Dumbarton Oaks Pre-Doctoral Fellowship Research Paper presented at the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University.

1. Effigy Censers
Late Postclassic ceramics at Tumben-Naranjal consist almost entirely of Navulá, Mama,
and Payil Groups from the Seco Complex devised by Robles-Castellanos (1990) for Coba, and
similarly defined in the ceramic chronology of Xelha by Canche (1992). Chen Mul Modeled from
the Navulá group is by far the best represented ceramic type for the Late Postclassic occupation
of Tumben-Naranjal, outnumbering other types nearly four to one (Figure 5). Research on these
and other Maya censers is sparse and what little that does exist is predominantly descriptive
and classificatory in nature (Borhegyi 1951, 1959; Smith 1971a, 1971b; Ferree 1972; Goldstein
1977; Benyo 1979). A recent re-evaluation of censers by Rice (1999) represents the most
comprehensive treatment Classic-period censers from an interpretive standpoint to date,
treating issues of function, meaning, origin, context, symbolism, and the differentiation of effigy
and non-effigy forms. For Postclassic Yucatan, the 1957 study of Mayapan censers by
Thompson is the only substantial interpretive report available. Thompson moved beyond
fundamental descriptive and chronological analyses, addressing issues such as context,
function, meaning, deity identification, and the application of ethnohistory to archaeological
analysis. In a succinct and useful explanation of Mayapan examples (Figure 6), Thompson
(1957: 599-600) describes these effigy censers as
…made of coarse, unslipped pottery. The effigy is attached to the front of a thick-
walled vase which stands on a high pedestal base, both slightly flaring. The
headdress of the effigy usually rises 10 to 15 cm above the rim of the vessel;
interiors, particularly the bases, of many are fire blackened…. In most figures the
arms are bent at an angle of 90°, palms up, and the hands may support
offerings…. Some parts of the effigies, notably faces, hands, and feet, were
commonly made in molds…. Painting was done after firing.
Effigy censers seem to have appeared in Maya history sometime in the middle to late
14th Century. The spread was so rapid that by Spanish arrival, the use of effigy censers had
become nearly ubiquitous in the Maya lowlands (Thompson ibid.: 603; Robles-Castellanos
ibid.). Their function for burning copal incense is documented by resin residue and smoke stains
on vessel fragments. Based on the location of vessel remains, it appears that censers were

2. often placed near shrine entrances and on, or adjacent to, basal altars. Following Spanish
contact, censers continue in use among the Maya, though predominantly restricted to the
unconverted or non-Catholic Maya. Post-contact examples of Maya censers have been
encountered at several Postclassic sites, reflecting the persistence of ritual practice and
pilgrimage at abandoned centers well after Spanish arrival (Lothrop 1924: 63, Figures 29b, 31).
Post-contact censers tend to be smaller, retaining key facial characteristics and loosing
elaborate appendages, dress, and decoration, much in the same way modern Lacandon
burners or “god pots” are fashioned (Tozzer 1907: Plates XV-XVII; Soustelle 1966: 61-84).
Apart from their use as receptacles for burning copal, historical evidence suggests that
Postclassic Maya considered effigy censers animate beings called aluxob (Redfield and Villa
Rojas 1934: 119-121; Redfield 1941: 232-239; Villa Rojas 1945: 103; Thompson ibid.: 602-603,
620, 624). Brinton (1883: 1-13) states that the term for these beings is derived from the word h-
loxkatob, which he translates as “the strong ones of clay;” however, according to Taube
(personal communication 2000) this is more accurately understood as “the fighting or fierce
ones of clay.” Villa Rojas (1941: 122) notes as well, that the Yucatec Maya perceive stone-core
stucco idols as aluxob. In modern Maya mythology, these creatures are tricksters whom roam
the bush and field harassing milperos and hunters, attempting to coerce offerings of food. If the
wishes of the aluxob are met, in return they offer protection of the cornfield. Even more
importantly, in case of a prolonged dry spell, this mischievous spirit will capture a wandering rain
god unaware and force him to water the milpa before his release - suggesting an affiliation of
aluxob and effigy censers to rain ritual and milpa rites. In fact, aluxob in their effigy form are
thought to bathe in rainstorms, exposing themselves to the elements on top of ruined shrines in
the same manner as censers abandoned at temples during and after the Late Postclassic (Villa
Rojas ibid.). A quote by an informant from Chan Kom reinforces this connection of aluxob to
censers and rain,
They are about a foot high and look like small children, except for their

3. beards and their crowns. These crowns go around the head; they are square in
outline, and are made of clay. Inside there is a hollow, and the hollow extends
through the body of the alux, so that rain enters at the top and runs out the toes.
(Redfield and Villa Rojas ibid.: 120)
Effigy censers are usually found shattered as if ritually smashed (Thompson ibid.; Chase
1988). Apparently, the Colonial Spanish and Maya took every opportunity to destroy abandoned
effigies when encountered; the Spanish because they wanted to eradicate any indication of
idolatry and the Maya, to prevent the mischief of the aluxob (Redfield and Villa Rojas ibid.: 119-
121; Tozzer ibid.: 73, 108, 110; Villa Rojas ibid.: 103). Though this practice may account for
limited numbers of shattered censers, it would not explain the near-total destruction of vessels
seen at most Late Postclassic sites. A contemporary explanation for smashed censers among
the Yucatec Maya contends that as aluxob (in ceramic effigy form) wash in rain, chaakob or rain
deities take aim and cast thunderbolts from the sky, attempting to destroy them (Villa Rojas
ibid.). On the other hand, one archaeological interpretation attributes concentrations of smashed
censers associated with monumental architecture to “termination” rituals, supposedly meant to
spiritually deactivate animate structures before their abandonment or modification (Schele and
Friedel 1990: 459; Mock 1998). In other contexts, ethnohistoric evidence indicates that effigy
censers were regularly smashed at the conclusion of certain agricultural rites and rain rituals to
release the aluxob whom are thought to animate these vessels. For instance, Landa (Tozzer
ibid.: 161, Notes 835-841) tells us that during the ceremony of ocna, a plant renewal ritual
performed in honor of the rain deities as a demonstration of their connection to agriculture, the
“renovation” of ceramic idols, censers, and all associated ritual paraphernalia occurred. Once
these vessels had fulfilled their intended purpose and after their practical use-life expired,
censers were discarded and likely smashed to release the souls of deities captured in effigy
form. In essence, this practice served the same purpose as “kill-holes” well-documented in other
New World cultures such as those in the American Southwest – to free spirits possessing
ceramics and other inanimate objects.

4. Sacred Caves and the Ritual Collection of Virgin Water
Sacred water, referred to by the Yucatec Maya as zuhuy ha, is thought of as “virgin”
water for its purity and association with holiness. As a potent liquid substance, zuhuy ha drawn
from pools of pristine cave water for use in various rites related to rainmaking, agricultural
abundance, and fertility (Thompson 1959; Pohl and Pohl 1983; Bonor 1989; Brady et al. ibid.
The Chorti and Keckchi Maya likewise use sacred water, called uh-ha’, agua bendita, or santo
ha collected from sacred springs and rivers for use in identical agricultural rites (Thompson
1930: 52-53; Wisdom 1974: 381-Note 23, 438-Note 9). Evidence for the association of sacred
caves with agricultural rites and rain ritual is evident at a number of caves in the Yucatan
peninsula such as Balankanche, Balam Ku, Dzab-Na, and Actun Ka’. This connection is based
on numerous water jars, rain-god incense burners, metates, and manos in ritual cave contexts
(Stromsvik 1956; Thompson ibid., 1975; Andrews 1961, 1970; Reddell 1977; Pollock 1980;
Bonor ibid.). At cave Balankanche near Chichen Itza, 95 effigy censers depicting the Central
Mexican rain deity Tlalloc were clustered in front of speleothem columns, beneath stalactites,
and set inside niches carved from living cave formations near pools of water (Andrews ibid.,
1970: 9, 12, Figure 5; Bonor ibid.: 110, Figure 28). Andrews (ibid.: 9) states that out of six areas
in Cave Balankanche where rain-god censers were grouped, it was plainly clear that each locus
was offertory in nature, stating
All are directly associated with either underground bodies of water or striking
stalagmitic formations (in which the cave is rich), which were apparently correctly
interpreted by the ancients as phenomena attributable to the action of water.
Scattered offertory material was similarly located beside or under prominent
stalactitic formations. The association of all objects of an offertory nature with
water or its manifestations is obvious.
This pattern of rain-god censers associated with cave formations and standing pools of water
was found replicated in the immediate vicinity of Chichen Itza, at the recently reported cave of
Balam Ku (James Brady, personal communication 2000). Moreover, other wet caves and

5. cenotes feature interior shrines or platforms located adjacent to water pools such as those at
Mayapan, Tancah, and Xcaret, suggesting the performance of certain rites related to the ritual
use of cave water (Lothrop ibid.; Smith 1953, 1954; Andrews and Andrews 1975). In caves
surrounding Tumben-Naranjal, Rissolo (ibid.) has documented similar instances of ritual cave
modification, reflected in the presence of interior stairways, platform shrines, propitiatory altars,
and ritual ceramic scatters at caves Actun Maas, Actun Pak Chen, Actun Tacbi Ha, and Actun
Toh. As Brady et al. (1997) discuss, the archaeological context of speleothems and their use
among modern Maya suggest that these rituals were strongly associated with rain, fertility, and
power.
Speleothems as Petrified Zuhuy Ha
The presence of speleothems in aboveground shrine-complexes at Tumben-Naranjal
reveals that speleothems were regularly brought from caves to shrine-altars, presumably used
in rites enhanced by these spiritually charged natural formations (Figure 7) (Lorenzen ibid.: 101-
102). Alternatively, Rissolo (personal communication 2000) believes that the systematic removal
of speleothems from caves in the Tumben-Naranjal region may indicate the “mining” of cave
formations as a convenient source for calcite, widely used as temper in ceramics. An
independent survey of caves in this region confirmed the systematic removal of speleothems
during the Late Postclassic (Rissolo ibid.). Interestingly, Tedlock (1992: 81) notes that “stone
concretions” (possibly speleothem or other cave formations) shaped like fruits, vegetables, and
game animals are housed in Quiché Maya lineage-shrines, often used with other sacred objects
in divination and rituals related to mountains, water, and agricultural fertility.
Ancient obsidian blades, flint projectile points, and stone axe-heads are collected by
modern Maya from fields and forest, considered sacred objects for use as charms in divination
and fertility-related rituals. The Chorti Maya place small stone axes and pieces of flint referred to
as “cloud-stone” on table altars during rainmaking rituals (Wisdom 1974: 382, Note 25). These

6. axes are also thought to produce lightning when rain gods hurl them through the sky while
“beating the clouds into rain” (ibid.). These sacred objects along with saint effigies are
maintained in “altar-houses,” which in several ways resemble the sacred context of caves for
they are kept perpetually sealed, darkened, and off-limits to women during the performance of
rituals (ibid.: 384). Quiché Maya regard obsidian fragments as remnants of meteors, caching
them in special boxes at household shrines (Tedlock 1992: 180), as do the Yucatec Maya whom
regard obsidian as the fallen weapons of the yumtzilob – deities whom live in caves and are
closely associated with rain, game animals, and agricultural fertility (Villa Rojas 1945: 101-102).
Moreover, the Yucatec Maya directly relate the phenomena of meteorites to rainmaking, seen
as the flaming cigars of the chaakob (the highest order of yumtzilob) as they fly through the
night sky in their journey to water the land (ibid). Likewise, Lacandon rain gods similarly termed
yumchaakob also carry weapons as they fly across the heavens, dropping stone projectile
points thought by the Lacandon to be meteorites (Tozzer 1907: 155, 157-158). Just as
speleothems equate to water and rainmaking, meteorites are thought to create bodies of water
following their impact on earth (ibid.).
As Brady (1997: 360) points out, “In these contexts it seems likely that speleothems are
seen as an extension of the embodiment of the power of the cave.”
The gradual formation process of stalactites and other cave formations by the accretion
of mineral deposits through dripping cave water contributes to their rainmaking/fertility
connotation. Given their presence in ritual contexts as stated above, the ancient Maya likely
viewed speleothems, particularly dripstone such as stalactites and stalagmites, as petrified
sacred water. This supposition is supported by several early Spanish translations of “stalactite”
from its Colonial-period Yucatec Maya equivalent (Karl Taube and James Brady, personal
communication 1999). The Cordemex defines stalactite (ch’ak xix for the colonial Vienna
dictionary) as “agua destilada en pozo o cueva [estalactita],” where as the Pio Perez glosses
the term as “el agua que gotea destilándose en las bóvedas naturales or cavernas que cubren

7. los cenotes [la petrificación que se va formando donde caen estas gotas]” (note that the verb
destilar also means “to ooze, trickle, or drip,” clearly the meaning intended here) (Barrera
Vasquez 1995: 123). Other terms such as ch’ah, xix ha’ tunich, and ob’ak xix (along with the
Motul gloss for xix) define these words similarly, referencing forms of hardened water (Barrera
Vasquez ibid.: 121, 946). These definitions and other inferences not only reveal the perception
of speleothems as solid, concentrated forms of sacred water but more importantly, suggest that
they were likely considered its source (Bassie-Sweet 1996: 151). Similarly, the Mixtec perceive
wet caves as ve’i savi or “rain houses,” considered “storehouses of moisture” and sources of
rain production. Moreover, Mixtec caves (rain shrines) contain pools of nute noo or “pure water,”
a volatile and potent substance identical to Yucatec Maya zuhuy ha (Monaghan 1995: 107,
109).
The idea of speleothems as generators of zuhuy ha is corroborated by the ancient Maya
use of haltunob (carved stone basins) and ollas (ceramic jugs) archaeologically recovered from
wet caves. Documented as water collection devises for ritual purposes, stone basins and water
jars found in situ were intentionally placed under stalactites and other cave formations to catch
active drip water (Thompson 1897: 15; Starr 1908: 314-315; Gann 1928: 46-48; Pendergast
1971; Mercer 1975: 25-27, 101-102, 149; Stone 1995: 17-19, Figure 2-5; McNatt 1996). In a
particularly pertinent example, Mercer (ibid.) reported two haltunob carved from living
stalagmites, further demonstrating the concept of speleothems as sacred sources of zuhuy ha.
Rissolo (personal communication 2000) also recorded a number of haltunob and ollas in caves
surrounding Tumben-Naranjal at Actun Xux and Actun Maas, positioned beneath the cave drip-
line to collect seep water. The presence of haltunob and ollas in conjunction with nearby cave
pools provides inconvertible evidence of ritual water collection (as opposed to the fulfillment of
daily utilitarian concerns for water), showing that drip water from speleothems was preferred
over standing water as a source of zuhuy ha. Moreover, this fact implies that the ancient Maya
considered dripwater as exceptional zuhuy ha, tantamount to catching drops of sacred rain. This

8. idea is also seen in Mixtec rain symbolism. Monaghan (1995: 107) states that “…the drops of
water that fall from the ceiling of the cave are ‘raindrops,’ and that rain clouds pour from the ve’i
savi [cave rain shrine] before a storm.” The concept of speleothems as petrified forms of zuhuy
ha and particularly, as sacred rain, is also apparent in Maya perceptions of fulgurites. Fulgurites
are made when lightning strikes quartz-laden sand, soil, or rock that instantaneously meld into
hollow stone formations that appear remarkably similar to speleothems. These natural
phenomena are intimately connected with rain in Maya thought, perceived as petrified lightning.
Interestingly, bolts of lightning held by the Aztec rain god Tlalloc were conceived as suspended
water in the form of concentrated cloud-mist, referred to as “the mist which went winding [like a
serpent].” (Sahagun 1953: 7: 15). The suggestion that stone basins and water jars functioned
as collectors of sacred rainwater is corroborated by the etymology of haltun as well, defined by
the Pio Perez dictionary as “el hueco o concavidad de la peña en que se deposita el agua que
llueve” (Barrera Vasquez ibid.: 177).
The recent discovery of a Late Classic vase from an elite burial at Copan provides
additional evidence to substantiate the idea that the ancient Maya thought of speleothems as
generators of sacred water in petrified form. In a scene that appears to recreate the context of a
sacred cave, Fash (2000) identified two representations of stylized speleothems shown as
opposed stepped-symbols. Within these symbols are cauac (stone) markings, which Fash
(personal communication 2000) interprets as dripwater formations. The tapered shape of the
stepped motifs, the dripstone or cauac markings, and the fact that stepped symbols typically
reference mountains in Mesoamerican thought (the place most associated with caves and
rainmaking), suggest that in this context stylistically rendered speleothems are understood.
Drops of water are shown streaming from the tip of the stylized stalactite toward the stalagmite
below, implying the active production or creation of zuhuy ha. A strikingly similar repetitive
stepped-motif and one that also features dripstone (cauac) markings, is seen painted on the rim
of a vase sherd recovered from Cave C in the Rio Frio group near Benque Viejo (Masson 1927:

9. 37, Figure 24). Additional stepped-motifs that likewise may represent stylized stalactites are
present on a variety of water jars recovered from caves, cenotes, wells, and other contexts at
Uxmal, Kabah, Chichen Itza, Mayapan, and the Gruta de Chac. Described as tau, terrace, and
scroll motifs, these symbols are painted on the exterior necks and bodies of water vessels in
probable reference to water-related concepts (Andrews 1965; Smith 1971a: 59, 61; 1971b: 76,
78, Figures 52-h, 53-19). As described earlier, ollas of this type were used to collect zuhuy ha
from dripping cave formations or from pools of standing water for rain rituals dedicated to Chaak
(the principal Maya deity of rain, lightning, and agricultural fertility). This idea is reiterated by
Thompson (Mercer ibid.: xli) specifically for large polychrome water-jars discovered at the Gruta
de Chac. Interestingly, among Pueblo peoples in the American Southwest, this same stepped
symbol equates to clouds and rain, while in Mesoamerican cosmology rain-clouds form in and
issue from sacred mountain caves (Gutieras Holmes 1961: 287; Holland 1963: 93; Vogt 1993;
Monaghan 1995, Taube 1999). The fact that the Copan vase features depictions of
speleothems and is painted a light blue-green (suggesting water) may indicate that the vessel
actually held zuhuy ha for major rain ceremonies and other important rites requiring virgin water.
Moreover, the burial context of the vessel reinforces this same idea, particularly given the fact
that the vase was recovered from a grave located inside a structure replete with rain-related
iconography. The exterior façade of the temple containing the burial and vase is covered with
stone-sculptured stepped symbols representing clouds and mountains, including images of
tlalloque or Central Mexican rain gods who frame the doorway and adorn the upper register of
the building.
Speleothems, Effigy Censers, and Stone Beads
In addition to the use of stalactites and stalagmites in rain rituals and other agricultural
rites, the presence of burned speleothems found mixed with ash and censer fragments adjacent
to shrine altar-bases at Tumben-Naranjal, reveal a different but related religious purpose of

10. speleothems, one apparently dependent on the ritual use of effigy censers. It appears that
speleothems were placed inside censers along with hot coals and copal incense. In fact, a
number of speleothems appear burned, gray in color and spalled along their length, or powdery
in consistency and lighter in weight when compared to other examples. A burned, tubular
limestone-like bead was found in association with speleothems and censer fragments as well
(see description of Structure 21 excavation), indicating the bead was likely placed in a censer as
suggested for speleothems. In fact, the appearance of the bead is consistent with the
characteristics of burned speleothems, suggesting that it may have actually been fashioned
from a speleothem or other cave formation. As with the burning of limestone to make powdered
lime for construction plaster, a common practice in ancient and modern Maya culture,
speleothems would have also been altered in this manner (i.e., spalled) if exposed to a
sufficiently hot, sustained fire. Though not yet replicated experimentally, in this context it is
believed that the crystalline structure of speleothems would be converted to a calcium
carbonate composition (James Brady, personal communication 1999), possibly explaining the
lightweight and powder-like feel of smaller specimens. We know that crude pottery tempered
with coarse-ground calcite frequently fails when fired because calcite contains large amounts of
water that rapidly expand when in contact with high heat, causing the vessel to burst. If
stalactites were placed in censers, some would have undoubtedly fractured and/or exploded
due to their high calcite content. Moreover, if this indeed occurred, breaking speleothems likely
produced a loud splitting noise, possibly equated to the sound of thunder by the ancient Maya.
This sound would be particularly desirable for the conjuring of rain. Evidence from
Chichen Itza and Copan suggests the intentional spalling of jades for ritual purposes. At
Chichen Itza, thousands of burned jade fragments were recovered from the Cenote of Sacrifice,
implying that jade beads, plaques, discs, and other carved forms were heated in fires or censers
and tossed into the Cenote to explode on contact with cold well-water (Proskouriakoff 1974: 4).
As Proskouriakoff (ibid.) notes, a small furnace-like structure (1D1) was reported by Ruppert

11. (1952: 6) adjacent to the Sacred Cenote, which likely served as the location for the ritual heating
of jades before being thrown into water. At Copan, jades were placed in fires suggesting a
similar intent to explode them ritually (Friedel et al.: 240-246). Though the significance of this act
is not known, the intentional spalling and fracturing of jade (referred to as “popcorn” jade) may
relate to the ritual practice of spalling speleothems in Late Postclassic effigy censers during rain
rites, possibly to replicate the sound of thunder. Likewise, the act of spalling speleothem and
jades may have also reenacted the ancient Maya creation-myth of corn where Chaak splits
open maize-mountain or “stone of sustenance” with his lightning axe, releasing agricultural
abundance and fertility to humanity (Taube 1993; Bassie-Sweet 1996: 151).
Given the consistency of religious belief during the Late Postclassic, the use of censers
together with speleothems was likely widespread throughout the northern Maya lowlands. One
of the few indications of this practice outside Tumben-Naranjal surfaced in the Peabody
Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University. During an examination of effigy
censers excavated by the Carnegie Institution at Cancun, Cozumel, Isla Mujeres, Tancah, and
Tulum, I noticed a 12-cm long speleothem included in the excavation lot but not published with
the associated incense burner fragments (Lothrop ibid.: Plate 9, 10, Figures 29-31). Additionally,
several artifacts of greenstone and an elongated polished stone of fine basalt or diorite
(approximately 30-cm long and reminiscent of a speleothem) were recovered in context with
these censer pieces as well.
As a demonstration of continuity in Late Postclassic Maya religious practice,
contemporary Lacandon Maya small stones (some possibly speleothems) in conjunction with
censers (Tozzer 1907: 80-93; Soustelle 1966: 22-24,61-84; Bruce 1975: 80; Davis 1978: 72-84;
McGee 1990: 49-52; Boremanse 1998: 28). When a new lakil k’uh or “sacred god pot” is made,
a ritually significant stone is placed inside the vessel as a representation of the spirit or soul of
an ancestral deity portrayed in effigy on the surface of the censer. These special stones were
called u k’anche’ k’uh or “the holy seat of the god,” believed by the Lacandon to be the place

12. where the soul of the deity sits among burning incense and fire in the midst of the censer (Bruce
1975: 80). As noted by Taube (1998: 449, Note 13), an effigy censer recovered from Zaculeu
was found to contain a large jade stone (Woodbury and Trik 1953: 218, Figure 178a-b).
Similarly, a jade cobble was excavated at Tikal as part of a dedicatory cache (Coe 1990: 355),
thought by Taube (ibid.) to represent the jade hearth and by extension, a censer. Additional
research by Taube (1998: 448-449) documents this same concept for Classic-period censers as
well, not only identifying jade censer stones as “seats” of venerated deities but effigy vessels
themselves as representative of miniature shrines or god houses. In Lacandon ceremonial
speech, these stones are also referred to as nah k’uh or “god’s house” (Davis ibid.: 74),
reflecting the same general significance noted by Bruce as the seat, throne, or resident place of
power for a particular god. Davis (ibid.: 73) further describes these stones at tunich nah or
“stones from the god house” in reference to their place of origin, for before a deity portrayed in
effigy may be conjured a pilgrimage must be made to the place inhabited by the desired god, so
that a small stone may be removed and placed inside the censer (Tozzer ibid.: 87-89; Bruce
ibid.: 80; Davis ibid.: 72-84; McGee ibid.: 49-52).
This practice in light of burned speleothems recovered in context with effigy censers
fragments at Structure 21, may relate to the proposed systematic removal of speleothems from
caves as reported by Rissolo (1997, 1999; Fedick et al. 2000) in the Tumben-Naranjal region
during the Late Postclassic. If the Late Postclassic Maya held similar beliefs regarding the
symbolism of small stones and their placement inside censers, as it appears they did, then the
selection of a speleothem would be the most logical choice for rainmaking rituals and water god
representation; particularly, when one considers that speleothems reference not only the
dwelling place of rain deities (in wet caves) but petrified sources of sacred water as well. Given
that speleothems come from a place envisioned as a portal to the underworld, the lair of
underworld deities, the place of human origin and emergence, the resting place of ancestors,
and the paramount source of fertility, sacred water, winds, mist, and clouds, one can easily see

13. why the ancient Maya might readily use speleothems as representations of rain and deities
related to agricultural fertility.
Tozzer (1907: 87-89) also records among the Lacandon the use of jade pebbles and
other small stones mixed with copal incense, burned in censers. These small jades of which
some feature carved faces were believed by Tozzer (ibid.) to be miniature depictions of God C,
a deity associated generally with holiness and sacred space (Taube 1992: 27-31). A petroglyph
of God C incised on the face of a large boulder-platform in cave Actun Pak Chen, reported by
Rissolo and Heidelberg (1998), faces (pointing toward) a short passage leading to a pool of
cave water. The walkway to the pool had obviously been cleared and maintained regularly in
times past, evidenced by the piling of stone and debris along the sides of the path (Dominique
Rissolo, personal communication 1999). One wall of the cave, fronting a descending stairway, is
replete with rain- and fertility-related imagery. This wall is featured as an ordered petroglyphic
panel presenting a series of images in succession as one descends the stairway, approaching
the pool of cave water. In the center of this panel is a depiction of Chaak facing the image of
God C, separated by the descending stairway. A flat-stone altar was placed in front of the
incised rain deity with depictions of cloud scrolls, stylized vulvas, and possible representations
of yumtzilob (caves are believed to be their home). Undoubtedly, cave Actun Pak Chen was
extensively used during the Late Postclassic for rain, fertility, and agricultural rites that
necessitated offerings of zuhuy ha (Lorenzen 1999: 101-102). See Rissolo (1997, 1999; Fedick
et al. 2000) for a full description of cave Actun Pak Chen.
This practice closely parallels the use of jade pebbles, jade beads, and shell beads set
in the middle of copal balls within censer bowls recovered from the Sacred Cenote at Chichen
Itza (Coggins 1984, 1992). As Tozzer (ibid.: 139, Figure 46) points out, this practice is
referenced in the Madrid codex as well, where a dark copal ball placed inside a ceramic vessel
features a depiction of God C in its center. This correlation is significant not only for
demonstrating the continuity of Maya religious practice but also for showing the similar use of

14. copal, censers, and ritually important stones as ceremonial offerings in rites associated with
rain, agriculture, and fertility. It is well known that the Cenote of Sacrifice at Chichen Itza served
as a regional pilgrimage site and depository for ritual offerings, particularly those related to rain
rites in times of widespread drought (Tozzer 1941: 54, 116, 154, 180-181, 223). The practice of
cenote sacrifice reflected at Chichen Itza was part of a much larger cenote cult, widespread
throughout the Yucatan peninsula during and following the Late Postclassic. This cult was
dedicated to the production of rain through the veneration of chaakob and other deities related
to water, animal, and agricultural fertility (Scholes and Roys 1938: 604-617; Tozzer ibid.;
Redfield and Villa Rojas ibid.; Villa Rojas ibid.).
Apart from speleothems and effigy censer fragments, several stone beads of varying
colors were also discovered in front of Structure 21 at Tumben-Naranjal – one each of green
jadeite, red serpentine, and carved white travertine. Each bead was paired with a different set of
censer fragments, indicating the use of a particular bead with a specific incense burner. Given
the color symbolism of the ancient Maya, these different color beads may reflect a connection to
the cardinal earth directions (Marcus 1970; Berlin and Kelley 1961, 1970). In Maya color-
directionalism, white is associated with North, red with East, yellow with South, and black or
blue with West (ibid.). The fact that these white, red, and dark green (i.e., black) beads from
Structure 21 at Tumben-Naranjal were each associated with a particular effigy censer, may
indicate that these incense burners were directional censers connected with the cardinal
orientations North, East, and West. Landa (Tozzer 1941: 134-147, 166) tells us that during the
Wayeb rites held during the five-day liminal transition between the previous and coming year,
effigy censers were fashioned for each of the cardinal directions, associated with a different
color. See note 29 for a discussion of Wayeb rites. Though these beads may refer to the soul
and/or “seat” of the effigy, Davis (ibid.: 77) suggests a different but related use for small stones,
specifically stone beads. Ancient stone beads are used during incense-burner renewal rites as
talismans or charms by the Lacandon, referred to as ahsah in wasabeh or “beads with which I

15. awaken.” These beads are of various colors and are thought to have come from necklaces,
made by the gods themselves called u yuh k’uh, and given to the Lacandon as gifts. To call
forth the deity portrayed on the censer, the god pot is struck repeatedly with an awakening bead
during a ritual chant, inviting the spirit to possess the vessel. Once the effigy censer is activated,
the deity is physically present - prepared to receive ritual offerings, veneration, and petitions.
Thus, beads recovered from Structure 21 at Tumben-Naranjal (given their association with
censers and the likelihood that they were looted from an Early Classic cache or burial based on
material, form, and quality of manufacture), may have similarly been thought of as “gifts” from
the gods, reused as heirlooms in rites to “awaken” effigy censers during the Late Postclassic.
Speleothem-Core Stucco Idols
Among the various ritual uses of speleothems in cave and aboveground contexts, most
frequently reported ethnographically are speleothem idols (Brady et al. ibid.). Not surprising in
light of earlier references, speleothem deity representations are inextricably connected to rain
gods, water rites, and rainmaking. Important Maya gods were sculpted in plaster over
speleothem foundations; worshipped in caves, shrines, and small temples during the Late
Postclassic. Though few intact examples exist due to their fragile state and rapid rate of
decomposition, several managed to survive exposure, time, and the activities of looters. Lothrop
(ibid.: 132, Figures 131-132) documented a small pre-Hispanic cave shrine at Tancah still in use
at the time it was recorded. The cave features a modified floor of masonry that fronts a
speleothem column adjacent to a pool of cave water, inscribed with a series of pictographs. A
flat stone altar sits at the base of the column and nearby, a plastered stepped-altar once
supported an idol taken by Mexican troops in 1910. Miller (ibid.: 30, Figures 47-48) reports a
stucco idol with a large stalactite core in a miniature shrine on top of Structure 10 at Tancah. On
the border of Chiapas and Guatemala at Quen Santo, Seler (1901: 146-185) discovered a cave
housing three small stuccoed-shrines, replete with jaguar, amphibian, and Tlaloc-styled

16. censers. Moreover, four stone idols were also found at Quen Santo, of which at least two
appear to have been carved from speleothems, one erected in the center of an open chamber
adjacent to a stone altar and the other against the back wall of an interior shrine (ibid.: Figures
237 and 241, Plates 32 and 34).
Several stone idols very similar to those from Quen Santo were also reported by Seler
(1901: 59-82, Figures 78 and 80-84, Plates 8-9) at Chaculá, possibly representing additional
effigies carved from large cave formations. A number of other stucco idols feature non-
speleothem cores: Lothrop (1924: 155, Figures 161, 165) reports a stuccoed stone-idol in
Structure 4 at Cancun, almost identical to one noted by Peissel (1963: 148, 297) at Muyil, as
well as a stone-column idol at Cozumel of a life-size stuccoed and painted representation of the
Maya moon goddess, Ix Chel. Apparently, the Muyil idol was found in the architectural collapse
of a large Late Postclassic shrine, located at the terminus of a long sakbe radiating from the site
center. Just as with Sakbe 1 and Structure 21 at Tumben-Naranjal, the Muyil sakbe extends
from the most prominent structure at the site, ending at a Late Postclassic shrine on the edge of
a seasonally inundated wetland-lagoon (Witschey 1992: 29). Andrews and Andrews (ibid.: 65-
68) describe a complete stucco idol found inside Structure P-I at Xcaret and the remains of two
partial idols recovered from separate cave shrines. Interestingly, one of the two partial figures
was found seated on a stucco throne set on a raised platform, believed by Andrews and
Andrews (1975: 65) to be the spirit-guardian (alux or yumtzil) of the cave. Additional stone-core
idols have been reported near Tulum and at Yalku, El Cenote, and Cozumel (Gann 1927: 130-
132; Escalona Ramos 1946: 545, 559-560, 602, 621; Andrews and Andrews ibid.: 98-99).
Moreover, similar idols of wood were reported by Stromsvick (1956), Gage (1958: 278-291), and
Holland (1964).
Given the long known ritual importance of caves, the use of speleothems as objects of
veneration dates to at least the Classic and probably much earlier. For instance, Graham (1997:
31) recently reported a Protoclassic, life-size depiction of Chaak fashioned in stucco around a

17. large section of flowstone connected to a solid speleothem column from a previously unknown
cave in the Peten region of Guatemala (Figure 11). Late Postclassic speleothem-core stucco
idols possibly evolved from the use of stalactites and stalagmites as plaza monuments, erected
and inscribed in the same manner as stelae during the Classic (Brady et al. ibid.).
Apart from sporadic discoveries of speleothem-core stucco idols found in ruined shrines
and caves, a significant number of similar examples may exist as plaster images in the niches of
building facades. Though photographs make the identification of stone material difficult, several
do appear speleothem-like. Lothrop (ibid.: 46-52) describes high-relief stucco sculptures seated
in recessed panels in the upper register of temples and houses at Tulum, Tancah, and Cancun.
As with stucco idols, these sculptures are fashioned around a stone core set into the structure
wall. Moreover, these stuccoed figures are depicted in the same manner and are roughly the
same size as idols and effigy censers: shown in a seated position with bent arms and legs,
wearing similar clothing, featuring near-identical headdresses and decoration, and portraying
like deities (Figure 11). ADD MAYAPAN EXAMPLE (Proskouriakoff 1962:346).
The practice of shaping deities of stucco and venerating them in caves, shrines, and
temples is quite similar to the use of effigy censers among Late Postclassic and contemporary
Maya. Late Postclassic incense burners (as well as modern Lacandon examples) exhibit thick
layers of white stucco that cover vessel effigies, applied after the ceramic censer is fired. The
vessel is then painted a variety of bright colors to enhance modeled headdress elements and
other decoration (Tozzer 1907: 109; Thompson 1957; Robles-Castellanos ibid.: 224, 242).
Considering similarities in deity representation, ritual function, and manufacturing materials
between effigy censers and stucco idols, speleothem cores in idols were likely perceived as the
seat or throne of personified gods, just as smaller speleothems and other ritually significant
stones were for effigy censers of clay.
If undiscovered stucco idols exist, any recognizable image is most likely but gone,
reduced to its constituent speleothem core. For instance, a relatively large stalactite measuring

18. 35 cm x 20 cm x 10 cm was recorded in the architectural collapse of a Late Postclassic shrine at
Structure 2 during the 1993 Tumben-Naranjal field season, linked directly to Structure 21 and
the outlying wetland (Lorenzen 1995: 60-62, 70). Based on a suggestion by Anthony Andrews
(personal communication 1994), the stalactite was thought to have been placed in the collapsed
shrine by contemporary Maya or in the recent ethnographic past as part of a hunting ceremony
(Lorenzen ibid.: 60); however, given the size, shape, context, and what we now know regarding
the ritual significance of speleothems, it more likely served as the solid core for a stucco idol or
other plaster sculpture, now dissolved. Scores of similar speleothems have been unknowingly
encountered by archaeologists in ruined shrines but remain unrecognized and unreported
because their stucco representations are no longer visible.
Misc. Water Control Info.
Several major causeways and ceremonial plazas at Tikal feature drain systems that
channel water runoff into large reservoirs set amid monumental architectural groups (Fialko
1999). The precise placing of these architectural features create the impression of mountain
(pyramid) islands set in a type of (primordial) sea, reminiscent of the last Maya creation cycle.
Moreover, smaller sakbeob connect several of these reservoirs to shrines and plaza groups.
One such example is a northeast oriented sakbe (the intercardinal direction most associated
with rain deities and the throne-place of the supreme Maya rain god), which links the Temple
Reservoir to the Mundo Perdido. If one starts in the Plaza de los Siete Templos (Mundo
Perdido) at the main radial pyramid (Structure 5C-54-5A) and moves in a northeasterly
direction, a small platform temple (Structure 5D-77-1) is met first along with a small shrine
(Structure 5D-82-1) off to the East side of the Plaza (Laporte 1995). Continuing in a
northeasterly direction, the beginning of the sakbe (off the corner of the plaza) is encountered,
running directly to and terminating at the Temple Reservoir. This configuration is striking similar
to the radial pyramid (Castillo) and temple platform (Venus) plaza group at Chichen Itza,

19. connected to the Cenote of Sacrifice via a ceremonial causeway oriented in the same Northeast
direction with a terminal shrine at the edge of the cenote. This pattern on radial structures and
midway platforms in plaza groups that are linked to prominent water sources and terminal
shrines are remarkably consistent throughout the Maya area (Lorenzen 2000).