1.
British
Expatriate
Bloggers
in
the
US:
Attitudes,
Identities
and
Language
Use
Masterarbeit
zur
Erlangung
des
akademischen
Grades
Master
of
Arts
(M.A.)
der
Philologischen,
Philosophischen
und
Wirtschafts-­‐
und
Verhaltenswissenschaftlichen
Fakultät
der
Albert-­‐Ludwigs-­‐Universität
Freiburg
i.
Br.
vorgelegt
von
Dominique
Moomaw
aus
Yorba
Linda,
CA,
USA
SS
2015
Fach
Erstgutachter:
Prof.
Dr.
Christian
Mair

2.
Abstract
This
thesis
is
an
investigation
of
the
way
that
the
changing
attitudes
and
identities
of
British
expatriate
bloggers
affect
their
language
use
in
a
blog
over
the
course
of
their
first
two
years
living
in
the
United
States.
It
is
also
an
examination
of
how
the
attitudes,
identities
and
language
of
British
migrants
manifest
in
blogs.
In
an
effort
to
determine
whether
British
migrants’
positive
attitudes
and
identification
with
the
American
community
are
linked
to
their
acquisition
and
use
of
American
English,
I
performed
both
a
quantitative
and
qualitative
analysis
of
five
different
blogs.
While
I
found
there
to
be
no
statistically
significant
correlation
between
language
attitudes
and
language
use,
I
did
find
that
the
bloggers’
self-­‐perceived
attitudes
and
attitude
shifts,
which
differed
from
the
attitude
I
detected
in
most
blog
posts,
were
more
highly
correlated
with
their
use
of
British
and
American
English.
Three
of
the
five
bloggers’
renegotiated
identities
were
also
seen
to
be
a
reflection
of
their
linguistic
behavior.
Lastly,
my
findings
suggest
that
there
was
a
strong
relationship
between
the
bloggers’
use
of
both
British
and
American
linguistic
variants
throughout
the
blogs,
their
readership
and
the
context
of
living
in
the
United
States
while
writing
their
blog
entries.

3. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
i
Acknowledgments
First
and
foremost,
I
would
like
to
thank
my
supervisor,
Prof.
Dr.
Christian
Mair,
for
getting
me
excited
about
the
material,
guiding
me
throughout
the
project
and
consistently
providing
me
with
valuable
insight.
I
would
also
like
to
thank
Veronique
Lacoste
for
her
useful
suggestions
and
my
second
supervisor,
Prof.
Dr.
Brigitte
Halford,
for
sparking
my
interest
in
language
and
identity.
I
am
also
greatly
indebted
to
one
of
my
dearest
friends,
Julia
Vagg,
who
not
only
supplied
me
with
helpful
resources
and
advice,
but
also
gave
me
endless
support
when
I
needed
it
most.
I
am
also
immensely
grateful
to
Mirka
Honkanen
who
continually
allowed
me
to
pester
her
with
questions,
assisted
me
in
coming
up
with
a
decent
methodology
and
reviewed
my
final
draft.
Of
course,
I
am
also
thankful
to
my
very
loving
and
supportive
family
–
Julie,
Rob,
Lexie,
and
Evan
–
who
despite
living
oceans
away
spoke
with
me
weekly
and
kept
me
looking
forward.
I
am
grateful
to
all
my
Freiburg
friends
for
the
emotional
support
–
the
afternoons
in
the
park,
the
dinners,
the
wine
and
game
nights,
the
dancing...
all
of
which
kept
me
sane.
I
would
also
like
to
express
my
deepest
gratitude
towards
Doris
and
Werner
Moser
for
being
the
most
hospitable
people
in
the
world
and
providing
me
with
the
financial
support
I
needed
in
order
to
focus
on
my
studies.
I
am
grateful
to
the
University
of
Freiburg
for
accepting
me
into
the
Master's
Program
and
giving
me
the
opportunity
to
complete
a
project
like
this
in
one
of
the
loveliest
and
quaintest
little
towns
I
have
ever
been.
Finally,
I
would
like
to
thank
the
person
who
is
almost
entirely
responsible
for
my
being
able
to
live
in
Germany,
successfully
complete
a
Master's
thesis
and
degree
and
ultimately
find
love,
happiness
and
success
in
life,
Ralph
Moser.
I
dedicate
this
thesis
to
him.

4. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
ii
List
of
Tables
Table
1.
Characteristics
of
subjects......................................................................................................... 36
Table
2.
Characteristics
of
analyzed
data............................................................................................. 38
Table
3.
Correlation
of
attitudes
to
American
society
to... ............................................................. 67

5. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
iii
List
of
Figures
Figure
1.
Ajzen's
(1988)
hierarchical
model
of
the
construction
of
attitude. .........................8
Figure
2.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
lexical
variants
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
1,
post
#
1-­‐80
(see
Figure
3
for
post
#
81-­‐160)................ 41
Figure
3.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
lexical
variants
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
1,
post
#
81-­‐160
(see
Figure
2
for
post
#
1-­‐80)................ 41
Figure
4.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
lexical
variants
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
1,
post
#
1-­‐80
(see
Figure
5
for
post
#
81-­‐160)................ 42
Figure
5.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
orthographical
variants
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
1,
post
#
81-­‐160
(see
Figure
4
for
post
#
1-­‐
80). .............................................................................................................................................................. 43
Figure
6.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
total
variables
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
1,
post
#
1-­‐80
(see
Figure
7
for
post
#
81-­‐160)................ 44
Figure
7.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
total
variables
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
1,
post
#
81-­‐160
(see
Figure
6
for
post
#
1-­‐80)................ 44
Figure
8.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
lexical
variants
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
2.............................................................................................................. 48
Figure
9.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
orthographical
variants
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
2....................................................................................... 49
Figure
10.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
total
variables
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
2.............................................................................................................. 50

6. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
iv
Figure
11.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
lexical
variants
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
3.............................................................................................................. 52
Figure
12.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
orthographical
variants
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
3....................................................................................... 53
Figure
13.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
total
variables
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
3.............................................................................................................. 54
Figure
14.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
lexical
variants
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
4.............................................................................................................. 57
Figure
15.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
orthographical
variants
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
4....................................................................................... 58
Figure
16.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
total
variables
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
4.............................................................................................................. 58
Figure
17.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
lexical
variants
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
5.............................................................................................................. 62
Figure
18.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
orthographical
variants
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
5....................................................................................... 63
Figure
19.
The
ratio
of
British
to
American
total
variables
in
relation
to
the
attitude
to
American
society
for
Blog
5.............................................................................................................. 64

7. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
v
Table
of
Contents
1.
Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
1
2.
Literature
Review…………………………………………………………………………………………………..
4
2.1.
Second
Dialect
Acquisition………………………………………………………………………………
4
2.2.
Attitudes…………………………………………………………………………………………………………
6
2.2.1.
Definition
of
attitude………………………………………………………………………………6
2.2.2.
Three
components
of
attitude…………………………………………………………………6
2.2.3.
Types
of
attitudes…………………………………………………………………………………..
8
2.2.4.
Measuring
attitudes
towards
dialects……………………………………………………...9
2.2.4.1.
Direct
approaches………………………………………………………………………9
2.2.4.2.
Indirect
approaches………………………………………………………………….10
2.2.4.3.
Societal
treatment
approach……………………………………………………..10
2.3.
Habitus
and
Identity………………………………………………………………………………………11
2.3.1.
Historical
background
of
Britain
and
America……………………………………….
12
2.3.2.
Language
ideologies……………………………………………………………………………..
18
2.3.2.1.
Indexicality………………………………………………………………………………19
2.3.2.2.
Standardization
in
Britain
and
the
US………………………………………..21
2.3.3.
The
self
as
a
reflexive
project………………………………………………………………..
23
2.3.3.1.
Agency
and
acts
of
identity……………………………………………………….
24
2.4.
Computer-­‐mediated
Communication
and
Migration………………………………………..27
2.4.1.
Presentation
of
identity
online……………………………………………………………...28
2.4.2.
Expression
of
attitudes
online………………………………………………………………
30
2.4.3.
Blogs……………………………………………………………………………………………………31
2.4.3.1.
Definition
of
blogs…………………………………………………………………….31
2.4.3.2.
Style………………………………………………………………………………………...32

8. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
vi
2.4.3.3.
Audience………………………………………………………………………………….
33
3.
Methodology………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
34
3.1.
Targeted
Blogs………………………………………………………………………………………………
34
3.1.1.
Ethics…………………………………………………………………………………………………..
36
3.2.
Data
Collection………………………………………………………………………………………………37
3.2.1.
The
linguistic
variables…………………………………………………………………………37
3.2.2.
Locating
attitudes
and
identity……………………………………………………………..
38
4.
Findings
and
Data
Analysis…………………………………………………………………………………...40
4.1.
The
Influence
of
Attitudes………………………………………………………………………………40
4.1.1.
Blog
1:
35
year-­‐old
male……………………………………………………………………….
40
4.1.1.1.
Language
use…………………………………………………………………………...
40
4.1.1.2.
Attitude
to
American
society…………………………………………………….
44
4.1.1.3.
Attitude
to
American
English…………………………………………………….46
4.1.2.
Blog
2:
45
year-­‐old
male……………………………………………………………………….
47
4.1.2.1.
Language
use…………………………………………………………………………...
47
4.1.2.2.
Attitude
to
American
society…………………………………………………….
50
4.1.2.3.
Attitude
to
American
English…………………………………………………….51
4.1.3.
Blog
3:
35
year-­‐old
female…………………………………………………………………….52
4.1.3.1.
Language
use…………………………………………………………………………...
52
4.1.3.2.
Attitude
to
American
society…………………………………………………….
54
4.1.3.3.
Attitude
to
American
English…………………………………………………….56
4.1.4.
Blog
4:
30
year-­‐old
female…………………………………………………………………….57
4.1.4.1.
Language
use…………………………………………………………………………...
57
4.1.4.2.
Attitude
to
American
society…………………………………………………….
59
4.1.4.3.
Attitude
to
American
English…………………………………………………….60

9. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
vii
4.1.5.
Blog
5:
35
year-­‐old
female…………………………………………………………………….61
4.1.5.1.
Language
use…………………………………………………………………………...
61
4.1.5.2.
Attitude
to
American
society…………………………………………………….
64
4.1.5.3.
Attitude
to
American
English…………………………………………………….65
4.1.6.
Correlation
coefficients………………………………………………………………………...
66
4.1.7.
Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………..
67
4.2.
Discussions
of
Identity…………………………………………………………………………………...69
4.2.1.
Identity
in
Blog
1………………………………………………………………………………….
70
4.2.1.
Identity
in
Blog
2………………………………………………………………………………….
72
4.2.3.
Identity
in
Blog
3………………………………………………………………………………….
73
4.2.4.
Identity
in
Blog
4………………………………………………………………………………….
75
4.2.5.
Identity
in
Blog
5………………………………………………………………………………….
76
4.2.6.
Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………..
77
4.3.
The
Influence
of
CMC……………………………………………………………………………………..
78
4.3.1.
The
role
of
the
readership…………………………………………………………………….
78
4.3.1.1.
Style……………………………………………………………………………………...…78
4.3.1.2.
Dialectal
variables………………………………………………………………...….
81
4.3.1.3.
Online
community…………………………………………………………………....82
4.3.2.
The
Internet’s
influence
on
migrant
identity………………………………………....
83
4.3.3.
Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………..
84
5.
Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………………………...
85
References………………………………………………………………………………………………………………87
Appendix
A
–
List
of
British
and
American
Lexical
Variables……………………………...………
94
Appendix
B
–
List
of
British
and
American
Orthographical
Variables………………………….97

10. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
1
1.
Introduction
The
way
individuals
perceive
speech
communities
and
the
languages
spoken
within
these
communities
has
a
powerful
influence
on
the
linguistic
behavior
of
the
individuals
themselves.
These
kinds
of
perceptions
fall
into
the
category
of
language
attitudes,
a
relatively
under-­‐explored
field
with
regard
to
dialects
or
rather,
language
varieties.
Recent
language
attitude
research
has
concentrated
on
how
attitudes
are
both
shaped
and
constrained
by
a
person's
habitus,
i.e.
the
ideologies
of
the
specific,
culturally-­‐situated
society
into
which
that
person
was
born
(Bourdieu,
1977).
However,
after
being
displaced
in
an
entirely
new
social
and
cultural
environment,
as
when
migrating
to
a
new
country,
an
individual's
habitus
is
reconstituted,
causing
their
attitudes,
sense
of
identity
and
use
of
language
to
shift
(Hall,
2013).
This
thesis
approaches
the
concept
of
identity
from
a
post-­‐structuralist
perspective
in
that
identities
are
considered
multiple,
fluid
and
subject
to
change
within
different
social
contexts
over
time
(Norton,
2010).
Like
identity,
attitudes
are
equally
fluid
and
just
as
likely
to
be
affected
by
the
conceptions
of
a
new
community.
The
extent
to
which
an
individual's
own
speech
is
influenced
in
the
context
of
migration
has
often
been
shown
to
depend
on
which
directions
the
migrants'
attitudes
and
identities
have
gone.
A
number
of
past
studies
done
by
social
psychologists
of
language
have
found
that
migrants
who
form
positive
views
of
the
new
society
-­‐
including
its
members
and
cultural
practices
-­‐
and
the
language
variety
of
that
society
are
more
likely
to
acquire
and
use
the
new
variety.
Acquisition
of
the
new
variety
has
also
been
linked
to
whether
the
migrant
is
able
to
identify
with
and
successfully
integrate
into
the
community.
Those
with
a
high
degree
of
metalinguistic
awareness
will
even
perform
“acts
of
identity”
by
using
the
dialect
to
demonstrate
their
alignment
with
the
other
community
members
(Le
Page
&
Tabouret-­‐Keller,
1985).
It
thus
logically
follows
that
both
negative

11. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
2
attitudes
and
a
strong
connection
to
the
native
community
have
been
seen
to
cause
migrants
to
maintain
their
native
dialect.
The
present
study
specifically
deals
with
the
interaction
of
attitudes,
identities
and
language
as
seen
in
the
writing
of
British
individuals
after
migrating
to
the
United
States,
a
country
which
despite
its
shared
heritage
with
the
British
has
become
both
linguistically
and
culturally
distinct
from
Britain.
Though
the
US
has
always
experienced
a
steady
flow
of
British
migrants,
that
number
has
risen
in
recent
years
due
to
the
rise
of
globalization
–
the
consequences
of
which
include
increased
mobility,
new
technologies
and
the
mass
spread
of
American
language
and
culture
through
various
media.
The
combination
of
American
influences
with
the
remnants
of
a
long,
complex
history
between
Britain
and
America
have
led
British
society
to
hold
very
mixed
and
often
extreme
views
of
Americans
and
American
English
today
(Self,
2013).
British
expatriates
are
thus
just
as
likely
to
enter
America
with
the
idealized
view
of
the
US
as
a
glamorous
land
of
wealth
and
opportunity
as
they
are
with
more
critical
and
traditional
ideas
about
America
being
inferior
and
its
language
less
prestigious.
The
way
that
these
initial
attitudes
progress
over
a
period
of
time
can
often
be
monitored
in
recently
popularized
online
platforms
called
'weblogs'
–
or
simply
'blogs'
–
which
migrants
tend
to
use
as
online
journals
to
document
their
personal
experiences
while
abroad.
Migrant
bloggers'
discussions
of
linguistic
and
cultural
differences
are
frequently
infused
with
their
own
ideologies,
opinions
and
feelings
about
whether
they
belong.
This
makes
blogs
an
ideal
medium
for
analyzing
how
attitudes
and
notions
of
national
identity
factor
into
the
British
expats'
use
of
American
English
in
blog
posts
as
they
begin
to
acquire
the
dialect.
In
doing
both
a
qualitative
and
quantitative
analysis
of
a
small
pool
of
expatriate
blogs,
I
am
able
to
determine
whether
the
assumption
of
a
more
American
identity
and

12. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
3
positive
language
attitudes
correlate
to
a
higher
degree
of
American
English.
By
going
further
in-­‐depth,
I
can
also
examine
the
role
of
the
habitus
in
migrants'
initial
attitudes
and
how
the
three
elements,
attitude,
identity
and
language,
emerge
through
the
medium
of
a
blog.
The
present
study
attempts
to
answer
the
following
research
questions:
1.
How
do
the
changing
language
attitudes
of
British
expats
living
in
the
US
affect
their
linguistic
behavior
over
time?
2.
Does
their
national
identity
reflect
their
use
of
American
English?
3.
How
does
blogging
affect
British
expat
bloggers'
treatment
of
attitude,
identity
and
British
and
American
dialectal
variables?
Through
answering
these
questions
and
conducting
comprehensive
research,
I
aim
to
achieve
a
deeper
understanding
of
the
way
macro-­‐level
ideologies
impact
British
individuals'
language
attitudes
as
they
are
applied
to
American
culture
and
American
English
and
furthermore,
how
this
changes
in
the
context
of
migration
in
a
globalized
world.
I
also
aim
to
determine
whether
there
is
a
significant
correlation
between
attitudes
and
language
development.
Yet
another
objective
is
to
investigate
the
development
of
an
individual's
sense
of
national
identity
and
whether
it
mirrors
their
language
use.
Finally,
I
intend
to
expose
how
the
three
components
of
attitude,
identity,
and
British
and
American
English
manifest
in
CMC.
Altogether,
this
research
can
help
determine
the
reasoning
behind
language
variation
and
help
predict
future
linguistic
trends.
The
thesis
is
structured
as
follows.
After
the
introductory
first
chapter,
Chapter
Two
gives
a
literature
review
of
previous
studies
concerning
dialect
acquisition
and
use,
language
attitudes,
and
identity,
as
well
as
the
way
these
components
manifest
through
computer-­‐mediated
communication,
blogging
in
particular.
Here
I
list
the
different

13. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
4
approaches
to
attitude
research
and
make
note
of
the
issues
and
benefits
of
different
methodologies.
I
also
include
the
theoretical
background
for
concepts
discussed
in
my
analysis
as
well
as
a
historical
outline
of
the
way
the
relationship
between
Britain
and
America
has
evolved.
Chapter
Three
provides
the
details
of
my
methodology
including
how
I
located
and
targeted
specific
blogs,
determined
which
linguistic
variables
I
would
focus
on
and
dealt
with
the
data.
Chapter
Four
consists
of
a
quantitative
and
qualitative
analysis
of
my
findings
with
regard
to
three
specific
themes.
Chapter
Five
summarizes
the
study,
argues
for
the
significance
of
this
kind
of
research
and
offers
new
directions
for
future
research.
2.
Literature
Review
2.1.
Second
Dialect
Acquisition
Upon
migrating
to
a
new
country
with
the
same
official
language
as
their
home
country,
migrants
will
come
into
contact
with
a
new
and
yet
mutually
intelligible
'dialect'
–
or
what
is
also
referred
to
as
a
'variety'
–
of
the
official
language.
They
may
then
accommodate
to
members
of
the
new
speech
community
by
modifying
their
language
in
the
direction
of
the
new
dialect
(D2)
and
after
a
prolonged
period
of
time,
fully
adopt
the
D2
–
a
process
which
has
been
termed
second
dialect
acquisition
(SDA)
(Siegel,
2010;
Trudgill,
1986).
Whether
migrants
will
successfully
acquire
the
D2
or
maintain
their
original
dialect
(D1)
is
determined
by
the
intersection
of
a
number
of
external
(i.e.
social)
and
internal
(i.e.
linguistic)
factors
(Siegel,
2010).
Notably,
this
is
a
study
of
the
language
use
of
adults
who
have
passed
critical
periods
of
language
learning.
Their
repertoires
are
thought
to
have
“solidified
by
early
adulthood”
(Conn
&
Horesh,
2002,
p.
47),
thus
making
it
highly
unlikely
that
adults
will

14. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
5
completely
change
their
language
unless
they
do
so
of
their
own
accord.
Oftentimes,
as
Bowie
(2000)
states,
“the
changes
seem
to
be
a
matter
of
degree
rather
than
actual
shift”
(p.
12).
Most
previous
research
on
adult
dialect
acquisition
has
therefore
focused
on
complex
identity
factors,
social
networks,
the
extent
of
exposure,
the
status
of
the
linguistic
variable
and
the
notion
of
salience
(Liao,
2010).
There
is
still
a
significant
lack
of
studies
on
language
attitudes
with
regard
to
SDA,
which
is
surprising
considering
that
the
historical,
geographical
and
social
associations
with
particular
dialects
often
evoke
strong
attitudes
(Siegel,
2010).
This
thesis
attempts
to
determine
the
influence
of
both
national
identity
and
these
language
attitudes
on
the
use
of
the
D2
throughout
the
process
of
SDA,
specifically
in
the
case
of
British
migrants
(i.e.
expatriates)
after
living
in
the
United
States
for
an
extended
period
of
time.
One
of
the
only
well-­‐known
studies
on
British
migrants'
acquisition
of
American
English
(AmE)
focused
on
more
linguistic
influences.
In
this
study,
Trudgill
(1986)
investigated
whether
or
not
the
salience
of
four
different
phonological
variables
caused
British
speakers
to
acquire
and
use
them
more
readily.
He
made
consistent
observations
of
the
linguistic
development
of
himself
and
other
native
speakers
of
British
English
(BrE)
living
the
United
States
for
the
course
of
a
year.
Though
he
found
that
more
salient
variants
were
generally
acquired
easily,
other
factors
sometimes
interfered,
such
as
in
the
case
of
/a:/
to
/ae/
in
terms
like
dance
or
last.
Trudgill
claims
that
he
was
very
conscious
of
the
use
of
this
American
dialectal
feature
in
his
own
speech
and
only
used
it
in
certain
contexts
as
a
result
of
/ae/
being
too
salient
in
AmE.
“It
is
not
adopted
immediately
because
it
sounds,
and
feels,
too
American.
The
stereotype
is
too
strong”
(Trudgill,
1986,
p.
18).
This
result
suggests
that
Trudgill's
desire
to
maintain
his
British
identity
and
slightly
negative
attitude
towards
sounding

15. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
6
“too
American”
played
just
as
pertinent
a
role
in
his
language
use
as
salience.
It
also
reveals
that
these
factors
are
especially
powerful
in
metalinguistically
aware
adults.
As
language
attitudes
are
central
to
this
study,
I
will
now
attempt
to
define
attitudes
and
discuss
the
approaches,
methodologies
and
directions
of
previous
attitude
research.
2.2.
Attitudes
2.2.1.
Definition
of
attitude.
Since
attitude
has
been
notoriously
difficult
to
define
as
a
psychological
construct
and
relates
to
other
types
of
human
behavior
in
addition
to
language,
Garrett,
Williams
and
Coupland
(2003)
have
proposed
a
broad
definition
which
dictates
that
attitude
is
“an
evaluative
orientation
to
a
social
object
of
some
sort”
(p
.3).
Most
importantly
for
research,
Garrett
further
states
that
“being
a
'disposition',
an
attitude
is
at
least
potentially
an
evaluative
stance
that
is
sufficiently
stable
to
allow
it
to
be
identified
and
in
some
sense
measured”
(p.
3).
Indeed,
attitudes
have
been
measured
using
a
variety
of
methods
and
have
proven
to
be
an
efficient
means
of
explaining
the
maintenance
and
trajectory
of
human
conduct
and
activity
(Baker,
1992).
According
to
Bern
(1968),
individuals
can
also
be
self-­‐aware
of
attitudes,
which
they
come
to
recognize
through
observing
their
own
actions
and
the
way
they
conduct
themselves.
For
example,
British
migrants
may
observe
themselves
using
AmE
and
assume
that
they
are
developing
a
favorable
attitude
towards
the
language.
Bern
(1968)
regards
this
self-­‐perceived
attitude
as
existing
parallel
to
the
attitude
detected
by
outside
observers.
2.2.2.
Three
components
of
attitude.
Previous
attitude
research
has
taken
one
of
two
different
perspectives
on
the
nature
of
attitudes.
On
the
one
hand,
there
is
the
behaviorist
view
that
attitudes
are
found
in
individuals'
responses
to
social
situations

16. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
7
(Fasold,
1984).
On
the
other,
there
is
the
mentalist
view
of
attitude
as
a
state
of
readiness
that
can
be
broken
down
into
three
components:
cognitive,
affective
and
behavioral.
The
cognitive
component
consists
of
a
person's
beliefs
or
opinions
about
an
attitude
object
(McLeod,
2009).
A
favorable
attitude
towards
BrE
may,
for
example,
entail
a
belief
that
reflects
“the
traditional
European
notion
that
the
British
variety
of
the
English
language
is
a
superior
model”
of
language
(Flaitz,
1988,
p.
190).
The
affective
component
concerns
actual
feelings
about
an
object,
such
as
the
American
variety
of
English
(Baker,
1992).
Such
feelings
may
involve
a
British
migrant's
like
or
dislike
of
the
variety,
their
passion
for
American
culture
or
their
fear
of
being
unable
to
integrate
into
American
society.
The
affective
and
cognitive
components
are
not
always
congruent
as
when,
for
instance,
a
person's
expressed
attitude
toward
a
variety
of
language
does
not
match
their
deep-­‐seated
prejudices
or
anxieties
(Baker,
1992).
They
may
not
desire
to
make
public
their
more
private
beliefs
about
an
object.
Finally,
the
behavioral
component
–
also
referred
to
as
the
individual's
'readiness
for
action'
–
is
“the
intention
or
plan
of
action
under
defined
contexts
and
circumstances”
(Baker,
1992,
p.
13).
For
example,
if
the
British
migrant
has
a
favorable
attitude
towards
AmE,
they
may
actively
attempt
to
learn
the
variety
and
use
AmE
variants.
According
to
Ajzen
(1988),
these
three
components
can
be
merged
into
a
hierarchical
model
that
shows
the
way
in
which
an
evaluation
of
an
object,
whether
favorable
or
unfavorable,
can
affect
behavior
(see
Figure
1).
He
proposes
that
attitudes
predispose
cognitive,
affective
and
behavioral
responses
to
the
object,
which
are
“consistent
with
the
overall
attitude”
(Ajzen,
1988,
p.
23).
By
taking
this
view,
I
can
gain
an
understanding
of
the
different
aspects
of
the
attitudes
of
these
British
expats
and
how
they
interact.

17. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
8
Figure
1.
Ajzen's
(1988)
hierarchical
model
of
the
construction
of
attitude.
2.2.3.
Types
of
attitudes.
This
thesis
concentrates
on
two
types
of
attitudes
under
the
umbrella
term
of
'language
attitudes.'
The
first
type
concerns
attitudes
towards
language
variation,
dialect
style
and
particular
dialectal
features
(Garrett,
2010).
I
look
more
generally
at
the
way
British
migrants
perceive
the
national
dialect
of
AmE
as
a
whole,
notwithstanding
the
fact
that
AmE
is
comprised
of
countless
regional
varieties.
The
second
type
of
attitude
under
investigation
is
towards
the
speech
community
itself,
which
in
this
case
involves
the
ways
British
migrants
perceive
American
society,
including
the
American
people
and
their
cultural
practices.
As
Garrett
(2010)
notes,
these
two
types
of
attitudes
often
overlap
as
language
is
not
a
small
part
of
what
defines
a
community.
Dialects
and
their
linguistic
features
may
actually
“enshrine
what
is
distinctive
in
the
community
and
in
a
sense
constitute
that
community”
(Garrett,
2010,
p.
16).
Therefore,
in
some
cases
it
may
be
impossible
to
differentiate
an
evaluation
of
a
dialect
–
as
for
example,
pleasant,
correct
or
improper
–
from
that
of
the
speech
group.
Together,
these
attitudes
illustrate
the
social
conventions,
prejudices
and
preferences
that
are
currently
prevalent
in
British
and
American
society.

18. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
9
2.2.4.
Measuring
attitudes
towards
dialects.
As
attitude
is
a
mental
construct
that
is
difficult
to
discern
and
represent
accurately,
there
has
been
much
controversial
debate
as
to
the
best
methodological
approach
for
researching
language
attitudes
with
respect
to
the
use
of
a
second
dialect
(Baker,
1992).
Previous
researchers
have
taken
one
of
three
main
approaches:
direct,
indirect
and
societal
treatment.
2.2.4.1.
Direct
approaches.
The
direct
approach,
which
grew
in
popularity
in
the
1990s
due
to
a
rising
interest
in
perceptual
dialectological
studies,
involves
asking
subjects
to
analyze
their
own
attitudes.
Researchers
have
used
various
kinds
of
direct
methods
such
as
attitude
scales,
questionnaires,
or
map-­‐drawing
tasks
where
participants
were
requested
to
label
what
they
perceive
to
be
the
main
dialect
areas
and
provide
their
own
descriptions
of
each
region
(Garrett,
2007).
These
methods
allowed
Preston
(1996),
one
of
the
most
notable
researchers
in
the
field
of
dialectology,
to
gain
insight
into
the
ways
Americans
perceive
regional
varieties
of
AmE.
Preston
found
that
non-­‐standard
varieties
are
generally
deemed
undesirable,
incorrect
and
barely
even
language.
Direct
methods
have
also
been
used
to
examine
language
preferences,
speech
communities
and
the
uses
of
language
(Baker,
1992).
One
of
the
central
concerns
with
direct
methods
is
that
the
use
of
a
single
item
to
measure
attitude
only
captures
the
attitude
at
one
particular
point
in
time
(Baker,
1992).
The
item
does
not
account
for
the
fact
that
attitudes
are
continually
in
flux.
Potter
and
Wetherell
(1987)
insist
that
attitudes
are
so
ephemeral
that
they
cannot
sufficiently
be
treated
as
fixed
and
durable
psychological
states.
The
validity
of
these
kinds
of
studies
is
also
frequently
called
into
question
due
to
the
inherent
latency
of
attitudes
(i.e.
they
are
not
openly
expressed).
Thus,
it
is
possible
that
participants
may
only
provide
what
is
considered
a
socially
appropriate
response,
rendering
the
attitude
measured
dishonest
and
inaccurate
(Baker,
1992).

19. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
10
2.2.4.2.
Indirect
approaches.
Indirect
approaches
are
designed
to
keep
subjects
from
realizing
that
their
language
attitudes
are
being
investigated.
Garrett
(2007)
considers
this
approach
to
be
preferable
to
the
direct
approach
as
it
inhibits
participants
from
“masking
private
attitudes”
(p.
119).
The
matched-­‐guise
technique
(MGT),
which
was
developed
in
the
1950s
by
Lambert,
Hodgson,
Gardner
and
Fillenbaum
(1960),
is
the
most
well-­‐known
indirect
method.
Its
purpose
is
to
reveal
the
actual
biases
of
participants
towards
particular
accents,
speech
styles
or
dialects
by
deceiving
them
into
believing
that
are
listening
to
different
speakers
when
in
reality,
they
are
listening
to
one
skilled
voice
actor
read
a
text
in
various
accents.
Participants
are
then
asked
to
evaluate
each
voice
and
speaker
on
either
a
rating
or
bipolar
adjective
scale
(Giles
&
Powesland,
1975).
Though
the
majority
of
research
in
the
field
of
social
psychology
“has
followed
the
lead
of
Lambert”
(Ryan,
Giles
&
Sebastian,
1982,
p.
2),
some
have
had
concerns
about
whether
the
accents
themselves
are
entirely
authentic
when
produced
from
a
single
person.
This
issue
has
been
rectified
by
several
researchers
who
opted
for
having
all
different
speakers
read
in
their
own
dialects
rather
than
one
voice
actor.
In
Bayard,
Weatherall,
Gallois
and
Pittam's
(2001)
study
of
world
Englishes,
for
example,
they
used
eight
different
speakers
including
one
male
and
one
female
of
each
dialect.
They
found
that
the
American
variety
of
English
has
actually
been
emerging
as
the
new
prestige
variety
in
place
of
the
British
standard
variety,
Received
Pronunciation
(RP).
Reservations
have
also
been
voiced
about
the
decontextualized
production
of
these
accents
in
that
simply
reading
a
text
in
an
accent
may
not
be
natural
and
situated
enough
to
induce
authentic
responses
(Garrett
et
al.,
2003).
2.2.4.3.
Societal
treatment
approach.
Studies
which
use
the
societal
treatment
approach
(i.e.
the
content
analysis
approach)
are
usually
qualitative
and
observational,

20. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
11
in
that
subjects
are
not
explicitly
requested
to
reveal
their
thoughts
and
feelings
on
linguistic
matters.
Autobiographical
texts
and
journals
are
commonly
used
resources
in
these
kinds
of
studies.
However,
in
some
cases
these
studies
will
additionally
involve
an
analysis
of
numerous
public
resources,
such
as
“the
discourse
of
government
or
educational
policy
documents,
employment
and
consumer
advertisements,
novels,
television
programmes,
cartoons,
style
and
etiquette
books”
(Garrett,
2007,
p.
116).
Haarman
(1986a)
used
this
approach
in
an
investigation
of
language
prestige
as
seen
in
advertisements
in
Japan.
Interest
in
this
type
of
approach
was
sparked
by
the
idea
that
individuals'
conceptions
of
language
originate
from
the
way
language
is
treated
by
the
public
and
the
media
(Ryan,
Giles
&
Sebastian,
1982).
The
societal
treatment
approach
is
favored
in
this
study
as
it
enables
me
to
overcome
some
of
the
methodological
issues
in
both
direct
and
indirect
approaches.
By
using
written
linguistic
content
that
was
produced
when
subjects
were
unaware
that
their
attitudes
–
or
any
of
the
text
for
that
matter
–
would
be
scrutinized,
I
am
largely
able
to
avoid
obtaining
inaccurate
data.
I
can
also
circumvent
the
problem
of
attitude
impermanence
and
provide
a
more
rounded
overview
of
the
role
of
attitude
in
language
production
by
qualitatively
analyzing
the
changes
in
the
subjects'
linguistic
behavior
and
attitudes
over
time.
2.3.
Habitus
and
Identity
Value
judgments
of
language
varieties
neither
demonstrate
any
actual
“intrinsic
linguistic
inferiorities/superiorities”
nor
“intrinsic
aesthetic
differences”
(Edwards,
1982,
p.
21).
The
same
can
be
said
of
evaluations
of
the
speakers
themselves
with
regard
to
their
inherent
qualities
and
characteristics.
Rather,
they
are
visceral
reflections
of
the
upbringing
and
social
experiences
of
the
evaluator.
On
a
macro
level,

21. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
12
they
both
supply
a
social
map
of
the
evaluator's
speech
community
and
reveal
the
social
status
of
the
speakers
being
evaluated.
As
a
member
of
a
community,
an
individual
will
participate
in
particular
social
circles
and
culturally
embedded
activities
throughout
their
lives,
thereby
gaining
a
specific
type
of
knowledge
that
shapes
their
current
set
of
values,
beliefs,
attitudes
and
skills.
It
also
provides
individuals
a
“conceptual
understanding
of
what
is
reasonable
and
possible”
in
society,
predisposing
them
to
speak,
act,
think
and
feel
in
accordance
“with
a
prevailing
ideology”
(Davin
&
Norton,
2015,
p.
9).
This
knowledge
is
what
Bourdieu
(1977)
refers
to
as
'habitus.'
The
concept
of
habitus
is
a
valuable
resource
for
discussing
British
migrants'
attitudes
towards
Americans
and
AmE
in
the
context
of
their
social
and
cultural
background.
It
can
also
be
used
to
clarify
how
particular
attitudes
have
become
so
ingrained
in
their
sense
of
identity.
It
is
beneficial
therefore
to
provide
a
brief
outline
of
the
complex
socio-­‐cultural
and
political
history
of
the
US
and
Britain,
showing
the
evolution
of
their
relationship
and
attitudes
towards
each
other,
in
order
to
understand
the
context
in
which
migrants
experience
America
and
use
American
language.
2.3.1.
Historical
background
of
Britain
and
America.
Before
migration
and
war
afflicted
the
relationship
between
the
two
societies,
American
life
and
language
were
no
different
than
that
of
England.
This
was
due
to
the
fact
that
95
percent
of
the
first
immigrants
to
America
were
English.
England
founded
a
total
of
thirteen
colonies
all
along
the
eastern
coast
of
North
America,
the
first
of
which
was
established
in
1607
in
Jamestown,
Virginia.
It
was
only
some
time
after
being
physically
and
culturally
separate
from
England,
during
which
time
they
were
forced
to
engage
with
the
new
environment
and
native
population,
that
the
first
new
variety
of
American
language
developed
(Algeo,
2001).
The
colonists
eventually
accepted
the
New
World
as
“their

22. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
13
native
inheritance,”
branding
themselves
American
natives
–
an
act
that
became
“a
powerful
psychological
factor
molding
their
attitudes
towards
their
own
language
and
the
English
of
Britain”
(Algeo,
2001,
p.
19).
Nevertheless,
standardized
British
English
represented
the
variety
of
correct
and
proper
English
throughout
the
Colonial
period.
American
culture
was
also
still
deeply
influenced
by
the
English
Puritans
whose
“heavy
reliance
on
the
Bible”
and
“preoccupation
with
platforms,
programs
of
action,
and
schemes
of
confederation”
essentially
set
the
tone
of
the
American
political
climate
for
the
following
centuries
(Boorstin,
1958,
p.
19).
As
the
British
Empire
grew
increasingly
larger,
Britain
asserted
itself
as
the
supreme
colonial
power,
earning
BrE
its
international
prestige.
Its
political
influence
over
the
colonies
however
was
threatened
by
the
aftermath
of
the
Seven
Years
War,
which
lasted
from
1754
to
1763.
Despite
their
appreciation
to
the
British
for
eliminating
the
French
threat
and
opening
up
possibilities
for
western
expansion,
they
resented
the
taxes
Parliament
had
imposed
to
reduce
the
wartime
expenses
(Algeo,
2001).
Their
initial
gratitude
drastically
faded
after
the
British
government
placed
limitations
on
trade
with
the
Indians
and
further
settlements.
They
began
to
see
the
British
officers
as
profane,
crude
and
severe
while
the
British
viewed
the
colonists
as
“undisciplined,
insubordinate,
cowardly,
and
unkempt”
(Algeo,
2001,
p.
18).
British
society
also
frowned
upon
all
the
lexical
innovations
that
had
begun
permeating
American
language
after
the
influx
of
immigrants
from
Germany,
Switzerland,
Africa,
and
France
between
1760
and
1775.
It
was
thus
during
this
time
that
the
Americans
and
Britons
developed
more
adverse
attitudes
towards
each
other
(Algeo,
2001).
In
1765
relations
between
the
British
and
colonists
worsened
as
a
result
of
the
Stamp
Act
–
a
tax
imposed
on
the
use
of
printed
paper
–
which
the
colonists
saw
as
having
no
other
purpose
than
“raising
revenue
for
Parliament”
(Algeo,
2001,
p.
21).
The

23. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
14
colonists’
rejection
of
British
tyranny
eventually
led
to
the
American
Revolution,
which
ended
in
Britain's
recognition
of
the
colonies'
complete
political
independence
with
the
Treaty
of
Paris
in
1783.
The
Americans
were
victorious
as
a
result
of
their
knowledge
of
the
land,
the
help
of
other
nations
and
most
importantly,
the
ineffective
tactics
and
severe
misjudgments
of
British
generals.
British
officers
had
mistakenly
anticipated
that
the
slovenly
colonists
would
cower
in
the
face
of
armed
and
well-­‐trained
Redcoats,
an
assumption
that
Garraty
(1991)
believes
“reflected
the
degree
to
which
English
and
colonial
values
and
traditions
had
diverged”
(p.
207).
As
a
means
of
redefining
their
nation
as
a
liberated
and
unified
political
entity,
the
colonies
were
renamed
the
United
States
of
America
and
English
traditions,
linguistic
and
otherwise,
were
abdicated
whenever
possible
with
the
Founding
Fathers
even
entertaining
the
idea
of
adopting
a
new
official
language
(Fisher,
2001).
Though
English
has
remained
the
primary
language
of
the
US,
with
the
help
of
Noah
Webster's
dictionaries,
American
lexicography,
orthography
and
phonology
have
all
significantly
deviated
from
British
linguistic
standards.
In
the
early
1800s,
the
US
focused
on
expanding
their
territory
westward
while
Britain
engaged
in
the
Napoleonic
wars.
When
the
British
started
forcing
American
men
into
naval
service
and
attempting
to
hinder
American
expansion,
however,
“old
hostilities
and
resentments
flared”
and
the
US
declared
their
last
real
war
on
Great
Britain
in
1812
(Algeo,
2001,
p.
25).
With
the
exception
of
a
few
minor
disputes,
from
that
point
on
the
two
nations
have
maintained
what
Winston
Churchill
first
called
a
“special
relationship,”
which
McCausland
and
Stuart
(2006)
argue
stems
from
the
fact
that
the
entire
“infrastructure
of
the
American
political,
legal
and
economic
system
is
British”
(p.
4).

24. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
15
The
next
major
instance
where
the
US-­‐UK
relationship
struggled
was
during
the
American
Civil
War
from
1861
to
1865,
which
was
fought
to
determine
both
the
future
of
slavery
and
the
independence
of
the
southern
Confederate
states
from
the
US.
Though
Britain
made
an
official
claim
of
neutrality
in
order
to
preserve
their
trade
relations
with
the
US,
British
ships
were
discovered
breaking
the
naval
law
by
providing
the
Confederacy
with
military
supplies.
The
incident
pushed
the
two
nations
to
the
verge
of
war
up
until
Prince
Albert
intervened
and
made
peace
with
the
Union,
supporting
its
victory
and
President
Lincoln's
Emancipation
Proclamation
abolishing
slavery
(BBC
News,
2003).
In
the
early
1900s,
the
two
nations
collaborated
on
a
number
of
social
and
political
matters
(Reuter,
1979).
They
maintain
a
harmonious
relationship
up
until
World
War
I
when
due
to
experiencing
a
high
rate
of
causalities,
American
began
to
favor
a
policy
of
isolationism
in
which
the
country
attempted
to
distance
itself
from
European
affairs
(Algeo,
2001).
Then,
with
the
Wall
Street
crash
in
1929,
the
US
could
no
longer
trade
at
their
previous
rate
with
the
UK,
causing
Britain's
economy
to
suffer
as
well.
Despite
the
negative
political
atmosphere
between
the
nations,
Britain
could
not
escape
American
cultural
influences
after
its
introduction
to
Hollywood
motion
pictures,
jazz
and
great
American
writers
like
Ernest
Hemingway
and
T.
S.
Eliot
in
the
1920s.
Fisher
(2001)
notes
that
the
globalization
of
American
pop
culture
caused
American
values
and
even
linguistic
features
to
pervade
British
society
as
scholars
saw
“an
increasing
number
of
American
words
…
appear
in
British
writing”
(p.
70).
America's
cultural
domination
only
grew
during
World
War
II
when
American
GIs
were
sent
over
to
occupy
Britain,
their
arms
laden
with
popular
American
goods
like
Coca-­‐
Cola,
candy
and
cigarettes
(Hogenboom,
2012).
Their
arrival
helped
to
dispel
some
of

25. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
16
the
stereotypes
the
British
had
formed
about
Americans
being
the
glamorous
heroes
and
gangsters
of
Hollywood
films.
The
way
that
they
were
affecting
British
society,
however,
caused
strongly
divided
opinions,
especially
as
the
GIs
began
marrying
a
large
number
of
British
women.
There
seemed
to
be
almost
an
equal
balance
of
those
who
considered
America
the
ideal
and
appreciated
the
economic
relief
the
well-­‐paid
GIs
were
providing
and
those
who
resented
the
negligent
attitude
of
the
GIs
towards
money,
worrying
that
the
spread
of
American
consumerism
was
"undermining
and
eroding"
British
values
(Hogenboom,
2012).
The
political
events
of
WWII,
however,
ultimately
served
to
strengthen
that
special
relationship
that
linked
the
two
countries
once
again.
Later,
in
the
1960s,
many
anti-­‐American
sentiments
were
expressed
regarding
America's
involvement
in
the
Vietnam
War
and
the
fact
that
it
did
not
provide
Britain
and
France
any
support
during
the
Suez
Crisis.
The
UK's
outright
refusal
to
send
troops
to
assist
the
US
in
Vietnam
thrust
the
special
relationship
onto
unsteady
ground
for
the
next
fifteen
years
or
so
(BBC
News,
2003).
Things
began
to
improve
once
again
when
Britain’s
Prime
Minister
Margaret
Thatcher
and
America’s
President
Ronald
Reagan
became
so-­‐called
“political
soul
mates”
due
to
their
similar
views
on
numerous
international
issues.
The
countries
grew
even
closer
a
few
years
later
when
the
whole
of
America
expressed
solidarity
with
the
British
people
after
the
shocking
and
grievous
death
of
Princess
Diana
of
Wales
in
August
of
1997.
Their
sympathies
were
reciprocated
to
an
even
greater
degree
during
the
terrorist
attacks
of
September
11,
2001.
Following
the
attacks,
the
Prime
Minister
at
the
time,
Tony
Blair,
became
a
strong
advocate
of
President
George
W.
Bush's
decision
to
bring
the
culprits
to
justice
by
declaring
the
War
on
Terror.
The
UK
then
followed
America's
lead
in
sending
their
troops
to
invade
Iraq.
Despite
the
fact
that
this
war
was
generally
disapproved
of
by
the
British
people
as
was

26. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
17
a
close
alliance
with
Bush
(Glover
&
MacAskil,
2006),
Blair
insisted
that
Britain
“should
remain
the
closest
ally
of
the
US
...
not
because
they
are
powerful,
but
because
we
share
their
values"
(BBC
News,
2003).
The
relations
between
these
leaders
and
the
unwavering
support
the
UK
continues
to
provide
America
on
controversial
issues
have
led
to
the
perception
that
the
UK
may
now
be
engaged
in
somewhat
of
a
one-­‐sided
relationship
with
the
US
(Mix,
2015,
p.
12).
On
a
cultural
note,
the
way
that
globalization
has
led
to
a
more
homogenized
(i.e.
Americanized)
world
culture,
increasing
the
prestige
of
American
language,
has
generated
mixed
views
on
the
American
people
and
their
customs
(Phillipson
&
Skutnabb-­‐Kangas,
1996).
Though
there
has
been
a
consistent
stream
of
news
articles
criticizing
both
America
and
AmE,
it
appears
that
Americans
are
seen
more
favorably
at
the
present
time
than
in
the
past
few
decades.
In
one
poll
taken
of
British
attitudes
towards
Americans,
it
was
found
that
81%
percent
of
the
population
“now
agree
that
'I
like
Americans
as
people,'
a
substantial
increase
from
the
69%
who
agreed
in
1989
and
1991
and
the
66%
who
said
the
same
back
in
1986”
(Worcester,
2002).
With
regard
to
their
opinions
on
the
global
impact
of
American
culture,
however,
52
percent
said
that
they
think
it
makes
the
world
a
worse
place
and
very
few
people
–
a
mere
7
percent
–
said
that
they
actually
consume
American
goods.
Nevertheless,
a
YouGov
survey
stipulated
that
British
attitudes
towards
more
specific
examples
of
American
culture
are
quite
positive;
for
instance,
towards
Microsoft,
Disney,
US
television
shows,
Coca-­‐
Cola
and
movie
stars
like
Brad
Pitt
and
Tom
Hanks
(Wells,
2006).
Overall,
Self
(2013)
notes
that
“the
British
conception
of
America
remains
hopelessly
confused”
as
American
politics
and
culture
generally
invoke
“a
dissonant
chain
reaction
in
the
heart
and
mind
of
the
average
Briton.”

27. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
18
In
the
process
of
immigration,
however,
by
which
Britons
can
experience
America
up
close,
noting
all
the
familiarities
between
people
and
basic
structures
of
the
two
societies,
Self
(2013)
suggests
it
is
likely
America
will
appear
both
comfortable
and
easy
to
adapt
to,
as
seen
with
two
very
Americanized
public
figures,
Christopher
Hitchens
and
Niall
Ferguson.
This
thesis
reveals
whether
British
immigrants
actually
do
feel
at
ease
in
American
society,
the
familiarity
creating
positive
attitudes
and
a
desire
to
become
Americanized
or
if
they
concentrate
on
all
the
differences
between
British
and
American
traditions,
resentment
still
lingering
from
the
countries'
troubled
past.
2.3.2.
Language
ideologies.
As
language
ideologies
constitute
the
foundation
of
habitus,
it
is
necessary
to
define
them
and
discuss
the
role
they
have
had
in
affecting
British
and
American
attitudes
towards
language
and
social
groups.
Milroy
(2000)
defines
language
ideologies
as
sets
of
“shared
cultural
conceptions”
that
can
be
used
“for
the
exercise
and
legitimation
of
power”
(p.
66).
Their
existence
as
a
“mediating
link”
between
language
and
social
structure
(Woolard,
2008,
p.
439)
has
drawn
the
interest
of
researchers
who
desire
a
deeper
understanding
of
how
these
conceptions
or
beliefs
–
such
as
those
concerning
language
prestige,
language
variation
and
bidialectalism
–
affect
linguistic
behavior.
In
fact,
researchers
have
often
viewed
speakers'
reactions
to
and
commentary
on
language
and
social
phenomena
“as
manifestations
of
ideological
stances”
(Bell,
2007,
p.
107).
A
small
pool
of
studies
on
language
attitudes
looked
at
the
way
ideological
ideas
about
dialect
prestige
play
into
SDA.
Rys
(2007)
investigated
Belgian
residents'
acquisition
of
the
Maldegem
dialect,
a
less
esteemed
and
socially-­‐attractive
dialect
than
standard
Dutch,
the
D1.
After
using
a
scaled-­‐down
version
of
the
Attitude/Motivation
Test
Battery
(Gardner,
1985;
Vousten,
1995)
–
a
method
commonly
used
in
studies
of
second
language
acquisition
(SLA)
–
Rys
did
in
fact
find
that
a
more
positive
attitude

28. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
19
towards
the
D2
as
well
as
a
greater
motivation
to
learn
the
D2
correlates
with
a
higher
use
of
D2
features.
Overall,
however,
subjects
exhibited
negative
attitudes
towards
the
D2,
which
led
to
D1
maintenance.
Walker
(2014)
did
a
study
that
is
relevant
to
this
present
study
in
that
she
looked
into
the
relationship
between
attitudes
and
dialect
acquisition
as
seen
in
both
British
migrants
in
the
US
and
American
migrants
in
the
UK.
It
was
discovered
that
due
to
the
“relative
prestige”
of
the
British
dialect,
Americans
acquired
all
three
of
the
phonological
variables
investigated
in
the
study
while
British
participants
only
acquired
one
(p.
4).
Nuolijärvi
(1994),
in
a
study
of
migration
into
Helsinki,
found
the
prestige
of
the
native
dialect
to
affect
both
migrants'
accommodation
to
the
Helsinki
vernacular
and
the
degree
to
which
migrants
integrated.
Speakers
of
Finnish
with
a
highly
esteemed
Ostrobothnian
dialect
found
it
easier
than
those
of
the
more
negatively
evaluated
Savo
dialects
to
maintain
their
dialect
after
migration,
despite
the
fact
that
some
speakers
of
Savo
dialects
did
not
desire
to
change
their
language.
The
study
also
revealed
how
speakers
with
more
social
interaction
in
a
professional
context
adapted
more
to
the
Helsinki
vernacular
(standard)
than
those
with
restricted
social
networks.
2.3.2.1.
Indexicality.
Language
ideologies
actually
expose
the
reasoning
behind
the
indexicality
implicit
in
language
(Milroy,
2000).
Every
linguistic
form
is
tied
to
a
social,
contextualized
meaning
that
prompts
an
emotional
response
in
language
users.
This
connection
between
form
and
meaning
is
what
Silverstein
(1992)
refers
to
as
indexicality.
These
meanings
often
arise
from
ideological
stereotypes
that
are
linked
to
social
groups
or
categories
(e.g.,
female/male,
white/black,
high-­‐class/low-­‐class,
American/British).
They
essentially
lead
to
the
audience
or
interlocutors
of
a
speaker
making
judgments
and
assumptions
about
the
attributes
and
group
membership
of
a
person
(i.e.
their
'social
identity')
each
time
they
speak
(Garrett
et
al.,
2003).
Therefore,

29. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
20
the
tendency
to
avoid
using
dialects
of
lower
prestige
is
likely
to
be
a
means
of
avoiding
being
ascribed
negative
social
characteristics
attached
to
less
prestigious
varieties,
such
as
a
lack
of
education
and
intelligence
or
belonging
to
a
lower
social
class.
Nevertheless,
Eckert
(2005)
argues
that
linguistic
variables
do
not
directly
index
social
identities,
but
rather
attitudes
and
stances
“that
are
in
turn
associated
with
categories
of
people”
(p.
21-­‐22).
For
example,
in
Okamoto's
(1995)
study
of
the
language
of
Japanese
women,
young
girls
were
often
accused
of
trying
to
speak
like
men
when
they
refused
to
use
the
honorific
and
apologetic
linguistic
forms
associated
with
women's
language.
In
fact,
their
use
of
“men's
forms”
was
not
to
be
more
like
men,
but
rather
to
challenge
gender
stereotypes
by
appearing
assertive.
In
order
to
clarify
the
connections
between
variables,
attitudes
and
identities,
Silverstein
(2003)
suggests
a
ranking
system
for
the
different
levels
of
ideological
and
contextual
meanings
in
indexicality.
This
model
runs
parallel
to
Labov's
(1972b)
taxonomy
of
sociolinguistic
variables.
First-­‐order
indexical
linguistic
forms
or
what
Labov
terms
“indicators”
are
recognized
by
all
members
of
a
speech
community
as
being
associated
with
a
social
identity,
but
are
not
subject
to
style-­‐shifting.
Milroy
(2000)
notes
that
languages
index
social
identities
–
especially
with
regard
to
ethnicity
and
social
class
–
“fairly
reliably”
in
Britain
and
the
US
(p.
64).
Second-­‐order
indexicality
indicates
the
way
speakers
“notice,
rationalize
or
frame
their
understanding
of
first-­‐order
indexicality
and
then
establish
a
new
or
non-­‐
conventionalized
social
meaning
onto
the
linguistic
form
in
the
local
historical
context”
(Liao,
2010,
p.
60).
The
ability
of
speakers
to
analyze
the
contextualization
of
linguistic
forms
at
this
stage
can
induce
linguistic
insecurity
and
motivate
them
to
adjust
their
own
linguistic
behavior
away
from
their
native
language,
dialect
or
style.
Labov
(1972b)
refers
to
variables
that
function
at
this
level
(i.e.
that
are
susceptible
to
changes
in

30. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
21
different
contexts)
as
'markers.'
These
second-­‐order
processes
are
where
the
US
and
Britain
differ
in
that
they
have
different
ideological
standpoints
and
so-­‐called
'standardized
forms'
from
which
they
view
people
who
speak
specific
types
of
language
varieties
(Milroy,
2000).
2.3.2.2.
Standardization
in
Britain
and
the
US.
Standardized
language
is
essentially
the
reference
point
from
which
indexicality
and
visceral
language
attitudes
emerge
and
expand.
It
embodies
a
widely
recognized
and
“idealized”
way
of
speaking
a
language
that
is
socially
constructed
and
thus
consistently
re-­‐conceptualized
over
time
(Rodby,
1992,
p.
192).
During
the
eighteenth
century
when
the
language
of
the
colonists
began
to
diverge
from
that
their
mother
country,
the
idea
of
what
constitutes
standard
English
was
the
subject
of
much
controversial
debate.
AmE
was
further
distinguished
from
BrE
when
Noah
Webster
produced
the
American
Spelling
Book
in
the
nineteenth
century,
the
publication
of
which
made
him
“chiefly
responsible
for
the
institutionalisation
of
Standard
American
English
(SAE)”
(Kretzschmar
&
Meyer,
2013,
p.
140).
According
to
Carver
(1992),
the
formation
of
AmE
was
directly
connected
to
a
sense
of
nationalism
and
the
creation
of
a
truly
American
identity.
It
essentially
cemented
America's
division
from
Britain
in
that
it
unified
the
colonists
and
represented
the
speech
of
the
everyman
rather
than
only
the
upper
class.
Standard
English
in
the
US
–
which
has
been
termed
Network
American
–
is
“not
associated
with
any
particular
social
group
but
more
broadly
with
the
leveled
dialects
of
the
Northern
Midwest;
that
is,
dialects
where
salient
locally
marked
features
have
been
eradicated”
(Milroy,
2000,
p.
58).
Wolfram
(1991)
describes
Network
American
as
“colorless”
since
racialized
language
is
wholly
excluded.
During
that
early
period
of
colonialism,
white
European
colonists
developed
extreme
racist
views
of
the
Africans
that
were
first
brought
to
the
Americas
as
slaves.
These
views
have
had
a
great
and

31. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
22
lasting
effect
on
their
attitudes
towards
both
non-­‐English
languages
and
“language
varieties
indexing
race
and
ethnicity”
(Milroy,
2000,
p.
71).
In
Britain,
on
the
other
hand,
“popular
or
political
discourse”
on
linguistic
matters
often
centers
on
class
and
prestige
rather
than
race
(Milroy,
2000,
p.
73).
In
the
late
nineteenth
century,
the
British
determined
RP
–
also
known
as
the
“Queen's
English”
–
to
be
the
supreme,
standardization
form
of
English,
despite
the
fact
that
only
a
very
small
percentage
of
the
population
actually
spoke
it
(Milroy,
2000,
p.
61).
RP
was
the
language
of
the
elite
and
highly
educated,
thereby
making
it
indexical
of
a
high
social
status.
The
differing
notions
of
correctness
have
caused
Britons
to
label
a
number
of
features
commonly
used
in
AmE
“vulgar
Americanisms”
-­‐
for
example,
the
placement
of
stress
on
the
second
syllable
of
a
word
like
controversy
or
the
use
of
the
double-­‐
negative,
as
in
“you
don't
know
nothing”
(Garrett,
2010,
p.
8-­‐9).
In
fact,
the
double
negative
was
even
featured
as
one
of
the
top
ten
linguistic
complaints
in
the
BBC
Radio
Four
series
English
Now
that
was
broadcast
in
1986,
with
one
commenter
claiming
that
it
“made
their
blood
boil”
(Cheshire,
1998,
p.
114).
Language
attitudes
are
also
likely
to
be
influenced
by
the
opinions
of
public
leaders,
such
as
Prince
Charles
who
was
quoted
in
1995
in
The
International
Herald
Tribune
as
declaring
that
AmE
is
“very
corrupting”
and
“we
must
act
to
ensure
that
English
–
and
that
to
my
way
of
thinking
means
English
English
–
maintains
its
position
as
the
world
language
well
into
the
next
century.”
Kovecses
(2000)
notes
that
this
attitude
about
BrE
being
superior
–
held
even
by
Americans
–
has
been
“amply
documented
in
the
long
history
of
the
language
debate
between
the
British
and
Americans”
(p.
88).
Nevertheless,
AmE
continues
to
become
more
influential
on
an
international
level,
especially
with
regard
to
vocabulary,
as
a
result
of
globalization.

32. BRITISH
EXPATRIATE
BLOGGERS
IN
THE
US
23
Standard
language
ideology
clearly
permeates
certain
attitudes
British
expats
hold
and
express
towards
features
of
AmE.
An
understanding
of
how
it
differs
in
each
country
also
helps
elucidate
why
Britons
may
either
value
or
disdain
varieties
of
AmE
in
an
entirely
different
way
than
Americans.
2.3.3.
The
self
as
a
reflexive
project.
The
extent
to
which
these
ideologies
as
integrated
components
of
habitus
constrain
individuals
changes
as
they
navigate
new
situations,
particularly
those
involving
more
extreme
social
and
cultural
experiences
such
as
migration
(Hall,
2013).
Anderson
(1991)
argues
that
people
“can
acquire
the
[new]
culture
–
including
the
self-­‐image
fostered
by
that
culture
…
–
even
if
they
started
from
some
other
culture,
some
other
set
of
internalized
and
projected
images”
(p.
7).
Previous
research
has
even
suggested
that
the
migrants’
involvement
and
interaction
with
the
members
of
an
entirely
different
cultural
community
can
completely
alter
their
preconceived
perceptions
of
both
their
new
and
original
communities,
as
well
as
the
linguistic
behaviors
associated
with
each
community.
The
more
deeply
a
migrant
integrates
into
the
new
society,
the
greater
the
likelihood
of
old
social
networks,
attitudes,
and
ideological
prejudices
being
broken
down
and
undercut,
ultimately
leading
to
the
conscious
and
unconscious
acquisition
of
the
D2.
This
is
why
Siegel
(2010)
states
that
“the
most
important
reason
for
SDA,
especially
in
naturalistic
contexts
involving
migration,
appears
to
be
integration
–
the
desire
to
be
a
part
of
the
new
community
and
be
viewed
as
a
local”
(Siegel
2010,
p.
152).
This
idea
is
supported
by
Auer,
Barden
and
Grosskopf's
(1998)
two-­‐year
long,
longitudinal
study
of
Saxons
who
migrated
to
the
western
cities
of
Saarbrücken
and
Constance
in
Germany.
The
Saxons
with
no
interest
in
either
integrating
or
accommodating
to
the
new
dialect
only
formed
open
and
unstable
social
networks
with
the
locals,
were
generally
dissatisfied
with
their
lives
and
did
not
acquire
the
D2.
Those