemblance of these prescribed uniforms between each other, expresses
these group identities, as one can discern an individual’s membership of the military
group through this resemblance. Additionally, these prescribed uniforms often
locate the wearer in a strict hierarchy, sometimes even giving information about
their accomplishments. This is through adornments such as ‘battle ribbons’ (Lurie
and Palca, 1981: 19), or ‘the use of different materials’ in uniforms (Forty, 1986: 80-
1), which indicate seniority through relative garment quality. These uniforms force
individuals, to a large extent, ‘to repeat dialogue composed by someone else’ and
‘give up one’s right to act as an individual … in terms of speech’ (Lurie and Palca,
35. 35
1981: 17-20).
Thus, JZ’s self-enforced bespoke ‘all black’ uniform, and his lack of use of traditional
military uniform, allows free to ‘Zuma’ express group identity within the civil
society side of the clarified binary military/civil binary, despite being an MK
veteran. This subsequently allows those readers interpellated into the subject
position of a member of civil society, to identify in this group alongside ‘Zuma’. This
group affinity with ‘Zuma’, distinct from the traditional military, is particularly
relevant in the intertextual context of the geographical delimitation of SA. This is
because the state military and police were the historic enforcement agents of
Apartheid oppression, and any association of ‘Zuma’ with these forces would be
very politically problematic.
Disingenuous mistakes
As previously discussed, this outfit is rigid in its lack of permutation in its
paradigmatic components. Due to this, the chief indexical similarity (Peirce, 1993)
between the components of the outfit, ‘blackness’, is reinforced, as every consistent
component is black, excepting JZ’s shirt. The combination of colours ‘selected from
the paradigm of colours’ in this outfit are ‘considered syntagmatically … judging
whether or not a colour goes with another’ (Barnard, 1996: 91), and black is
accentuated. This is significant to construction of ‘Zuma’, because although black
may, through aesthetic code, denote ‘death, disease, misery’ (Holden, 1997: 126) in
some circumstances, in this instance, black more prominently denotes seriousness
and formality due to its materialisation in a formal suit. Due to these denotations,
‘blackness’ complements the uniform metaphor. Moreover, the combination of the
tinted glasses, scarf, gloves and overcoat also metaphorically emphasises
commonality via catachresis - a ‘disingenuous mistake’, or ‘inappropriate
deployment of an object for emphasis’. The tinted glasses belong to the binary
category of summer adornments and the scarf, gloves and overcoat, are winter
adornments. The combination of both of these seasonal binaries in one outfit
emphasises their common property, ‘blackness’, as opposed to their seasonal
incongruity.
36. 36
‘Second liberation’ commonly coordinated outfit
Figure 7 exemplifies JZ’s (Centre) ‘second liberation’ outfit (see Appendix 6). It’s
iterated at every ANC rally where JZ sings the, lyrically militaristic, song ‘Awuleth
Umshini Wami’, which translates to ‘bring me my machinegun’ (Mbanjwa, 2008). MK
military veterans in uniform often accompany it. This example, features the
following main components:
i. Green and yellow lights illuminating JZ
ii. Leather jacket
iii. Leather shoes
iv. Legs in a leaping gesture straining elasticated trousers
v. Polo shirt
Second liberation
In contrast to the accompanying uniformed officers, JZ, dressed militaristically but
uninstitutionally, is able to expresses himself as an individual with the same relative
Fig 7.
Fig 7.
37. 37
freedoms as the ‘all black’ outfit. This outfit is more informal and refers to the
specific militarist concept of the ‘second liberation’.
The ‘second liberation’ movement is the continued struggle, post-Apartheid, for
advancement of those who were oppressed politically and economically by
Apartheid. ‘Awuleth Umshini Wami’ is performed in synchronicity with this outfit.
The song is discursively invoked by the outfits’ communicative objects and its’ lyrics
incite militarist violence to achieve the aims of the ‘second liberation’ (Makulilo,
2013: 196). This is why the outfit may be characterised as militarist. It can be
speculated that this construction of ‘Zuma’ as a ‘second liberation’ protagonist, and
the difference this constructs between ‘Zuma’ and his ‘antithesis’ Mbeki’s (Russell,
2010: 253) conciliatory post-Apartheid approach, is a chief reason that JZ ‘ascended
to the office’ (Southall, 2011: 617).
Leaping gesture
Disembodied trousers are discursively conflated with masculinity, ‘they can be used
to stand for it because they have become exclusively identified with it’ (Tickner
1977: 56), for example in their iconic use in bathroom gender-distinguishing
signage. However, trousers in this outfit ‘constitute a totality’ with the body and
gesture, that if ‘pulled apart’ only grants us a ‘partial snapshot of the dress, our
understanding limited’ (Entwistle, 2000: 111). The communicative object of the
leaping gesture comprises a ‘multiplicity’, or ‘polysemy’ (Rose, 2011: 92), of iconic
gesture (Peirce, 1993). ‘No sooner is a form seen than it must resemble something’
(Silverman and Torode, 2011: 248). As such, the gesture resembles a dance ‘step’
performed in three SA dances, ‘Ngoma’, ‘Gumboot’ and ‘Toyi Toyi’.
‘Ngoma’ is a Zulu dance (Marre and Charlton, 1985: 50), practised in the specific
context of cultural ceremonies (Appendix 1.3). ‘Gumboot’, developed in SA mines
inspired by ‘Ngoma’, must be performed wearing ‘Gumboots’. It is practised widely,
including at the 1995 RWC (Fargion, 1998: 110). ‘Toyi Toyi’ is a ‘high-stepping
liberation dance’ (Russell, 2010: 237), which was used during protest during
Apartheid resistance.
38. 38
The leaping gesture, here, most prominently communicates the ‘Toyi Toyi’, although
there are a ‘confusing number of possible denotive meanings’ (Barthes, 1977: 38-
41). This is due to abduction (Eco, 1976: 131) - whereby readers posit meaning by
applying simple rules familiar to them. This outfit denotes the ‘Toyi Toyi’
interpretation of the leaping gesture through abduction, as it is a rule that
‘Gumboots’ are mandatory to constitute ‘Gumboot’, and ‘Zulu traditional’ clothing for
‘Ngoma’. These are absent components of this outfit; instead JZ wears leather shoes,
a polo shirt and a jacket.
This denotation of ‘Toyi Toyi’ has subsequent denotation via semiotic play (Derrida,
1978). This subsequent meaning is ‘Awuleth Umshini Wami’, via causal synecdoche
(Lechte 1994: 63), which arises due to the dance’s obligatory role as a visual cue to
commence a rendition of the song. It is ‘Zuma’s trademark song’ (Mbanjwa, 2008),
and through its violent lyrics it reinforces ‘Zuma’s warrior-like’ (Hunter, 2011:
1121) liberation-fighter construction. Indeed, the socio-historical knowledge that
this song was chanted accompanying the ‘Toyi Toyi’ during Apartheid resistance,
also reinforces this construction by reminding us of JZ’s role during the exile
movement (Russell, 2010: 242) and on Robben Island.
Lighting
PoD ‘must be seen before … [they] can be appreciated’ (Mumford, 1985: 46), as they
are visual phenomenon. Light is 'appropriate to the production and reproduction of
dance’, and of this outfit (Taplin, 1979: 47). Therefore, the green and yellow
illuminatory lights, in their visual interaction with JZ, constitute part of the
communicative object comprised by JZ’s whole outfit.
The illuminatory lights do not simply illuminate the outfit ‘to an acceptable level of
visibility’; they are involved in the ‘definition of’ the outfit ‘in relationship to space’
(Mumford, 1985: 46). They emboldened all components of the outfit in relation to
the surroundings. They impact response to the entire outfit. While the pigment
colouring JZ’s outfit ‘may not change its properties [,] … the colour that we perceive
does change’ because of these lights (Mumford, 1985: 49-50).
41. 41
black suit, as opposed to a more obvious traditional military outfit, supports my
analysis that the ‘all black’ bespoke uniform is ubiquitous in JZ’s dress in overt
military contexts.
42. 42
Chapter 3 – ‘populist’ outfits
In this chapter, I explore how communicative objects in outfits of the ‘populist’
genre are used to construct ‘Zuma’. Dress potently visually distinguishes ‘the courtly
from common’ (Entwistle, 2000: 44), and ‘pecuniary standing’ (Veblen, 1953: 119).
As such, the communicative objects in these outfits construct ‘Zuma’ as close to
‘common people rather than to the elites’ (Makulilo, 2013: 196), in his guise as
‘100% Zuluboy’. This guise is JZ’s conversion of a label used to refer to ‘the Zulu
bastard’ (Reed, 2006) ‘pejoratively’ (Mbanjwa, 2008), by former ANC elites, ‘into
political capital’ (Makulilo, 2013: 196) (evidenced in Appendix 10.1). He
rearticulates this label to utilise his ‘humble upbringings’ (Russell, 2010: 237) for
political appeal. He does this by reversing the implied valorisations, or contingent
‘privileged’ essences (Howarth, 2000: 37), ever present in the binary oppositions,
pertaining to the ‘Zuluboy’ guise (Derrida, 1974). These are the binary valorisations
between rurality/urbanicity, illiteracy/education, conviction/intellectualism, and
labour/management. One can speculate that ‘Zuma’s rise to the ANC presidency …
[was a] consequence of Mbeki’s hubris and authoritarianism’ (Feinstein, 2009: 250),
which triggered ‘disaffection amongst’ (Hunter, 2011: 1108) the poor, combined
with, the populist, ‘Zuluboy’ construction of ‘Zuma’.
43. 43
‘Sports-fan’ commonly coordinated outfit
Figure 9 exemplifies JZ’s (Centre) ‘sports-fan’ outfit (see Appendix 7). This is where
sport-appropriate SA team fan merchandise is worn on the torso. Often
complemented by a tracksuit, shorts or cap. It’s primarily iterated by the sub-sets of
football, netball, Olympic and rugby ‘sports-fan’ outfits. Peculiarly, this is despite the
SA cricket side ranking number one in all forms of cricket in 2012 (ESPN, 2012), and
SA’s hosting of the ODI and T20 world cups, in 2003 and 2007 respectively. This
example is a rugby ‘sports-fan’ outfit, which features the following main
components:
i. Green and gold tie
ii. Green Springbok-fan blazer with Springbok insignia
Sporting discursive mechanisms ‘appeal simultaneously to diverse elements of the
population’ (Southall, 2009: 235), because sport is an activity that links
Fig 9.
44. 44
‘heterogeneous social groups’ that do not ‘coexist socially under different
circumstances’ (Christodoulou et al., 2014: 5-11). Sporting discursive mechanisms,
thus, are populist as they petition a range of ‘ordinary’ people.
The team
The sporting insignia embellishing JZ’s blazer indexically represents the SA rugby
team (hereafter ‘Springboks’) as it depicts their team mascot, the springbok.
Dressing with this insignia denotes ‘Zuma’s’ affiliation with, and membership of, the
Springbok fan ‘team’. This affiliation is a construction of ‘Zuma’ that is ‘simple and
direct’ (Vincent, 2011: 3), and this construction allows him to resonate with
‘ordinary’ people, who identify with a type of Springbok-fan subject position that is
meaningful in their own eyes (Weldes, 1999: 105-106). Those who identify with the
subject position of the Springbok fan, which ‘Zuma’ is constructed into, are drawn
into the emphatic ‘victories and defeats’, contained by the ‘conceptual metaphor’
(Johnson and Lackoff, 1980) of sport that ‘rally or disband’ (Christodoulou et al.,
2014: 11). Springbok fans, and fans more generally, are emotionally invested in the
results of the endeavours of their chosen team. The Springbok fan is a position
wherein the binaries of intense disappointment and excitement, are experienced
because, correspondingly, the victories of the team are necessarily defined by their
binary opposition to defeats (Derrida, 1976: 313-16). ‘Zuma’s’ construction as one
of these fans, facilitates readers who are Springbok-fans to feel empathy towards
‘Zuma’ as they recognise experientially that the subject position of the Springbok fan
is emotionally demanding. This discursive meaning enables unity with ‘Zuma’ to be
felt by those readers in this subject position. Indeed the structural homology, or
isomorphism (Chandler, 2001: 252), between rugby and other sports’ wins and
losses, allows readers who identify as fans of other sporting teams to also empathise
with this construction of ‘Zuma’. This empathy and invocation of readers’ previous
emotions, allows ‘Zuma’ to be constructed as a ‘ordinary’ person, possessing these
shared ‘normal’ emotional experiences in solidarity with all readers that identify as
sports-fans.
45. 45
Springboks
The communicative object of the blazer, complemented by the tie, has further
meaning, with certain socio-historical knowledge. This intertextual knowledge is
twofold. The first is that, during Apartheid, the Springbok team exclusively
contained white players, and served as a quasi-eugenic symbol for white superiority
and domination over blacks in SA. The second is that, in a spectacular gesture of
reconciliation in 1995, Mandela awarded the RWC to the Springboks wearing the
Springbok jersey (Appendix 9.1). Due to this, ‘ordinary’ people who had ‘such
antipathy toward the Springboks’, because of what they represented, ‘that they
rooted for opposing teams and applauded when the Springboks faulted’ (Koelble
and LiPuma, 2011: 2), applauded the team’s victory. The moment was stark
evidence that ‘modes of support and the structural and informal organisation
thereof’ are constantly subject to ‘changes in accordance with … socio-historical
influences’ (Christodoulou et al., 2014: 1).
This socio-historical knowledge is textually reconstructed and ‘further
memorialised’ (Koelble and LiPuma, 2011: 3) in the Warner Brothers film ‘Invictus’,
the climax of which (Appendix 9.2) concerns the moment that this sartorial choice
was realised. The ‘low text’ of ‘Invictus’ further enriches the ‘range of textual
knowledge … brought to bear upon’ (Fiske, 1989: 108) this outfit.
Thus, complemented by the tie that indexically represents the Springbok colours,
JZ’s blazer acts as bricolage, utilising ‘fossilised evidence of the history of an
individual or a society' (Levi-Strauss, 1966: 22). The ‘mosaic of [intertextual]
quotations’ (Kristeva, 1986: 37) acting upon this outfit, strengthen this construction
of ‘Zuma’. Although the blazer and tie are not direct imitation, or pastiche (Jameson,
1992), of Mandela’s jersey, they exploit the meanings intertexually available from
Mandela’s dress. This is because the blazer and jersey are both components within
the paradigmatic set of Springbok upper-body fan merchandise. The bricolage from
wearing these related garments, allows ‘Zuma’, through emulation, to invoke
notions of racial tolerance and reconciliation through rearticulation of notions
49. 49
effect of manual labour on the part of the wearer, in the way of soil or wear’ (Veblen,
1953: 120). White shirts are ‘more difficult to keep clean’ (Barnard, 1996: 115), and
display the signs of labour more starkly than coloured shirts. As a result, they are
associated with the elite professional class, or ‘white collars’. In this binary between
white and colour shirts, the term ‘blue collar’ refers to people who’s ‘job involves
manual labour’ (Barnard, 1996: 64). This has an associated ‘cluster of meanings
centred on physical labour, ruggedness, activity, physicality’ (Fiske, 1989: 3). JZ’s
wearing of a colourful, green and yellow shirt while undertaking his work,
constructs ‘Zuma’ on the working-class side of the binary, as well as indexically
denoting the ANC and SA flags, as well as other SA tokens.
Clenched fist
The raised clenched fist, which contorts the shape of JZ’s shoulder in his shirt,
constitutes a ‘kineme’ (Birdwhistell, 1970), a gesture that carries associated
meaning. ‘Social context’ resolves ‘the question whether, for example, the gesture of
a clenched fist is a gesture of anger [,] … the imitation of someone else's behaviour,
or whether it represents, ironically, a friendly attitude’ (Nöth, 1995: 400). Social
context grants indexical and iconic gestural (Peirce, 1993) discursive meaning to
JZ’s clenched fist.
The clenched fist directly indexically resembles, and thus denotes, the constituent
component of the fist, in the ANC flag (Appendix 11.4), and consequently the ANC.
Moreover, the clenched fist also indexically denotes the clenched fist typically
featured in Apartheid-era ‘struggle posters’ (Appendix 11.1), and subsequently, the
motif of ‘the struggle’.
Richer, iconic meaning is constructed through intertextual interpretation of the
clenched fist gesture in the context ‘in which it has lived its socially charged life’
(Bakhtin, 1982: 293). Appendix 11.2 shows the gestures’ most prominent social
existence in SA, as used by Mandela and his wife upon his release from Robben
Island. This moment of deployment of the clenched fist has on-going iconic
contiguity with triumph of the ANC’s ‘struggle’ against Apartheid. This iconic
50. 50
contiguity is exemplified by this moment and the gestures’ immortalisation through
iteration in popular culture. Examples are the Bloemfontein statue of Mandela
(Appendix 11.5), and frequent fan tributes to Mandela, which reproduce this
particular instance of the gesture (Appendix 11.6). JZ’s emulation of this gesture
(Appendix 11.3), in this outfit, reminds us that JZ has also served time on Robben
Island and served a vital supplementary role in the ‘struggle’ with Mandela. Use of
this gesture, in this outfit, continually constructs ‘Zuma’ as a ‘struggle hero’,
concerned with serving the oppressed.
53. 53
Concluding remarks
In his persuasive PoD, JZ hermeneutically involves readers using a variety of
communicative objects, and their corresponding discursive mechanisms. This
language gives ‘Zuma’ meaning. However, dress cannot be reduced to a fixed
typology of language, with arbitrary ‘words of dress’ that ‘express a wide range of
meanings’ (Lurie and Palca, 1981: 5). JZ’s PoD, as I have shown with Zapiro’s
cartoons, encounter inevitable interpretive slippage whereby meaning
interpretively generated by readers, varies between individuals. ‘There is no pre-
given, self-determining essence that is capable of determining [,] and ultimately
fixing all other identities with a stable and totalising structure’ (Torfing, 2005: 13).
‘Fully formed contexts (or structures) arresting the production of meaning’
(Howarth, 2000: 41) are also not possible.
Despite this inevitable slippage, JZ’s PoD successfully constructs contingent
knowledge of ‘Zuma’. His PoD do this in the form of the ‘privileged discursive points’
that I have highlighted, which behave as ‘discursive pools’ of ‘organised discursive
meanings’, and contingently fix knowledge of ‘Zuma’ (Laclau and Mouffe, 2001: 112-
113). These pools are created by readers’ interpretive utilisation of pervasive codes
of discursive meaning, which leads to the accruement of related interpretations of
‘Zuma’.
The interpretive codes, which facilitate construction of ‘Zuma’ and are elucidated in
this project, may achieve near-universality in their use, but this does not constitute
them as ‘natural’ or ‘unconstructed’, although they can appear so. They contain
‘ideology’ (Hall, 1980: 132), and the knowledge they construct, through the
processes I have explained, is therefore ‘myth’ (Barthes, 1972). Critical awareness of
these codes constructing ‘Zuma’ is essential in order to mitigate the arbitrary
influence of these discursive mechanisms on our individual interpretive
constructions of ‘Zuma’, so that we may make our own critical opinion of ‘Zuma’;
and as reader, retain this political capacity. A sub-optimal level of thoughtful
54. 54
engagement with these discursive mechanisms leads us to unthinkingly accept the
constructions created by these prevailing discursive codes without establishing
their origins and prejudices. Therefore, I contemplate that lack of this sort of critical
engagement, hinders our ability to properly appraise political actors, and thus, hold
them accountable for transgression; as has occurred with JZ.
Specifically, as explained in this project, ‘Zuma’ is the composite construction arising
from JZ’s, both conflicting and connected, ‘tribalist’, ‘militarist’, and ‘populist’,
commonly coordinated outfits. This construction concurrently positions him as ‘a
liberation hero, a leftist, a traditionalist and an anti-elitist’ (Reznick, 2014: 336). I
contemplate that it is principally due to these various differentiated identities
within this ‘branded’ construction, that JZ, until very recently, has garnered
unyielding support from an eclectic audience. I assert that this support must, to
some extent, arise because a diverse group of readers in SA interpret the ‘Zuma’
brand’s rich multiplicity of constructed meanings and political affiliations, as
resonating with their own particular political priorities, loyalties, and various
subject positions. ‘The ‘Zuma’ coalition is multiclass … it comprises not only the
unionised proletariat but also … Zulus, traditionalists and pro-Zuma
business[people]’ (Makulilo, 2013: 196), with level numbers of male and female
supporters (Hunter, 2011: 1120). JZ’s popularity with these political constituencies
can tell us that, to a certain extent, these particular constituencies have political
concerns that resonate with the political affiliations I identify as communicated by
‘Zuma’.
Thus, I suggest that political actors, to garner popularity in SA, may benefit by
constructing their own identities, using PoD that communicate similar political
affiliations to those communicated by ‘Zuma’, in order to similarly appeal to his
constituencies. Equally, political actors may exclude certain affiliations, contained
within ‘Zuma’s’ PoD, to provide an alternate political identity for attachment by
readers that do not count themselves within JZ’s coalition. This broad strategy of
emulation and differentiation of PoD also constitutes a potential opportunity for
55. 55
other political actors to exercise political power in this way, in the interpretive
contexts of other political systems.
56. 56
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