This document discusses an urn from the Maya Late Classic period with a decorated jaguar lid. It was likely from the Southern Highlands of Guatemala. The urn has characteristics of different urn types found in the Highlands, including effigy urns with lids depicting animals and vases tall enough to hold full bodies. During this period, the Maya Lowlands and Highlands had economic and political ties, though urn styles varied by region. The jaguar urn shares traits of effigy, cylinder, and square urn types excavated in the Highlands, making its classification uncertain.

1. 1
1977.10
a&b
Urn
with
Jaguar
Cover
Southern
Highlands,
Guatemala
Josh
Freedline
Fall
2015
ANTH
128a
Meaning
and
Material
Culture

2. 2
Introduction
The
object
examined
in
this
paper
is
of
unknown
exact
identity,
however
it
is
linked
to
similar
objects,
both
physically
and
ritually,
within
past
and
present
Maya
culture.
Structurally
speaking,
this
artifact
a
terracotta
tripod
vessel
with
a
decorated
jaguar
effigy
lid.
Both
the
lid
and
body
of
the
vessel
are
decorated
with
red,
black,
white,
and
yellow
post-­‐fired
paint.
This
decorative
style
signifies
that
the
vessel
was
painted
after
it
was
fired,
but
was
left
unglazed
throughout
the
crafting
process.
Based
on
museographic
research
regarding
the
object’s
physical
features,
this
object
is
most
likely
an
urn
of
the
Maya
Late
Classic
Period
(650-­‐850
CE)
(Boot,
2009:
Email
Correspondence).
Additionally,
it
is
plausible
based
off
of
this
research
that
this
urn
originated
from
the
Southern
Highlands
of
Guatemala.
Thus,
because
the
exact
provenance
of
this
object
is
obscure,
it
is
imperative
to
analyze
this
object
through
three
major
lenses:
regional
variation,
ritual
function,
and
ethnographic
data
of
related
object
use.
This
object
resides
within
a
deep
enchainment
to
these
three
categories,
such
that
the
material
function
of
Maya
urns
has
amalgamated
meaning
based
on
context
of
use
through
time.
Furthermore,
it
will
become
clear
through
this
analysis
that
Maya
urns
are
correlated
with
the
spiritual
renewal
of
the
dead,
and
of
‘living’
architecture
through
various
modes
of
use.
Design
and
Deposition:
Links
Between
the
Maya
Highlands
and
Lowlands
During
the
span
of
the
Classic
Period
(250-­‐909
CE),
archaeologists
have
found
evidence
economic
and
political
ties
between
the
Maya
Lowlands
and
Highlands
(Masson
and
Freidel
2002;
McCampbell
2010).
The
political
capitals
during
this
era
were
situated
for
the
most
part
in
the
Lowlands,
present
day
Petén
(GT),
Chiapas
(MX),
and
Western
Belize
(Fitzsimmons
1989).
However,
this
does
not
signify
that
urn
use
and
production
was
limited
solely
to
this
area,
rather
it
is
quite

3. 3
the
opposite.
Archaeologists
have
excavated
urns
from
sites
of
both
the
Highlands
and
Lowlands,
however
these
urns
vary
in
their
physical
form.
The
Southern
Highlands
of
Guatemala
have
yielded
urns
from
a
variety
of
sites,
notably
the
Classic
period
centers
of
Zaculeu,
Chipal,
and
Chama
(McCampbell,
2010:
14).
Late-­‐Classic
urns
of
the
Highlands
have
been
categorized
into
three
major
types
in
terms
of
physical
structure:
effigy,
cylinder,
and
square
(McCampbell,
2010:
16).
The
effigy
funerary
urn
is
decorated,
conical
and
always
accompanied
by
a
lid
(fig.
1).
This
category
of
urn
has
a
subtype
known
as
‘vase-­‐type
urns’,
labeled
as
a
vase
because
it
is
tall
enough
to
fit
a
whole
human
body
(fig.
2)
(McCampbell,
2010:
16).
The
second
type,
the
cylinder,
is
more
similar
to
incensarios
in
their
structure
based
on
dual
flanges
on
either
side
of
the
urn
(fig.
3)
(McCampbell,
2010:
16).
Square
urns
are
found
most
infrequently
of
all
categories
mentioned
(fig.
4).
This
is
due
to
the
fact
that
some
archaeologists
will
not
label
the
square
urns
as
urns
at
all,
rather
they
will
be
labeled
as
caches.
Many
urns
of
this
type
have
been
found
to
have
no
traces
of
human
remains
within
them,
instead
only
containing
offerings
such
as
seeds,
shells,
and
jade
among
other
things
(McCampbell,
2010:
20).
Whereas
many
urn
specimens
have
been
big
enough
to
fit
a
whole
human
body
(as
many
have
actually
had
partially
burned
bodies
found
within
them),
the
square
type
is
not
nearly
large
enough.
Furthermore,
not
all
urns
of
the
Late-­‐Classic
Highlands
have
human
remains
within
them,
regardless
of
type.
The
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
being
examined
in
this
paper
has
characteristics
that
correlate
with
each
of
the
aforementioned
Highland
urn
types,
yet
cannot
be
definitively
placed
in
a
single
category.
The
effigy
of
a
jaguar
on
this
object
is
characterized
by
a
head
accompanied
by
ears,
eyes,
a
nose,
and
an
open
mouth
filled
with
teeth.
Additionally,
the
lid
is
decorated
with
the
paws
of
the
jaguar
facing
down,
possibly
insinuating
that
it
is
holding
the
lid
closed.
Figures
1-­‐4
clearly
show

4. 4
the
effigy
of
a
jaguar
on
the
lids
of
these
urns
taking
similar
positions
to
that
of
the
object
of
study.
Another
resounding
detail
of
the
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
is
its
cylindrical
shape.
This
physical
feature
of
the
urn
places
it
well
within
the
category
of
cylindrical
urns,
however
it
is
much
smaller
than
typical
urns
of
this
category,
which
could
allow
it
some
similarities
to
the
square-­‐type
often
labeled
as
a
cache
vessel.
The
object
of
study,
by
virtue
of
these
material
categories,
could
be
labeled
as
a
miniature.
Generally
speaking,
miniatures
found
within
a
given
material
culture
will
be
physically
smaller
than
the
object
that
they
are
emulating,
but
will
maintain
the
same
level
of
efficiency
as
the
object
being
emulated
(MacCannel,
2005:
95).
In
the
case
of
the
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’,
miniaturization
remains
a
possibility
in
examining
what
this
object
may
have
contained.
Where
many
of
urns
of
the
Southern
Highlands
were
large
enough
to
contain
partially
cremated
corpses,
this
object
may
have
contained
fragments
of
a
given
body,
along
with
grave
goods.
Fragmentation
in
the
archaeological
record
is
a
critical
concept
when
viewing
objects
that
may
have
only
contained
various
parts
of
a
given
whole.
To
view
a
body
as
fragmented
could
signify
that
the
division
of
the
corporeal
body
may
have
had
symbolic
value
in
other
depositions
of
the
same
individual
(Chapman,
2000:
26).
The
concept
of
fragmentation
plays
a
fundamental
role
in
analyzing
the
levels
of
enchainment
that
this
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
was
involved
in.
Could
it
be
possible
that
urns
of
this
size
were
symbolically
linked
to
each
other
by
virtue
of
a
deceased
individual
being
fragmented
within
other
similar
urns?
In
this
way,
ceremonies
attributed
to
one
urn
of
this
type
would
be
enchained
with
countless
other
urns
used
in
a
similar
fashion.
To
further
examine
the
plausibility
of
this,
it
will
be
beneficial
to
analyze
accounts
of
urn
use
from
the
Maya
Lowlands
during
the
Late-­‐Classic
Period.

5. 5
Many
of
the
urns
dating
back
to
the
Classic
and
Late-­‐Classic
Periods,
which
have
been
excavated
from
the
Maya
Lowlands,
are
considerably
smaller
in
size
compared
to
those
of
the
Southern
Highlands
of
Guatemala.
Notable
urns
of
this
character
have
been
excavated
at
the
site
of
Caracol,
Belize.
The
most
common
types
of
urn
found
within
the
archaeological
record
of
Caracol
are
known
as
“face
caches”
and
“finger
bowls”
(Chase
and
Chase,
1998;
Becker,
1993).
The
“face
caches”
are
characterized
by
a
central
face
depicted
on
one
side
of
the
vessel,
usually
flanked
by
flanges
or
ear
flares
on
either
side
of
the
face
(Chase
and
Chase,
1998:
311).
Within
this
category
of
urn
are
usually
cremated
pieces
of
the
deceased,
and
material
goods
including
jadeite,
shell
pieces,
and
obsidian
flakes
(Chase
and
Chase,
1998:
313).
The
other
classification
of
urn
known
as
the
“finger
bowl”
is
typically
not
as
decorated
as
“face
caches”,
but
are
of
a
similar
size.
These
bowls
are
named
as
such
because
they
contain
the
cremated
remains
of
finger
bones
(Chase
and
Chase,
1998:
319).
Physical
details
aside,
why
would
these
items
be
known
as
‘caches’
or
‘bowls’
if
they
in
fact
contain
remnants
of
deceased
persons?
This
inquiry
can
be
resolved
by
analyzing
the
depositional
contexts
of
these
Lowland
urns.
At
Caracol,
and
Tikal,
among
other
prominent
Maya
Lowland
sites,
there
is
a
great
deal
of
evidence
regarding
urns
being
labeled
as
caches.
The
overarching
reason
for
this
phenomenon
is
related
to
the
architectural
context
that
many
of
these
objects
are
found
in.
Human
remains
may
be
interred
in
a
variety
of
contexts
including
burials
in
fill,
cist
burials
in
holes,
crypt
burials,
and
burials
in
open-­‐air
tombs
(Chase
and
Chase,
1998:
301).
However,
where
could
objects
containing
material
goods
in
addition
to
human
remains
be
placed
within
this
list?
Marshall
Becker
describes
many
of
these
caches
that
have
been
interred
within
the
walls
of
various
buildings
as
‘commemorative’
of
the
deceased’s
spirit
(1993:
68).
The
notion
of
renewing
the
‘spiritual
essence’
of
architecture
will
be
re-­‐visited
in
the

6. 6
following
section
of
this
paper,
however
it
is
beneficial
to
articulate
here
as
well.
Caches
that
were
interred
in
buildings
both
at
Caracol
and
Tikal
may
have
served
to
‘feed’
the
gods
in
order
to
bring
forth
renewed
life
and
to
continue
the
cycle
of
being
as
opposed
to
disposal
of
the
corpse,
which
would
signify
the
end
of
life.
Thus,
by
placing
the
remains
of
the
deceased
within
these
structures,
individuals
were
essentially
reinvigorating
the
buildings
with
the
spirit
of
those
interred
within.
Both
the
depositional
contexts
and
physical
attributes
of
urns
in
this
section
are
critical
to
understand
before
delving
into
the
realm
of
ritual
use
of
Late-­‐Classic
urns.
The
jaguar
effigy
vessel
embodies
a
variety
of
physical
aspects
of
items
that
have
been
elaborated
on
thus
far.
The
motif
of
the
jaguar
effigy
on
its
lid,
its
cylindrical
shape,
and
small
size
indicate
that
this
object
may
have
been
enchained
within
Maya
traditions
of
cache
‘burials’
and
architectural
commemoration.
Enchainment
in
these
aforementioned
cultural
systems
allows
for
the
development
and
transformation
of
further
traditions
to
be
associated
with
the
object
over
the
course
of
many
generations.
This
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’,
among
others
of
similar
design,
could
be
considered
as
a
form
of
‘unexpected
technology’.
This
term
refers
to
the
notion
that
individuals
of
the
modern
day
may
have
failed
to
recognize
the
broader
cultural
systems
an
item
was
a
part
of
because
of
technological
bias
(Lechtman,
1993:
259).
Due
to
the
relatively
small
size
of
this
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’,
some
may
have
unintentionally
placed
it
within
the
realm
of
decorative
pottery,
or
food
storage.
While
I
am
not
entirely
discounting
these
categories,
it
is
crucial
to
understand
that
this
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
could
have
been
used
as
a
cache-­‐burial
to
spiritually
reinvigorate
deceased
persons
and/or
architecture.
These
concepts
will
be
illuminated
at
length
in
the
following
section
of
this
material
culture
analysis.
Fire,
Darkness,
and
Smoke:
Portals
to
the
Immaterial

7. 7
Before
delving
into
the
fundamental
cosmologies
associated
with
urn
usage
and
spiritual
reinvigoration,
it
is
critical
to
offer
a
few
explanations
as
to
why
such
cosmologies
are
transmitted
through
countless
generations.
As
discussed
earlier,
urns
of
various
types
were
being
manufactured
and
interacted
with
in
the
Maya
Highlands
and
Lowlands
during
the
span
of
the
Classic
period.
The
creation
of
these
urns
was
not
solely
tied
to
material
economies,
but
was
imbued
with
ritual
significance.
Ritual
practice
should
be
more
properly
conceived
as
a
type
of
production
in
which
labor
and
resources
are
marshaled
to
achieve
the
materialization
of
a
desired
end
(McAnany,
2010:
21).
Thus,
Maya
economic
processes
can
best
be
understood
by
foregrounding
the
ritual
practices
as
entangled
with
realms
of
landscape,
identity,
religion,
and
power.
Entanglement
is
a
concept
that
can
be
used
to
interpret
a
plethora
of
both
ancient
and
present
Maya
transactions
between
the
living
and
the
dead.
Ian
Hodder
defines
entanglement
as
the
interlacing
of
materials
with
the
whole
suite
of
ways
in
which
humans
and
things
depend
on
each
other
(2011:
164).
Thus
in
the
context
of
Maya
urn
cosmology,
people
depend
on
urns
to
perform
ritual
acts
on
the
dead,
just
as
much
as
the
urns
depend
on
people
to
be
manipulated
to
maintain
semiotic
value.
Thus,
entanglement
will
be
a
major
lens
in
understanding
the
broader
ritual
value
that
this
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
may
have
had
in
antiquity.
Cremation
among
the
Classic
period
Maya
was
an
integral
ritual
practice
in
bridging
the
realm
of
the
living
and
the
realm
of
the
spirits.
In
order
for
the
body
to
transform
from
its
corporeal
state
into
ash,
mass
amounts
of
heat
and
fire
are
necessary.
Heat,
fire,
and
darkness
are
all
components
of
cremation,
but
also
of
birth
and
regeneration.
This
tradition
stems
back
to
the
creation
myths
of
the
Popol
Vuh,
a
chronicle
written
by
the
Postclassic
K’iche
Maya,
which
was
based
off
of
more
ancient
oral
and
pictorial
traditions
of
the
Classic
and
Preclassic
Maya
(McCambpell,

8. 8
2010:
3;
Christenson,
2003:
10).
The
lifecycles
of
people
are
parallel
to
that
of
maize
according
to
the
Popol
Vuh.
Therefore
in
order
for
maize
to
grow
from
the
soil,
heat,
darkness,
and
water
were
all
necessary
for
the
birth
of
this
plant.
In
that
fashion,
the
soul
of
a
person
needed
these
elements
to
be
reborn
in
the
spiritual
sense.
The
following
quote
from
the
Popol
Vuh
serves
to
demonstrate
exactly
what
was
meant
by
this
parallel
between
corn
and
humans:
“The
yellowness
of
humanity
came
to
be
when
they
were
made
by
they
who
are
called
She
Who
Has
Borne
Children
and
He
Who
Has
Begoten
Sons,
by
Sovereign
and
Quetzal
Serpent.
Thus
their
frame
and
shape
were
given
expression
by
our
first
Mother
and
our
first
Father.
Their
flesh
was
merely
yellow
ears
of
maize
and
white
ears
of
maize.
Mere
food
were
the
legs
and
arms
of
humanity,
of
our
first
fathers.
And
so
there
were
four
who
were
made,
and
mere
food
was
their
flesh”
(Christenson,
2003:
195).
Thus,
through
analysis
of
this
passage
the
parallel
between
people
and
maize
becomes
quite
clear.
Reinvigoration
of
the
souls
of
the
deceased
would
then
take
place
within
urns,
such
that
the
bones
of
the
deceased
would
undergo
the
same
exposure
to
heat
and
darkness
that
maize
seeds
would
in
soil.
In
the
context
of
this
creation
myth,
urns
hold
a
powerful
role
in
the
transition
between
material
and
the
immaterial.
To
catalyze
this
process,
the
urn
must
possess
a
degree
of
agency
in
that
the
urn
is
not
solely
a
container
of
human
remains,
but
is
instead
both
the
contents
and
container
(Bynum
and
Gerson,
1997:
5).
The
urn
as
a
reliquary
allows
for
both
mortal
and
supernatural
actors
to
take
part
in
the
physical
and
spiritual
transformations
that
occur
within
the
confines
of
the
vessel.
Because
of
this
entanglement,
human
actors
would
embody
certain
deities
represented
on
urns
to
usher
in
this
spiritual
rebirth
(Fitzsimmons,
1989:
156;
McCampbell,
2010:
45).
Located
on
the
lid
of
the
effigy
vessel
being
examined
in
this
analysis
is
a
jaguar
painted
in
red,
yellow,
black,
and
white
paint.
The
presence
of
the
jaguar
on

9. 9
urns
has
massive
intrinsic
value
regarding
the
physical
and
spiritual
transformations
that
take
place
within
urns.
The
Classic
Maya
revered
the
jaguar
as
the
intermediary
between
the
world
of
the
living
and
the
world
of
the
dead,
and
a
protector
of
royal
houses
during
this
period
(Mahler,
2009:
106;
Fitzsimmons,
1989:
88).
Focal
archaeological
finds
have
evidenced
this
notion
further,
such
as
the
excavation
of
the
tomb
of
Yax
Pac
by
Dr.
William
L.
Fash
and
the
Copan
Acropolis
Archaeological
Project.
The
tomb
of
this
8th
century
ruler
was
found
with
fifteen
jaguars
buried
inside
it,
apparently
sacrificed
for
each
of
the
fifteen
priest-­‐kings
who
had
preceded
him
in
the
royal
dynasty
(Mahler,
2009:
107).
Besides
the
naturalized
jaguar,
the
Classic
Maya
also
venerated
and
embodied
an
anthropogenic
form
of
the
jaguar,
known
as
the
Jaguar
God
of
the
Underworld.
A
common
deity
represented
on
urns
of
the
Classic
and
Late-­‐Classic
periods
is
the
Jaguar
God
of
the
Underworld.
The
Jaguar
God
of
the
Underworld
has
a
transformative
property
to
it,
such
that
it
rises
as
the
fire-­‐eyed
sun
god
(K’inich
Ajaw),
and
sets
as
the
‘night
sun’,
or
Jaguar
God
of
the
Underworld
(Fitzsimmons,
1989:
122;
Taube,
1998:
441;
Stuart,
1998:
404).
The
descent
of
the
sun
into
the
underworld,
only
to
be
revitalized
and
brought
back
into
the
world
of
the
living
is
a
direct
parallel
to
what
happens
during
the
process
of
cremation.
Once
the
corporeal
body
is
burnt
within
the
darkness
of
an
urn,
the
resulting
ashes
and
smoke
of
the
body
are
equated
with
the
deceased’s
soul
being
revitalized.
The
process
of
the
smoke
rising
can
be
paralleled
with
the
sun
rising
out
of
the
underworld
(McCampbell,
2010:
60).
For
these
reasons,
the
jaguar
has
become
a
common
motif
on
urns
of
the
Classic
and
Late-­‐Classic
Periods.
Regarding
the
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
being
analyzed,
the
jaguar
on
the
lid
of
this
vessel
may
serve
as
a
facilitator
of
the
processes
occurring
within
the
object.
Noted
on
figures
1-­‐4
(see
appendix)
are
jaguars
rendered
in
similar
styles,
and
in
similar

10. 10
positions
on
their
respective
lids.
Each
of
the
jaguars
is
depicted
with
its
head
as
an
outcrop
of
the
lid,
eyes
and
mouth
open,
and
arms
with
paws
outstretched
over
the
lid.
The
action
that
the
jaguars
are
taking
could
symbolize
the
facilitation
of
the
transformative
processes
occurring
within
the
urns.
To
reiterate,
these
urns
are
not
simply
containers,
but
are
rather
reliquaries
that
have
the
agentive
property
of
directing
these
physical
and
spiritual
metamorphoses
(Bynum
and
Gerson,
1997:
5).
In
essence,
the
jaguars
are
symbolically
transferring
heat
to
the
contents
of
these
urns
in
order
to
catalyze
these
processes,
as
the
Jaguar
God
of
the
Underworld
was
also
responsible
for
creating
fire
(Taube,
1998:
441).
To
further
analyze
this
ritual
enchainment,
it
will
be
beneficial
to
expand
on
the
human
actors
who
physically
embody
the
Jaguar
God
of
the
Underworld
in
fire
related
ceremonies.
At
the
prominent
Classic
period
site
of
Naranjo,
located
in
Northeastern
Guatemala,
stela
30
represents
a
ruler
taking
part
in
what
appears
to
be
a
‘fire-­‐
drilling’
ritual.
As
depicted
on
the
stela,
the
ruler
holds
a
knotted
staff
used
for
the
‘fire-­‐drilling’
ceremony,
and
a
trident
flint
object
(Stuart,
1998:
408).
The
ceremony
of
‘fire-­‐drilling’
is
documented
in
the
Popol
Vuh
as
originating
from
Tohil,
also
known
as
‘The
Framer
and
Shaper,
The
Provider’
(Christenson,
2003:
215).
As
the
chronicle
explains,
Tohil
appears
in
Xibalba,
the
Maya
underworld,
with
a
drill
from
which
he
brings
forth
fire.
This
drill
warmed
the
underworld,
and
helped
to
bring
forth
the
mortal
world
(Christenson,
2003:
215).
Thus,
Classic
period
rulers
adopted
‘fire-­‐drilling’
ceremonies
as
a
legitimizing
aspect
of
their
supernatural
power
on
Earth,
as
seen
in
Naranjo
stela
30
(figure
5).
That
being
said,
the
most
notable
characteristics
portrayed
on
this
stela
are
the
jaguar
markings
on
the
ruler’s
face,
in
addition
to
the
spotted
jaguar
pelt
worn
as
well
(Stuart,
1998:
408).
These
two
features
correlate
the
ruler
as
the
direct
embodiment
of
the
Jaguar
God
of
the
Underworld,
performing
this
‘fire-­‐drilling’
ritual
at
a
tomb
or
temple
most
likely.

11. 11
The
implication
of
renewal
that
the
Jaguar
God
of
the
Underworld
carries
with
it
is
critical
to
the
ceremonies
of
‘fire-­‐entering’
and
‘fire-­‐drilling’.
‘Fire-­‐entering’
is
representative
of
the
application
of
heat
in
ceremonies
of
revitalization
and
renewal,
however
it
also
represents
the
initial
connection
between
an
individual
and
the
location
being
dedicated
with
the
fire-­‐related
ritual.
An
example
of
this
phenomenon
is
within
the
Temple
of
the
Inscriptions
at
Palenque,
Chiapas.
Within
this
structure
is
the
Tablet
of
96
Glyphs,
which
states
the
phrase
‘och
k’ak’
ta-­‐y-­‐oot’,
meaning
‘the
fire
enters
his
house’
(Stuart,
1998:
389).
This
phrase
illuminates
the
connection
between
fire,
and
the
dedication
of
structures.
According
to
Tzotzil
Maya
ethnographic
accounts,
the
rites
of
burning
associated
with
the
erection
of
structures
demonstrates
a
community
giving
the
structure
a
soul
(Vogt,
1970:
100).
Although
this
will
be
explained
further
in
the
following
section,
this
aspect
of
modern
Tzotzil
Maya
life
is
crucial
to
understand
because
it
represents
enchainment
with
the
past.
Structures
at
Palenque
during
the
Classic
period
were
being
dedicated
through
similar
incendiary
rituals
as
houses
of
the
Guatemalan
Highlands
are
being
dedicated
today.
A
final
example
of
how
architecture
undergoes
similar
ceremonies
of
renewal
to
that
of
urns
is
noted
at
Caracol.
At
this
site,
Classic
period
populations
actively
participated
in
the
burning
of
goods
and
bodies
as
seen
through
the
results
of
the
site’s
excavation.
In
terms
of
architecture,
one
structure
in
particular
stands
out
because
it
directly
incorporates
burned
goods
into
its
iconographic
complex.
Structure
B20-­‐2nd
served
as
a
tomb
for
elite
individuals
living
at
Caracol
during
the
6th
century
CE
(Chase
and
Chase,
1988:
20).
At
the
entrance
to
this
tomb,
an
elaborately
carved
skeletal
face
is
adorned
just
above
the
doorway
into
the
tomb
(fig.
6)
(Chase
and
Chase,
1988:
21).
According
to
Diane
and
Arlen
Chase,
the
directors
of
the
Caracol
Project,
this
skeletal
face
was
designed
because
it
represents

12. 12
the
summit
where
the
sun
rose
from
its
nightly
rest
in
the
underworld
(1988:21-­‐
22).
An
important
facet
to
note
about
this
facial
feature
is
what
was
contained
within
the
mouth
of
the
carving.
The
‘skeletal’
face
above
the
entrance
to
Structure
B20-­‐2nd
had
burnt
bones
within
the
mouth
of
the
carving.
According
to
the
1987
field
season
report,
the
bones
were
severely
burnt,
pointing
to
the
fact
that
they
had
most
likely
been
burnt
repeatedly
over
the
course
of
several
decades
(Chase
and
Chase:
1988,
23).
The
placement
of
these
bones
in
the
‘mouth’
of
the
structure
parallels
how
the
structure
may
have
served
as
a
reliquary
for
the
deceased.
Reliquaries
may
have
the
power
to
“speak”
for
its
contents
(Bynum
and
Gerson,
1998:4)
such
that
certain
rituals
may
need
to
be
performed
in
order
to
satiate
the
given
reliquary
that
is
interacting
with
grave
goods.
Classic
Maya
architectural
rituals,
such
as
‘fire-­‐drilling’
and
‘fire-­‐
entering’
had
similar
meanings
tied
to
the
symbolic
‘feeding’
of
structures
(Stuart,
1998:
395).
To
sum
up,
urns
of
the
Classic
and
Late-­‐Classic
periods
serve
as
much
more
than
just
receptacles
for
the
deceased,
rather
they
are
the
fulcrums
of
dedicatory
practice
and
origination
myth
of
these
time
periods.
The
cremation
of
bodies
within
urns
or
architecture
is
meant
to
‘ensoul’
the
given
location
of
the
deceased
with
b’aah
(Fitzsimmons,
1989:
166).
B’aah
is
a
Classic
period
phrase
essentially
defining
an
extension
of
life-­‐force
that
certain
objects
can
be
imbued
with
(Fitzsimmons,
1989:
168).
The
souls
that
urns
and
architecture
are
attributed
represent
connections
to
one’s
ancestors,
such
that
‘fire-­‐drilling’
and
‘fire-­‐entering’
rituals
associated
with
such
reliquaries
may
offer
ancestral
protection
or
blessing.
According
to
Patricia
McAnany,
ancestor
veneration
in
particular
was
not
a
practice
that
promoted
social
equality
during
the
Classic
Period.
Rather,
it
promoted
a

13. 13
mechanism
of
lineage
legitimization
to
cement
land
claims,
and/or
to
alienate
other
royal
houses
(McAnany,
2014:
162).
The
focal
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
of
this
material
culture
analysis
may
have
had
a
myriad
of
ceremonies
associated
with
its
use-­‐life.
Because
it
most
likely
dates
to
the
Late-­‐Classic
period,
it
may
very
well
have
been
involved
in
one
or
more
of
the
aforementioned
ritual
complexes.
Thus,
the
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
embodies
an
incredibly
powerful
enchainment
centered
in
political
and
religious
systems
of
this
time
period.
The
following
section
of
this
analysis
will
be
devoted
to
ethnographic
accounts
of
how
homes
of
the
Tzotzil
and
Zinacanteco
Maya
are
treated
in
a
semiotically
parallel
way
to
that
of
urns
of
the
Late-­‐Classic
period.
This
notion
will
demonstrate
the
degree
of
entanglement
that
both
urns
and
homes
are
woven
within,
such
that
each
needs
people
to
‘nourish’
it
and
give
it
life.
Nurturing
the
Home:
Tzotzil
and
Zinacanteco
Ethnography
One
of
the
metrics
of
analysis
that
can
be
used
to
study
entanglement
within
the
archaeological
record
is
through
transmission
of
memory.
Ian
Hodder
writes
that
insetad
of
viewing
antiquity
as
solely
‘descent
with
modification’;
it
is
useful
to
instead
view
it
as
the
product
of
social
learning
and
memory
construction
(2011:
167).
Therefore,
practices
of
similar
nature
within
material
culture
of
the
present
should
not
be
viewed
in
an
evolutionary
lens
as
being
derived
from
a
linear
past.
This
notion
informs
current
Tzotzil
and
Zinacanteco
Maya
house
‘feeding’
rituals
because
these
rituals
share
a
semiotic
relation
to
the
‘feeding’
of
urns
and
buildings
of
the
Late-­‐Classic
period.
The
connection
comes
with
the
territory
quite
literally,
in
that
the
ancestral
beings
are
fixed
in
the
landscape,
and
become
a
timeless
reference
point
outside
the
politics
of
daily
life
(Morphy,
1995:
188).
Thus,
homes
became

14. 14
reliquaries
for
the
living,
just
as
the
urn
was
a
reliquary
for
the
spirit,
because
they
needed
to
be
given
a
soul
in
order
to
ensure
the
safety
of
its
inhabitants.
The
Zinacanteco
people
of
Highland
Chiapas
practice
rituals
to
nourish
houses,
quite
literally,
in
order
to
give
the
house
a
soul.
When
a
new
home
is
built,
several
actions
must
be
taken.
First,
a
chicken
must
be
buried
under
the
center
of
the
house
to
compensate
the
‘Earth
Owner’
for
the
wood,
palm,
and
mud
that
have
been
taken
from
this
domain
(Vogt,
1976:
98).
This
compensation
is
an
overarching
Zinacanteco
concept,
as
I
will
explain
in
the
following
section,
naturally
occurring
entities
such
as
trees,
animals,
and
dirt
all
have
souls.
The
‘Earth
Owner’
for
the
Zinacanteco
people
is
described
in
a
multiplicity
of
manifestations.
Some
say
he
is
a
fat
Ladino
living
under
the
ground
with
piles
of
money
in
addition
to
cows,
horses,
and
chickens
(Vogt,
1976:
6).
The
‘Earth
Owner’
is
also
said
to
be
a
direct
part
of
caves,
limestone
sinks,
and
waterholes
(Vogt,
1976:
6).
This
non-­‐human
entity
is
just
as
much
a
part
of
the
Zinacanteco
universe
as
the
‘earth
monster’
depicted
on
many
Late-­‐Classic
urns
of
the
Southern
Highlands.
Figures
1
and
3
(more
clearly
pronounced
on
1)
have
representations
of
the
‘earth
monster’
in
the
process
of
swallowing
a
jaguar
on
the
front
of
their
bodies.
Little
is
known
about
this
motif
regarding
evidence
from
the
Late-­‐Classic
period,
besides
the
fact
that
it
is
a
reptilian
creature
that
has
continuity
on
urns
of
this
period.
One
theory
explains
this
‘earth
monster’
motif
as
a
representation
of
heat
that
is
rising
from
the
earth
(McCampbell,
2010:
16).
This
further
connects
to
the
myth
that
heat
is
necessary
for
the
germination
of
souls
within
the
urn,
paralleling
that
of
the
maize
seed.
However,
there
is
an
ethnographic
connection
to
current
Tzotzil
Maya
myth
regarding
reptilian
creatures
‘eating
other
deities.
The
term
‘God-­‐Eating’
is
a
Tzotzil
myth
that
explains
the
significance
of
reptilian
creatures
‘eating’
other
deities.
In
one
creature
devouring
another

15. 15
represented
on
material
goods,
an
essence
of
mortality
is
being
demonstrated
(Fitzsimmons,
1989:
25).
This
ideology
dates
back
to
the
Classic
period,
seen
at
various
sites.
One
example
of
this
is
seen
at
Tonina
Monument
69
where
a
deceased
ruler
rests
upon
the
head
of
a
crocodile
(fig.
7)
(Fitzsimmons,
1989:
18).
This
concept
is
critical
to
understanding
the
aspect
of
soul
renewal
associated
with
many
Late-­‐Classic
Highland
Maya
urns.
Just
as
the
Classic
period
example
of
Tonina
insinuates
the
deceased
being
consumed
by
a
representation
of
the
‘earth
monster’,
the
Tzotzil
Maya
share
a
similar
view
on
what
happens
to
the
soul
after
death.
The
Tzotzil
Maya
believe
in
an
important
part
of
the
soul
known
as
the
ch’ulel
and
this
ch’ulel
exists
within
the
hearts
of
all
people
(Pitarch,
2010:
24).
More
importantly,
the
ch’ulel
resides
in
two
places
at
once,
within
the
hearts
of
mortals
and
within
the
heart
of
the
mountain,
known
as
the
ch’iibal,
or
‘place
of
growth’
(Pitarch,
2010:
25).
Once
a
person
has
died,
the
ch’ulel
will
leave
its
mortal
residence
and
return
to
its
ch’iibal
where
it
may
reside
with
the
spirits
of
ancestors
until
it
joins
another
living
being
(Pitarch,
2010:
25).
The
entanglement
between
the
earth
and
the
human
being
for
the
Tzotzil
is
inseparable
because
of
the
dualism
that
exists
in
the
ch’ulel.
This
modern
day
Maya
ideology
relates
back
to
the
repetitions
of
Earth
myth
through
the
centuries,
a
myth
that
has
been
passed
down
to
fulfill
certain
intentions.
Furthermore,
this
link
between
humans
and
ancestral
landscape
shows
how
ancestor
veneration
can
be
referenced
at
any
time
to
transmit
knowledge
through
material
culture.
Regarding
the
home
as
a
reliquary
for
living
humans,
it
is
necessary
to
take
proper
care
of
one’s
home
to
insure
the
safety
of
its
inhabitants.
The
dedicatory
rites
associated
with
houses
in
Tzotzil
culture
also
involve
giving
the
house
a
soul
via
cache
offering
‘bringing
the
house
to
life’
(Brown
and
Emery,
2008:
329).
This
life
cannot
be
taken
for
granted
though,
because
just
as
the
inhabitants
are
giving
the

16. 16
structure
a
soul,
the
structure
has
the
power
to
eat
souls
as
well
(Brown
and
Emery,
2008:
330).
Two
things
are
critical
to
understand
regarding
these
myths.
First
the
concept
of
the
Tzotzil
soul
existing
in
a
natural
landscape
has
been
noted
in
two
areas.
Earlier
it
was
discussed
that
mountains
(ch’iibals)
served
as
a
type
of
repository
for
souls,
and
now
the
trees
are
stated
as
having
souls.
Second,
humans
are
not
the
only
beings
to
have
souls
because
as
we
will
wee
in
this
example,
tress
contain
souls
and
therefore
houses
made
of
trees
to
as
well.
Tzotzil
ritual
associated
with
censing
a
house
begins
with
lighting
candles
and
incense
within
the
home
in
addition
to
mounting
a
cross
outside
the
home
for
protection
(Stuart,
1998:
393).
The
next
step
in
the
process
is
the
addition
of
pine
boughs
being
planted
in
all
four
corners
of
the
house
with
chicken
broth
poured
over
the
pines
(Stuart,
1998:
393).
This
is
considered
to
be
a
censing
along
with
the
‘feeding’
of
a
house.
According
to
Tzotzil
myth,
if
a
house
is
not
fed
appropriately,
it
will
begin
to
envy
its
occupants
(Brown
and
Emery,
2008:
332).
This
envy
will
include
noises
that
will
emanate
from
the
house
in
addition
to
nightmares
being
instilled
upon
its
residents
until
it
is
properly
taken
care
of
(Brown
and
Emery,
2008:
332).
Regarding
material
culture
myth
of
the
Tzotzil
and
Late-­‐Classic
Maya
of
the
highlands,
both
have
a
type
of
‘feeding’
associated
with
them,
however
they
take
on
different
respective
meanings.
Arguably,
urns
can
be
‘fed’
heat
and
fire
in
order
to
reinvigorate
the
souls
of
the
deceased
within
them.
Based
on
the
iconographic
complexes
of
jaguar
and
‘earth
monster’
motif,
the
cycles
of
renewal
based
on
the
presence
of
heat
are
revealed.
Similarly,
houses
for
the
Tzotzil
and
Zinacanteco
Maya
must
be
fed
with
incense
and
food
if
the
house
is
to
take
care
of
its
inhabitants.
Bridging
these
two
Maya
cultures
require
entanglement
to
better
understand
the
processes
taking
place
in
each
culture.
Entanglement
in
this
case
exists
as
‘multi-­‐

17. 17
stranded
cables’
(Hodder,
2011:
164)
whereby
things
need
people
to
maintain
semiotic
value,
just
as
much
as
people
need
things
to
maintain
cultural
saliency.
Concluding
Remarks
Over
the
course
of
this
analysis
there
have
been
numerous
iconographic
complexes
presented,
and
structural
variations
given
of
Late-­‐Classic
urns,
which
serve
to
inform
the
greater
body
of
knowledge
regarding
the
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’.
Based
on
the
aforementioned
information
throughout
this
analysis,
the
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
most
likely
originated
from
the
Southern
Highlands
of
Guatemala,
dating
back
to
the
Late-­‐Classic
period
(650-­‐850
CE).
Although
the
size
of
the
urn
could
link
it
to
the
deposition
of
caches
as
burials
(Chase
and
Chase,
1998;
Becker,
1993)
of
the
Lowlands,
the
jaguar
effigy
lid
provides
a
much
stronger
link
to
the
Highlands.
Though
the
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
does
not
incorporate
all
motifs
that
many
Highland
urns
have,
it
is
crucial
to
view
this
object
as
possessing
synecdoche
with
the
iconographic
complexes
presented.
Synecdoche
in
the
case
of
the
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
seeks
to
portray
this
object
as
standing
for
the
greater
whole
of
spiritual
renewal
within
Maya
culture
of
the
past
and
present.
This
theory
accounts
for
the
fact
that,
as
stated
earlier,
the
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
does
not
possess
all
of
the
motifs
that
have
been
elaborated
on.
When
viewing
objects
from
the
perspective
of
the
Western
world,
a
gap
usually
arises
between
defining
what
is
subject,
and
what
is
object
(Gosden
and
Marshall,
1999;
Kopytoff,
1986).
However,
this
gap
is
unnecessary
when
attempting
to
understand
the
enchainments
and
entanglements
that
this
object
is
a
part
of.
The
biography
of
this
object
did
not
end
when
it
was
deposited
in
the
collection
of
the
Anthropology
Department
at
Brandeis
University,
rather
it
is
still
inextricably
linked
to
all
who
have
used
it
prior.
The
trade
routes
that
the
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
may
have
been
part

18. 18
of,
the
interments
it
may
have
been
deposited
as,
and
the
contents
it
held
inside
are
all
part
of
the
material
culture
of
this
object.
Thus,
despite
the
unknown
provenance
of
this
item,
it
serves
to
benefit
the
corpus
of
cultural
data
associated
with
the
‘Jaguar
Effigy
Urn’
if
it
is
considered
to
be
an
integral
piece
of
Maya
culture
of
both
the
past
and
present.

19. 19
Appendix
Figure
1:
Late-­‐Classic
Effigy
Urn,
Southern
Highlands,
Guatemala.
Museo
Popol
Vuh
McCampbell,
K.G. 2010. “Highland Maya Effigy Funerary Urns: A Study of Genre, Iconography and Function”.
Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations. Paper 2617. Florida State University.
.
Figure
2:
Late-­‐Classic
Effigy
Urn
(Vase
Type),
Southern
Highlands,
Guatemala.
Museo
Popol
Vuh.
McCampbell, K.G.
2010. “Highland Maya Effigy Funerary Urns: A Study of Genre,
Iconography and Function”. Electronic Theses, Treatises and
Dissertations. Paper 2617. Florida State University.

20. 20
Figure
3:
Late-­‐Classic
Urn
(Cylinder
Type),
Southern
Highlands,
Guatemala.
Museo
Popol
Vuh.
McCampbell, K.G. 2010. “Highland
Maya Effigy Funerary Urns: A Study of Genre, Iconography and
Function”. Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations. Paper 2617.
Florida State University.
Figure
4:
Late-­‐Classic
Urn
(Square
Type),
Southern
Highlands,
Guatemala.
Museo
Popol
Vuh.
McCampbell,
K.G. 2010. “Highland Maya Effigy Funerary Urns: A
Study of Genre, Iconography and Function”. Electronic
Theses, Treatises and Dissertations. Paper 2617. Florida
State University.

21. 21
Figure
5:
‘Fire-­‐Drilling’
Ceremony,
performed
by
K’Ahk
Tiliw
Chan
Chaak
(aka
‘Smoking
Squirrel’)
(688
CE-­‐?).
Naranjo,
Stela
30.
Stuart, D. 1998. The Fire Enters His House:
Architecture and Ritual in Classic Maya Texts. Function and
Meaning in Classic Maya Architecture: 373-425.
Figure
6:
‘Skeletal
Face’
carved
into
the
doorway
of
Caracol
Structure
B20-­‐2nd.
Chase,
A.F. and D.Z. Chase. 1987. Investigations at the
Classic Maya City of Caracol, Belize, 1985-1987.
Volume 3. Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute.

22. 22
Figure
7:
‘Earth
Monster’
and
the
death
of
Wak
Chan
K’ahk’,
Tonina
Monument
69.
Drawn
by
Peter
Mathews,
1983.
Fitzsimmons, J.L. 1989. Death and the Classic Maya Kings. University of
Texas Press.

23. 23
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Cited
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Marshall
J.
1993
Earth
Offerings
Among
the
Classic
Period
Lowland
Maya:
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and
Caches
as
Ritual
Deposits.
In
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en
el
Mundo
Maya,
pp.
45-­‐74.
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Estudios
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Erik
2009
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for
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Bowl:
Short
Epigraphic
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Bowl
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and
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Emery
2008
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Hunting
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Bynum,
Caroline
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John
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Fragmentation
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People,
Places,
and
Broken
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Chase,
Arlen
F.,
and
Diane
Z.
Chase
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25. 25
1976
Tortillas
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Press
Auction
Sites
Sotheby’s Auction:
http://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/2015/african-oceanic-
n09347/lot.70.html
‘Maya Two-Part Effigy Vessel of an Armadillo’ Early Classic, ca. 250-450
CE.
Estimate: $25,000-$35,000 USD
The lidded container formed as an armadillo in a defensive posture, with forelegs holding
his snout and rear legs grasping the upcurled tail against the smooth and vulnerable belly,
the scaly carapace indicated with bands of cross-hatched altering triangles, the head with
incised eyes and tapering ears. Height: 101/4
inches (26 cm).
Date
of
Access:
November,
11th
2015