What futures do young people want for Penryn - A democratic analysis

640000944 630006372 640039970 640035875
What futures do young people want for Penryn?
A radical democratic analysis

2
Contents
1 Introduction...........................................................................3
2 Methodology .........................................................................6
2.1 Methodological review ................................................................. 6
2.2 Ethical considerations ................................................................. 9
3 Perceptions of Penryn .......................................................12
4 Why are young people leaving Penryn? ..........................16
4.1 Community, heritage and being ‘quaint’ .................................. 16
4.2 The problems of Penryn ............................................................ 18
4.2.1 The divide between students and ‘locals’ ..................................................................... 21
4.2.2 Relationship with Falmouth ......................................................................................... 22
4.3 Penrynopoly and future research ............................................. 23
5 Closing remarks .................................................................25
5.1 Recommendations ..................................................................... 25
5.2 Conclusion .................................................................................. 26
6 Bibliography........................................................................27
7 Appendix .............................................................................31
7.1 Survey.......................................................................................... 31
7.2 Penrynopoly board..................................................................... 32
7.3 Penrynopoly property cards...................................................... 33
7.4 Penrynopoly chance and community chest cards.................. 40

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1 Introduction
Following the Localisation Act of 2011, desire has grown for communities to engage
with local planning through the formation of a Neighbourhood Development Plan.
The people of Penryn have communicated a need for research which can inform the
structure and suggestions set forth in the draft of the Neighbourhood Plan. This
report pays particular attention to young people (defined as 18-25 year olds in this
context) and responds to the question ‘what do young people want to see for the
future of Penryn?’. Therefore, it is imperative that the research and
recommendations made in this report are not to be considered individually in the
formation of a Neighbourhood Plan, but within wider analysis of all demograpfhics.
Figure 1: the location of Penryn
Penryn is a small civil parish town in Cornwall. The town sits at the head of
the river, offering views over the water and neighbouring St Mawes1
(figure 1). Once
a thriving port trading in fish, tin and copper2
, much of this activity has now ceased,
but a centre for sailing remains, as well as many boatyards and chandlers.
Nonetheless, many newer industries within the town have flourished despite the
2011 census showing Penryn High Street, Saracen Way and Glasney to be amongst
the top 20% of deprived areas within the UK3
. The Combined Universities in
Cornwall initiative (CUC) and the Penryn Campus have recently been developed as
1
Penryn Town Council, Neighbourhood Plan, [website], 2016,
http://www.penryntowncouncil.co.uk/neighbourhood_plan.html [Accessed 21/03/16]
2
Visit Cornwall, Penryn, [website], 2016, https://www.visitcornwall.com/places/penryn [Accessed
19/03/16]
3
Penryn Council, Neighbourhood Plan.

4
part of the education initiative in the wider Cornwall area. This has seen the increase
of student numbers within Penryn rise to 4,200, a key proportion of the local
demographic4
.
The Localism Act of 2011 provides ‘a radical shift of power in the United
Kingdom from the centralised state to local communities’5
. The significance of this
act is that it allows ‘the lowest form of government’6
to make incremental decisions
regarding spending and public policy within their locality under the ‘general power of
competence’7
. Consequently this act has allowed local authorities the ability to
produce Neighbourhood Development Plans to determine the development strategy
within their set locality8
. The National Planning Policy Framework sets clear
guidelines for the structure of Neighbourhood Plans stating that they should be
‘based on the objectively assessed needs of the area’9
. Despite the Localisation Act
coming into force in April 2012, Penryn Parish Council have not yet submitted a
draft, and are currently in the review stage of the process10
.
The Localisation Act conforms to notions of radical democratic political theory,
which focuses on the decentralisation of power and the movement away from
traditional governance paradigms. Invoking concepts such as affective assemblages,
emergent time and affirmative micropolitical action in combination with social capital
theory, we hope to show how Penryn can effectively develop in the near future. The
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development defines social capital as
‘networks… with shared norms, values and understandings that facilitate co-
operation within or among groups’11
, and there has been significant scholarship to
suggest that investment in social capital will lead to an increase in returns, both
economically and politically within communities12
. Furthermore, our ‘Penrynopoly’
board was created with a view of expanding social capital as an informative
4
FXPlus, Build, [website], 2016, http://www.fxplus.ac.uk/build [Accessed 21/02/16]
5
HM Government, Decentralisation and the Localism Bill: an essential guide, London, 2010, p. 1.
6
Department for Communities and Local Government, A plain English guide to the Localism Act,
London, 2011.
7
DCLG, Plain English Localism.
8
HM Government, 2010 to 2015 government policy: planning reform, [website], 2015,
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/2010-to-2015-government-policy-planning-reform/2010-
to-2015-government-policy-planning-reform [Accessed 12/03/16]
9
Ibid.
10
Penryn Council, Neighbourhood Plan.
11
OECD, Human Capital: How what you know shapes your life, OECD Publishing, 2007, p. 103.
12
N. Lin, “Building a Network Theory of Social Capital”, Connections, vol. 22, no. 1, pp. 28 - 51.

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discussion point to further enhance research, and inform respondents of local council
and wider government agendas, as well as key issues within the local area.
The research project set several aims to effectively answer the question ‘what
do young people want to see for the future of Penryn?’. These aims are all in
accordance with national governance regarding the Localism Act, and are conducive
to preparing recommendations that are in line with requirements set about by The
National Planning Policy Framework13
.
- Conduct research that is conducive to The National Planning Policy
Framework, and can be consistently classified as ‘objective’ in order to meet
the set guidelines14
- Provide current data that is representative of local residents, students and
those who frequent the local area and form the assemblage of Penryn.
- Identify areas of satisfaction and dissatisfaction from individuals to identify the
most prominent issues within the local area.
- Empower young people to take a more prominent role in participating and
informing local and regional politics.
- Create an interactive game through which interested parties can facilitate
discussion, further research and increase social capital.
- Provide clear and sustainable recommendations, that can be contextualised
to meet local and government requirements; and inform the Neighbourhood
Plan draft.
13
Department for Communities and Local Government. Technical Guide to the National Policy
Planning Framework, London, 2012.
14
HM Government, 2010 to 2015 planning policy.

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2 Methodology
2.1 Methodological review
Our methodological approach was characterised by its qualitative, ethnographic
character. Whilst a quantitative approach may provide a broad analysis of
phenomena15
, qualitative research is more conducive to our research question, as it
allows for ‘focus on the operation of social processes in greater depth’16
. Given the
community-grounded nature of our research, understanding these social processes
in depth is essential, and is greatly enhanced by the presence of the researchers in
the community. Ethnographic research comprises two methods; non-participant and
participant research17
. Participant research is the most suitable method, as
immersion within the Penryn community allows for greater observation of social
interactions, leading to greater understanding of the meaning of behaviours, a tenet
of ethnography18
.
To understand the nature of ‘Penryn’ as a community, an understanding of
‘community’ is needed. Geographically, Penryn has set boundaries, but as Bradshaw
notes, ‘places are not necessarily communities’19
, clearly visible in the student-local
dichotomy. As such, ‘Penryn’ may not be seen purely as existing within the
geographic boundaries, but rather the social connections within it, creating an
assemblage of ‘strong patterns of social interactions based on long-lasting and deep
personal relations’20
. Consequently, framing our research as both ethnographic and
qualitative allows for greater understanding of what it means to be part of the
community of ‘Penryn’. Our research takes a grounded theory approach. Blumer
states that ‘the meaning of such things is derived from [...] the social interaction that
one has with one’s fellows’21
, and our research methods are reflective of this, using
surveys, participatory mapping and semi-structured interviews.
15
C. Griffin, “The advantages and limitation of qualitative research in psychology and education”,
Scientific Annals of the Psychological Society of Northern Greece, vol. 2, no. 3, 2004, p. 6.
16
Ibid.
17
D. Silverman, Qualitative Research, 3rd ed, London Sage Publications, 2011 p. 17.
18
Ibid.
19
M. Brennan, J. Bridger and T. Alter, “Theory, Practice and Community Development”, New York,
Routledge, 2013, p. 12.
20
Ibid.
21
J. Oktay, Grounded Theory, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2012, p. 11.

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Our initial research method was explorative qualitative surveys22
. As the
purpose of surveys is to ‘produce statistics about a target population’23
, it was from
the survey we collated our preliminary findings, identifying main areas of concern
within the community. We deemed our 102 responses sufficient, but upon further
analysis, it was found that 78% of respondents were students. Whilst this is not
necessarily an issue, given a significant proportion of students fall within the 18-25
age range, it does potentially call to question the validity of our survey as ‘non-
probability samples are more likely to introduce error’24
, showing a clear area for
development within our work. Whilst it was our intention to reach a larger
demographic, this was not possible for many reasons such as safeguarding those
under 18, lack of responses and time. We attempt to remedy this through
triangulation of other methods, such as more in-depth follow up semi-structured
interviews.
Figure 2: a blank map of Penryn
A further method used is that of participatory mapping, defined as any method
in which people are encouraged to use a map or maps in order to communicate their
knowledge and ideas more clearly25
. Using a blank map of Penryn (figure 2), we
22
K. Cutting, N. Evans, D. Pomeroy and A. Burton, “Have your say on the future of Penryn!”, Survey,
17
th
– 29
th
Feb. 2016, Appendix 7.1.
23
F. J. Fowler, Survey research methods, Los Angeles, Sage Publications, 2014, p. 8.
24
S. Halperin and O. Heath, Political Research: Methods and Practical Skills, Oxford, Oxford
University Press, 2012, p. 245.
25
J. Forrester and S. Cinderby, (N.D), A Guide to using Community Mapping and Participatory-GIS,
[website], 2012, http://www.tweedforum.org/research/Borderlands_Community_Mapping_Guide_.pdf
[Accessed 16/03/16]

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asked respondents to map their most used routes through Penryn to create an
assemblage of activity throughout Penryn, in the spirit of Latour’s ‘in which room?’
oligoptic method26
. This was conducted through the use of Paint Tool Sai and a
graphics tablet, allowing for the effective layering of pathways. The use of such a
method was beneficial to our research for many reasons. Initially, the intent to
produce a Penryn Monopoly game required street names, and the most popular
routes identified are applied to the mapping of the board game. However, we further
identified uses such as the ability to identify areas of relatively little use to identify
possible areas for community development. Warren clearly states the benefit of such
an approach, writing that ‘maps are more than pieces of paper. They are the stories,
conversations, lives and songs lived out in a place and are inseparable from the
political and cultural contexts in which they are used’27
. Additionally, the mapping
acted as a means of generating greater understanding of the use of Penryn, and the
relationship it has to those whom interact with it. In total, we collected approximately
20 sets of data, producing the map shown below (figure 3).
Figure 3: a map of young people’s routes through Penryn
26
B. Latour, Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network Theory, New York, Oxford
University Press, 2007, p. 190.
27
National Co-ordinating Centre for Public Engagement, Participatory Mapping, [website], 2014,
http://www.publicengagement.ac.uk/do-it/techniquesapproaches/participatory-mapping [Accessed
18/03/16]

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Whilst participatory mapping allows for new understandings of the influences
of wider social, political and economic forces interacting in an area,28
our sample is
limited by ethical considerations (explained in depth later). Consequently, students
are vastly over-represented in this data. It may have been more conducive to frame
such a method as longitudinal rather than as recollection from memory as this could
provide more thorough pathways - such as through the use of journals originally
planned but considered too time consuming29
. However we believe that we have
remedied this through discussion of these findings within our interviews, as well as
through the creation and explanation of findings in regards to the creation and
deployment of Penrynopoly.
Other noteworthy methods used were semi-structured interviews conducted
with independent businesses throughout Penryn. Through the 7 interviews we
conducted, we gained information otherwise lacking, such as the representation of
the younger age of our demographic through talking to parents. Marsh and Stoker
identify the benefits of using such an approach, stating that ‘interviews provide
information on understandings, opinions, what people remember doing, attitudes,
feelings and the like’ 30
. Additionally, it is through these interviews we attempt to
triangulate and redeem lacking methods. Using open questions allowed for greater
exploration into issues, as this granted the ‘more diverse set of answers’31
required.
2.2 Ethical considerations
Our intent when undertaking the project was to explore the concerns of a slightly
younger demographic, from the ages of 15 - 25. However, this was not possible due
to ethical considerations of approaching young people in Penryn. Initially, we
intended to use focus groups or workshops within a local secondary school for older
students aged 15-16. However, the school administration did not respond to multiple
contact attempts, and the research methods intended raised ethical concerns. The
potential use of participatory methods was contentious, as whilst it would provide a
more detailed map, the anonymity and safety of students was at risk. The Children's
28
National Co-ordinating Centre for Public Engagement, Participatory Mapping.
29
Ibid.
30
D. Marsh and G. Stoker, Theory and Methods in Political Science, New York, Palgrave Macmillan,
2010, p. 258.
31
U. Reja et al, Open-ended vs. Close-ended Questions in Web Questionnaires, [website], 2003,
http://www.stat-d.si/mz/mz19/reja.pdf [Accessed 21/03/16]

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Act (2004) and Every Child Matters agenda (2004) both make recommendations for
safeguarding young people32
, for which there is a generally accepted code of
conduct that strives to ensure ‘a participant's anonymity and confidentiality where, for
example, information is disclosed in an interview that may indicate potential harm to
a child’33
As asking a young person their most-travelled routes could be used to
harm them if their identity or information became public knowledge, we abandoned
this, as we deemed it ‘critical to preserve subject confidentiality’34
. Whilst this limits
our work, it was a necessary precaution and negated through triangulation of other
methods.
Further ethical considerations were made in regards to anonymity. All names
and identifying factors revealed in surveys, interviews or participatory mapping were
redacted, ensuring anonymity. As we did not record sessions, we did not distribute
consent forms, rather making detailed notes. Additionally, all parties were informed
of the potential uses of information provided, for both the academic report and
Penryonopoly. Participants were informed of the possibility of shared information
with the local Council. Whilst anonymity was vital in our project and was to the
benefit participants, it also created a situation in which some abused such
anonymity.
Figure 4: the ‘Have your Say’ board
32
Sheffield Hallam University, (N.D.) “Safe Guarding Children in Research Contexts”, [website], 2009,
https://www.shu.ac.uk/_assets/pdf/Safeguarding-Children-in-Research-Contexts.pdf, p. 1. [Accessed
18/03/16]
33
Ibid., p. 2.
34
R. Schutt, Investigating the Social World: The Process and Practice of Research, 7th ed, California,
Sage Publications, 2011, p. 181.

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We used a method of anonymous post-it note submissions on a board with a
prompt on the Penryn Campus (figure 4). The aforementioned post-it note activity in
the Compass was fruitful in response, but one individual left a particularly
homophobic response, seen by another individual who made a complaint to
Compass team, leading to the early termination of research. Whilst this is not
something we could have prevented, the use of anonymity is shown to be a potential
hindrance.

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3 Perceptions of Penryn
Because of the qualitative nature of our research, our results draw heavily upon
respondent’s perceptions of Penryn, which may have very little resemblance to
Penryn-as-it-is. ‘Penryn’ acts as a plane of consistency for the multitude of different
phenomenological constructions and affective attachments that people connect with
a particular space, allowing them to come together to form an assemblage35
. Our
research methods were thus intended to draw out ideas about the assemblage of
Penryn that lurk ‘below the threshold of consciousness’36
. Recent neurophysiological
research is lending scientific credibility to enactive, embodied theories of cognition
such as those promoted by Bergson and Merleau-Ponty37
, and are essential for
understanding the lived experience of Penryn. Embodied cognitive theories state that
people do not act based on an objective ideal of a thing, but rather on their
perception of it. Specifically, Bergson’s theory of perception states that at a given
point of action, sensori-motor activity makes a call to pure memory and based on the
context, certain memories and affects – those deemed useful or significant – are
unearthed and brought to the forefront of conscious thought38
. All of our research
methods were based around emulating this process and unearthing relevant
perceptions about Penryn that may have otherwise gone undocumented.
Reconstructing the assemblage of our respondents’ imagined Penryns at
times a contradictory task. For instance, it is simultaneously ‘full of old people’39
and
‘overpopulat[ed by] students’40
. The schools are both ‘rubbish’41
and ‘great’42
, and
there is a ‘close knit community’43
existing alongside a sense of ‘being alienated’44
.
However, the lack of clear consensus about what constitutes Penryn shows that it is
a complex system, susceptible to the same methods of self-organization and
35
G. Deleuze and F. Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, Wiltshire,
Continuum Books, 2009, p. 4.
36
W. E. Connolly, Neuropolitics: Thinking, Culture, Speed, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 2002, p. 155.
37
Ibid., p. 32.
38
H. Bersgon, Matter and Memory trans. Nancy Margaret Paul and W. Scott Palmer, New York:
Dover, 2004, pp. 194 - 8.
39
K. Cutting, N. Evans, D. Pomeroy and A. Burton, “What is life in Penryn like?”, Public Noticeboard,
29th Feb - 4th March 2016.
40
Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondent 44.
41
Ibid., respondent 80.
42
43
Cutting, Evans et al., “Life in Penryn”
44

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emergent crystallization as other complex systems45
. The use of methods of
predictive explanation that seek to direct ‘the flow of population into certain regions
or activities’ is therefore inappropriate46
and radical analytical methods are required
to understand and develop Penryn, which exists not in a state of being, but in a state
of becoming, where every moment is ‘not only something new, but something
unforeseeable’47
.
In the minds of many young people, there is a deeply entrenched idea of
Penryn that diminishes the existence of the town as as a place in its own right, and
casts it as ‘in between’48
the Penryn Campus and Falmouth, shrinking its size - and
therefore useful, traversable space - to a handful of roads. Multiple survey
respondents cited not wanting to live in Penryn in five years because it is ‘too small’,
‘too quiet’ and ‘disconnected’49
. One respondent even claimed that there is ‘an image
of stagnation’ in Penryn50
. Whilst Penryn is small, it is only about half the size of
Falmouth, which respondents generally refer to positively and is viewed as a viable
alternative to city life for some51
. Due to the perception of Penryn as considerably
smaller than it is, young people imagine there is ‘nothing to do’52
and consistently
claim that the town is ‘boring’53
. Those who interact more significantly with Penryn
have greater awareness of the range of opportunities in the town, and generally refer
to it more positively. One woman who we spoke to as a part of our semi-structured
interviews in Earth and Water struggled to find any problem with Penryn until given
prompts to draw upon, and the problems she did identify were less to do with
facilities, as young people tend to dwell on, and more about issues of housing quality
and transport availability54
.
45
F. Capra, The Web of Life: A New Synthesis of Mind and Matter, London, Flamingo, 1997, p. 34.
46
M. Foucault, “Governmentality” in Power: The Essential Works of Foucault 1954 – 1984 Volume 3
ed. James D. Faubion, trans. Robert Hurley et al., St Ives, Penguin, 2000, p. 216.
47
H. Bergson, Creative Evolution trans. Arthur Mitchell, New York, Random House, 1994, p. 8.
48
49
Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn!”, respondent 45; respondent 71; respondent 50.
50
51
Ibid., respondents 24 and 59.
52
Ibid., respondents 28, 33, 39, 58, 70, 76, 86, 91, 92.
53
Ibid., respondents 14, 19, 59, 75, 97.
54
K. Cutting and N. Evans, Interview with woman in Earth and Water, 22nd Feb. 2016.

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Figure 3 (reproduced): a map of young people’s routes through Penryn
We explored young people’s actual interaction with Penryn by conducting a
participatory mapping exercise (figure 3) and discovered that activity in Penryn is
focused on the main routes to and from the Penryn Campus, on the A39 by car, and
through the Penryn High Street by bus. This leaves huge sections of Penryn
completely unvisited, and perhaps indicates that people have fallen into path
dependencies, where repeated iteration of the same routes leads to exponential
returns to those routes55
. Notably, these routes exclude the two main centres of
business in Penryn - the Kernick Industrial Estate and Commercial Road, perhaps
contributing to the view that there is a ‘lack of shops’56
. Though the High Street may
once have been prime for business, at present it makes less economic sense to
situate a business there. Buildings on the High Street are of a poor structural quality,
being poorly insulated listed buildings57
, as well as there being a lack of passing
trade due to the hill the High Street is situated on58
. Finally, commercial rent prices
on the High Street are significantly higher than elsewhere in Penryn - a shop
currently for rent in middle of the High Street is being marketed at £9.07/sqft p.a.59
,
55
P. Pierson, “Increasing Returns, Path Dependence and the Study of Politics”, American Political
Science Review, vol. 94, no. 2, 2000, p. 263.
56
57
K. Cutting and D. Pomeroy, Interview with man in Märraum, 22nd Feb. 2016.
58
Cutting, Evans et al. “The future of Penryn”, respondents 19 and 75.
59
Zoopla, Retail premises to let: Former Pharmacy, [website], 2016,
http://www.zoopla.co.uk/to-rent/commercial/details/37157209#GwOxaigjyoYuItZ8.97

15
whilst a much more open unit on The Praze is being marketed for £8.48/sqft p.a.60
. If
this analysis was expanded to include units not exclusively for retail, prices can go
as low as £6.52/sqft p.a.61
and £4.80/sqft p.a.62
at Kernick Industrial Estate. Dériving
(French for ‘drifting’), a method from psychogeography that focuses on consciously
breaking away from oft-tread, established routes may be useful in rectifying this.
During a dérive, participants wilfully drop ‘all other usual motives for movement and
action’ and allow themselves to be guided around a space by ‘the attractions of the
terrain and the encounters they find there’63
. By folding novelty and creativity into
established perceptions of Penryn, the image of stagnation might be broken and
awareness of Penryn-as-it-is might increase.
60
Right Move, Retail property to rent: The Praze, [website], 2016,
http://www.rightmove.co.uk/commercial-property-to-let/property-51012868.html
61
Right Move, Light industrial to rent: Kernick Industrial Estate, [website], 2016,
62
Right Move, Light industrial to rent: Kernick Industrial Estate, [website], 2016,
63
G. Debord, “Theory of the Derive”, Internationale Situationiste, no. 2, 1958, p. 62.

16
4 Why are young people leaving Penryn?
4.1 Community, heritage and being ‘quaint’
Despite claims that the CUC would bring jobs and prosperity to Penryn and
Falmouth64
, there is a feeling within the community that ‘it is too early to judge the
impact’ of the Penryn Campus65
. One of the intents of the CUC was to strengthen
the network of education and employment in Cornwall, preventing the ‘brain drain’
experienced prior to the CUC’s existence, where intelligent individuals would leave
the county for Higher Education - often to Exeter or Plymouth - and never return66
.
Although a large proportion of our survey respondents were both in-migrants and
students, only 78% of survey respondents were students, and 73% of respondents
expect not to be living in Penryn in 5 years. Clearly, the aim of keeping skilled labour
in Cornwall has not quite taken off yet. When asked why they did not expect to be in
Penryn in 5 years, 39% of respondents cited career related reasons for leaving the
town, describing a ‘lack of opportunities’67
and wanting to ‘start a well paying career
and integrate into society’68
. Such a choice of wording clearly shows the persistent
perception that Penryn is in some way not a part of society, but a world apart that in
some instances is characterised by the fact that ‘it’s too small and disconnected’69
and in others is merely a ‘student town’70
, with nothing to offer outside of this role.
This is reflected in the way 17% of respondents referred to another place as home,
with some ‘looking to move back to [their] local area’71
and others stating that if they
were to stay in the South West, they would probably ‘move back to [their] childhood
home, where [their] extended family and friends are based’72
.
The theme of family and friends as strong place-ties is recurrent in both our
research and other research on the sense of place in Cornwall. In a study of the
Cornish Mining World Heritage Site, Hilary Orange identified a strong connection
between where people identify as ‘home’ with where their family and friends are
64
Falmouth Packet, University will onject [sic] £31m pa, 26 Oct 2001,
http://www.falmouthpacket.co.uk/news/7206241.University_will_onject___31m_pa/
65
66
K. Cutting, N. Evans, D. Pomeroy and A. Burton, Interview with David Garwood, 14
th
Mar. 2016.
67
Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondent 99
68
69
70
71
72

17
based73
, and the same is true in Penryn. Those who expressed an interest in living in
Penryn in 5 years viewed it as viable because they have family locally74
, or expected
family to move to Cornwall in the near future75
. Respondents who said they visit
Penryn often spoke of local connections and meeting friends who live in the town76
.
Figure 5: a word cloud of things people like about Penryn
This heavily conforms to another perception young people have of Penryn -
that it is a ‘quaint, community driven village’77
. People conceptualise Penryn as
having an atmosphere of ‘tight knit community’78
that is built upon ‘historic charm’79
,
or heritage. Others claim it is ‘cozy’80
and exemplary of rural life81
with its ‘village
feel… [and] streams’82
. All of these perceptions feed into the more significant
perception that Penryn is small and thus unable to offer much. A word cloud of
young people’s responses to what they like about Penryn revealed that the words
most used to describe the town were ‘community’, ‘nice’, ‘quiet’, ‘small’ and ‘quaint’.
A similar word cloud produced for people’s dislikes of Penryn revealed ‘parking’,
‘lack’, ‘just’ and nothing’. Young people are clearly ambivalent about Penryn, as all of
the positives emerge from the negatives - a large, sprawling city with plentiful parking
provisions would not be able to offer a quiet, quaint, community driven town.
73
H. Orange, “Exploring Sense of Place: An Ethnography of the Cornish Mining World Heritage Site”,
in J. Schofield and R. Szymanski (ed.), Local Heritage, Global Context: Cultural Perspectives on
Sense of Place, Padstow, Ashgate Publishing, 2011.
74
Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondents 85 and 38
75
76
Ibid., respondents 13, 23, 43, 62, 74, 83 and 99.
77
78
79
80
81
82

18
Figure 6: a word cloud of things people dislike about Penryn
4.2 The problems of Penryn
Figure 7: the biggest problems in Penryn
We asked survey respondents what the biggest problem Penryn faces today as a
way to gauge priorities for development. As figure 5 shows, there are three clear
‘biggest problems’ - the physical environment (encompassing roads and parking,
pavements and street lighting), housing and the lack of facilities or businesses.
When these results are broken down by age range, though, an interesting trend
emerges.

19
Figure 8: the biggest problems in Penryn according to 15-25 year olds
Both 15-25 year olds and those older than 25 concur that the biggest problem in
Penryn is the physical environment, but after this main problem, the two groups
diverge. 15-25 year olds identify housing and facilities and businesses as the next
two biggest problems, but as figure 7 shows, those respondents who are older than
25 seem to believe that housing and facilities are tied with another issue - identity. It
is logical that those over 25 - who, in our survey, tend have lived in Penryn for more
than 5 years - would be more concerned about the loss of identity in Penryn, as they
have lived through more significant changes in the town, such as the introduction of
the CUC83
, and for some residents, the introduction of ASDA and the closure of the
town centre84
.
83
84

20
Figure 10: correlation between older and
younger people’s perceptions of problems
Figure 9: the biggest problems of Penryn according to respondents older than 25
There is a distinct lack of
correlation between what young
people perceive to be the
problems of Penryn and what
those older than 25 perceive to
be the problems of Penryn.
Once again, this affirms how necessary
radical democratic methods of analysis are
to understanding and developing Penryn, as people of all ages, ethnicities and
subject positions are needed to bring their own perceptions of the town to light, as no
one perception dominates. In a world of becoming, affirmative actants are needed to
passionately wage the ‘war for [one’s] opinions’85
and ensure the issues that matter
to them do not get left behind. One respondent lamented Penryn ‘not showing any
signs of moving with the times’86
, and if Penryn is to move past the perception
people have of it as quaint, lacking, small and boring, it needs to learn to adapt to
change, accepting new elements into the community and learning to incorporate
them over time.
85
F. Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra trans. R. J. Hollingdale, St Ives, Penguin Books, 2003, p. 74.
86

21
4.2.1 The divide between students and ‘locals’
Within Penryn, there is a broad consensus that ‘locals’ (residents of approximately
5 years or more) are in conflict with students, who attend the Penryn Campus.
Students tend to be younger (usually 18-25 years old) and have come from areas of
the UK often both geographically and culturally divergent from Penryn, meaning
many residents believe there is an ideological divide between the two. This view
was particularly reflected in the post-it notes, with respondents claiming ‘the locals
hate us and make the council limit our clubs’87
and that ‘people are friendly to locals
but seem hostile to students’88
.
This view is not, however unanimous, and many believe that the student
body and ‘locals’ are more cohesive than they may appear. Amongst a board of
mostly negative responses, one respondent noted that ‘half these guys are talking
crap’89
and that Penryn had a ‘cute close knit community’90
. The divide between
‘locals’ and students is a pressing topic in the area surrounding Penryn at the
moment, and recent interactions through the ‘Penryn Campus Fitfinder’ Facebook
page (a student and local ‘Spotted’ page) have brought more people in favour of
community cohesion to light. One post, from a person who self-identified as a
Penryn local ‘of over 20 years’91
stated:
‘I meet lots of students every day on my walks and a lot will
stop to say hello to [my] dog [...] I've never met a rude student
whilst out walking [...] the thing is these are 2 very different
communities sharing a town but instead of it becoming a battle
why can't people just be kind and helpful? Hey we are lucky to
live in a beautiful part of the world so let's enjoy it?’92
The view that ‘locals’ and students are two ‘very different communities’ is echoed
throughout our research. As people reference the expansion of the CUC, they refer
to a ‘strain’93
being placed upon the town that is struggling to accommodate two
87
88
Ibid.
89
Ibid.
90
Ibid.
91
Penryn Campus Fitfinder, “Message from local”, [website], 2016,
https://www.facebook.com/ThePenrynCampusFitfinder/posts/1064011216978686
92
Ibid.
93

22
diverse populations. Perhaps what is necessary at this point is the opening and
maintenance of a dialogue between ‘locals’ and students, in which grievances can
be aired. In this way, we hope Penrynopoly can be used as a persistent platform to
assert the position of students and other 18-25 year olds in the community and
provide a platform for their opinions to become amplified.
4.2.2 Relationship with Falmouth
With any discussion of Penryn comes discussion of Falmouth. Penryn is by far the
older town and has traditionally been the ‘big brother’ in the relationship94
, enjoying
more socioeconomic success, but the recent growth of Falmouth as a university
town and the decline of the Penryn waterfront has meant that the tables have turned.
One survey respondent noted the ‘lack of unique services’ in Penryn95
and another
claimed there were ‘better facilities in Falmouth’96
, contributing to the view that there
is nothing to do in Penryn. When combined with the extremely steep hill that the High
Street is situated on, people tend to avoid Penryn for leisure activities, to the extent
that one respondent suggested (presumably jokingly) a ‘telecabin between Falmouth
and campus’97
, bypassing the entirety of Penryn.
When questioned on whether they see themselves in Penryn in 5 years, 11%
of respondents claimed that they do not, but would consider staying in Falmouth.
The relationship between the two towns is exceedingly complex, and to some extent,
symbiotic - Penryn may be seen as the route to Falmouth from the Penryn Campus
and other areas, but Penryn is seen to have a sense of community that Falmouth
cannot match. The small size and rural nature of Penryn results in the formation of
strong social bonds that generate a sense of community that many look upon
favorably. One interviewee claimed that she would love to live in Penryn for ‘the
community feel’, and identified community as important to the future of Penryn98
.
Penryn and Falmouth should be seen as interacting assemblages that can be
experienced together or apart, with elements of Penryn’s community, rural life,
heritage and history complementing Falmouth’s vibrant creative scene and wealth of
independent business. If the two towns attempted to develop collaboratively, the
94
Cutting, Evans et al., Interview with David Garwood.
95
96
97
Ibid.
98
Cutting and Evans, Interview with woman in Earth and Water.

23
sense of place inherent to each town could remain, with the added bonus of
leveraging the raw human and social capital currently underutilised in Penryn.
4.3 Penrynopoly and future research
Penryonopoly was created primarily as a point of amplification for the views of our
target demographic, with the aim of acting as an informative discussion point to
further develop research, and to inform interested parties such as the local council
on key issues within the local area. We believe that we have been largely successful
in our aims, as the inaugural - yet brief - playthrough of the game between
representatives from Cornwall and Penryn Councils, the FXU and University of
Exeter students enabled a platform for individuals with a variety of pre-existing views
to share and experience the problems that arose during research in an environment
free of power dynamics.
Figure 11: a selection of chance cards from Penrynopoly
A noteworthy characteristic of our game was the modification of the rules that
meant after every roll, a player must pick up either a Chance or Community Chest
card tailored for the issues of Penryn, and included quotes collated from our
research (figure 11). We instructed players to read out the cards, enabling the
players (in this case, individuals with some power to enact change) to internalise the
problems of the quoted individuals and empathise with their issues. By encouraging
players to voice these concerns, we enabled citizens who are traditionally
underrepresented to raise their concerns.
Perhaps the greatest merit of the game is that despite the primary function as
a simple way to feedback our research directly to the council and other
organisations, it allowed for a discussion of ideas in a friendly, relaxed manner.

24
Spirits were high during the game, with many jokes offered between discussion of
serious issues. The game changed the dynamics of the room, leading players out
from defensive positions towards light-hearted fun. By making the game closely
resemble Monopoly, we hoped to evoke past memories of the game - usually familial
gatherings and times of happiness such as Christmas (despite the game’s tendency
to turn ugly). In this way, we consciously worked on Bergson’s understanding of
emergent time, and Connolly’s transformation of this into the ‘dissonant conjunction
of the moment’99
conjure affective charges and attachments to the surface, layering
potentially fond memories of Monopoly onto the present, more politically charged
game of Penrynopoly.
One of the other key benefits of the game is that we believe it not only to be a
presentation of the results of our research, but also to be a self-perpetuating source
of further research. The more people that play the game, bringing to it their own
previous experiences in life and opinions on problems and the solutions to them, the
better the results will be. Though our formal project and module draw to a close, the
issues in the community continue for well beyond this short period of time. Through
the donation of our game to Penryn Town Council after our group presentation, we
hope to have a continual influence on inspiring conversations and debates about
these issues, which we hope will lead to solutions that consider ever more subject
positions.
99
Connolly, Neuropolitics, p. 145.

25
5 Closing remarks
5.1 Recommendations
The overall consensus of the conducted research suggests that Penryn is locked into
a state of being, as opposed to becoming. In light of the expansion of the Penryn
Campus, this is not sustainable. At the present time in-migration purposes are
temporarily based upon student course lengths, hence the assemblage needs to be
dynamic to meet the constant inflow of students. Moreover, a dynamic state, by
which Penryn was in a state of becoming would allow much greater incorporation of
students to the local community, hence increasing the social capital. As Lin
suggests, increases in social capital produce expected gains in both the political and
economic spheres100
. Thus to adopt a state of becoming would be self-fulfilling, in
that it is constantly advancing social capital, which subsequently increases the
dynamic processes, and further repeats the cycle. To achieve this however, is as the
word becoming suggests not a static task, and the recommendations are therefore
incremental in their nature. The following recommendations are set forward, with
view to informing the Neighbourhood Plan and fuelling development.
1. Create a more informative induction process for students arriving at the
Penryn Campus, that highlights prominent areas that are currently not
included in student’s ‘imagined’ view of Penryn as documented in figure 3.
e.g. a booklet included in Fresher’s packs of history, sites of interests
and walks through Penryn
2. A preliminary consultation board devised between the governing board of the
university and local residents, with each board electing representatives. This
will assist in destroying the us/them binary between students and locals and
increasing social capital within the region.
3. A student led initiative that encourages engagement from all demographics.
The ‘Penrynopoly’ board conducted is a facilitation method, and we suggest
that this is highly utilised in mixed demographic meetings, and university
consultations.
100
Lin, “A Network Theory of Social Capital”.

26
e.g. continued research on the relationship between ‘locals’ and
students in the Penryn and Falmouth area and more research projects
conducted between the two
4. Provide more prominent advertising to encourage greater footfall within the
wider Penryn area, and encourage greater utilization of local business
facilities.
5. Encourage local businesses to take a more dynamic, youth led approach to
their business strategies in facilitating more readily accessible events.
e.g. more evening activities, such as open mic nights (Howl Space and
Café have been a particularly strong example thus far)
5.2 Conclusion
As previously stated, the recommendations made in this report are to be considered
in line with other demographic representations, and the collective sum of
representation according to the last census. However with the rising number of
students at the Penryn Campus we feel that young people are imperative in
designing the structure of the Neighbourhood Plan. This report highlights the
significant need for increased provision to ensure social capital and community
thrives within Penryn, and incorporates mixed demographic approaches to ensure
the facilitation of this. Nonetheless it is imperative that all aspects of
recommendations and findings are considered through a dynamic, responsive
perspective, otherwise Penryn is doomed to remain in a state of being, locked into
path dependencies of underdevelopment.

27
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Random House, 1944.
—— Matter and Memory. Translated by Nancy Margaret Paul and W. Scott Palmer.
New York: Dover, 2004.
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1997.
Cutting, K., Pomeroy, D., Interview with man in Märraum, 22nd Feb. 2016.
Cutting, K., Evans, N., Interview with woman in Earth and Water, 22nd Feb. 2016.
Cutting, K., Evans, N., Pomeroy, D. and Burton, A, “Have your say on the future of
Penryn!”, Survey, 17th
– 29th
Feb. 2016.
—— “What is life in Penryn like?”, Public Noticeboard, 29th Feb - 4th March 2016.
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Mar. 2016.
Connolly, W. E., Neuropolitics: Thinking, Culture, Speed, Minneapolis, University of
Minnesota Press, 2002.
Debord, G., “Theory of the Derive”, Internationale Situationiste, no. 2, 1958, pp. 62 –
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Deleuze G. and Guattari, F., A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia,
Wiltshire, Continuum Books, 2009.
Department for Communities and Local Government, A plain English guide to the
Localism Act, London, 2011.
—— Technical Guide to the National Policy Planning Framework, London, 2012.

28
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http://www.falmouthpacket.co.uk/news/7206241.University_will_onject___31
m_pa/
Foucault, M., Power: The Essential Works of Foucault 1954 – 1984 Volume 3 ed.
James D. Faubion, trans. Robert Hurley et al., St Ives, Penguin, 2000.
Fowler, F. J., Survey research methods, Los Angeles, Sage Publications, 2014.
Forrester, J. and Cinderby, S. (N.D), A Guide to using Community Mapping and
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FXPlus, Build, [website], 2016, http://www.fxplus.ac.uk/build [Accessed 21/02/16]
Griffin, C., “The advantages and limitation of qualitative research in psychology and
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vol. 2, no. 3, 2004, pp. 4 – 15.
Halperin, S. and Heath, O., Political Research: Methods and Practical Skills, Oxford,
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HM Government, Decentralisation and the Localism Bill: an essential guide, London,
2010.
—— 2010 to 2015 government policy: planning reform, [website], 2015,
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Lin, N. “Building a Network Theory of Social Capital”, Connections, vol. 22, no. 1,
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Marsh, D. and Stoker, G., Theory and Methods in Political Science, New York,
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29
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OECD, Human Capital: How what you know shapes your life, OECD Publishing,
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Context: Cultural Perspectives on Sense of Place, Padstow, Ashgate
Publishing, 2011.
Penryn Campus Fitfinder, “Message from local”, [website], 2016,
https://www.facebook.com/ThePenrynCampusFitfinder/posts/1064011216978
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1/03/16]
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—— Light industrial to rent: Kernick Industrial Estate, [website], 2016,
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rent/commercial/details/37157209#GwOxaigjyoYuItZ8.97

31
7 Appendix
7.1 Survey
Basic details
How old are you? What is your occupation?
Student (School) / Student (Sixth Form/College) / Student (University) / Employed
(please specify in what role in the ‘other’ box) / Unemployed / Other
Where do you live?
Penryn / Falmouth / Mabe Burnthouse / Other
How long have you lived there?
The Big Question
What is the biggest problem Penryn faces today? Why?
Living in Penryn
Do you spend a lot of your free time in Penryn?
Yes / No / Other
Why/ why not?
Is it important that Penryn offers local services? (e.g. doctor’s surgery, post office, library,
bank)
Yes / No / Other
Are the conditions of local services good enough?
What do you like about Penryn?
What do you dislike about Penryn?
Has Penryn undergone any major changes in the time you have known it?
Yes / No
If yes, what was the change? How did you feel about it?
The future of Penryn
If you have children: how do you feel about raising them in Penryn?
If you do not have children: how would you feel about raising them in Penryn?
Is there any local or regional town that could set a good example for Penryn’s future?
Do you see yourself living in Penryn in five years?
Yes / No
Why/ why not?

33
7.3 Penrynopoly property cards
FALMOUTH ROAD
Rent M2
Rent with colour set M4
Rent with 1 house M10
Rent with 2 houses M30
Rent with hotel M250
Houses cost M50 each
Hotels cost M50 each
(plus 4 houses)
JUBILEE WHARF
Rent M4
(plus 4 houses)
QUAY HILL
Rent M6
(plus 4 houses)
HOWL CAFE
Rent M6
(plus 4 houses)

34
LOWER MARKET STREET
Rent M8
(plus 4 houses)
SARACEN CRESCENT
Rent M10
(plus 4 houses)
DOCTOR’S SURGERY
Rent M10
(plus 4 houses)
SARACEN WAY
Rent M12
(plus 4 houses)

35
WEST STREET
Rent M14
(plus 4 houses)
THE THIRSTY SCHOLAR
Rent M14
(plus 4 houses)
STATION ROAD
Rent M16
(plus 4 houses)
THE PRAZE
Rent M18
(plus 4 houses)

36
NEMO’S FISH AND CHIPS
Rent M18
(plus 4 houses)
COMMERCIAL ROAD
Rent M20
(plus 4 houses)
KERNICK ROAD
Rent M22
(plus 4 houses)
RAZE THE ROOF
Rent M22
(plus 4 houses)

37
THE REBEL BREWERY CO.
Rent M24
(plus 4 houses)
PENRYN COLLEGE
Rent M26
(plus 4 houses)
TRELIEVER ROAD
Rent M26
(plus 4 houses)
GREENWOOD ROAD
Rent M28
(plus 4 houses)

38
THE STANNARY
Rent M35
(plus 4 houses)
ASDA
Rent M50
(plus 4 houses)
DEVELOPMENT SITE
What do you want to see in
Penryn?
If one development site is
owned, rent is 4 times amount
shown on dice.
If both development sites are
owned, rent is 10 times
amount shown on dice.
DEVELOPMENT SITE
What do you want to see in
Penryn?
If one development site is
owned, rent is 4 times amount
shown on dice.
If both development sites are
owned, rent is 10 times
amount shown on dice.

39
PENRYN STATION
RENT M25
If 2 transports are owned M50
FIRST KERNOW BUSES
RENT M25
CONNECT CARS TAXIS
RENT M25
CYCLE SOLUTIONS BIKE SHOP
RENT M25

40
7.4 Penrynopoly chance and community chest cards
CHANCE
Bank is closed, you don’t pay
rent on time- pay late fee
M100
“There’s no other banks, they’ve all
shut down here” 3
CHANCE
It is a sunny day and you can
walk to work- collect M50 in
saved bus fare
“Needs more footpaths” 4
CHANCE
Students move into a house
on your street, rent increases.
Pay M25 for each house and
M50 per hotel.
“More god damn houses” 4
CHANCE
You’refired!Godirectlytothe
jobcentre-donotpassgoor
collectM200.
“Lackofjobs[anda]lackofschool-
leavingopportunities”1
CHANCE
Youshopatindependent
shopsandbusinesses,
improvingthelocal
community.
“Thereisn’tmuchIdislike…ithasa
fewniceindependentshops”1

41
CHANCE
You have been cautioned for
anti-social behaviour. Move
back 3 spaces and pay M200.
January 2016 - Penryn had 41
reported crimes, most for anti-social
behaviour 5
CHANCE
You’re hired! This card may be
kept until needed or
traded/sold.
“[I’m] hoping to get a job here after
graduating” 1
CHANCE
You win the quiz at a local
pub. Win M50
“Good pubs and sense of
community” 1
CHANCE
Youareawokenbystudents
lateatnight.Movebackone
space.
“[Theproblemis]studentswhothink
theycangetawaywithanything”1
CHANCE
Yourdoctor’sappointmentis
late.Moveback3spaces.
“Thedoctor’ssurgerywaitingtimeis
ridiculous”1

42
CHANCE
Advance to go - collect M200.
CHANCE
Advance to Penryn Train
Station. If you pass go, collect
M200.
CHANCE
You have stood in dog mess.
Move back 4 spaces.
“Dog poo everywhere” 1
CHANCE
There is nowhere to park, you
must get a bus instead. Only
roll 1 dice for the next 3 turns.
“Can’t park my car anywhere so
can’t drive them to school” 1
CHANCE
Youvolunteeratalocal
charityshop,moveforward4
spaces.
“It’saquaintcommunitydriven
village.”1
CHANCE
Thebusislate,moveback1
space
20%ofrespondentssaidtravel
wastheirbiggestproblem1

43
COMMUNITY CHEST
You find mould in your house,
pay M200.
“She was… living in this mould
house for the last three years…
there were two rooms she couldn’t
use” 2
COMMUNITY CHEST
You visit your Grandma and
she gives you M20.
“[I visit Penryn because of my] family
and friends” 1
COMMUNITY CHEST
You have to get the train to
Royal Cornwall hospital. Pay
M50.
“She has to get the train… they’re
so expensive” 2
COMMUNITYCHEST
Youorganiseanopenmic
night,collectM50fromevery
player.
“[Thebestthing]isthefeelofthe
localcommunity.”1
COMMUNITYCHEST
ThereisnolatebustoTruro,
payM50intaxifares
“Transportisaproblem,butthat’s
allCornwallisn’tit?”2

44
COMMUNITYCHEST
Youcannotfindanywhereto
parkforfree,payM50
“There’sjustsomanycarsandnot
enoughplaces”3
COMMUNITYCHEST
Youcycletoworkandsave
M50inbusfare.
“Thecyclerouteisactuallyreally
good”3
COMMUNITY CHEST
You’re hired! This card may be
kept until needed or
traded/sold.
“We need more shops, especially
food” 4
COMMUNITY CHEST
You’re fired! Go directly to the
job centre- do not pass go or
collect M200.
“Lack of jobs in my chosen sector in
Cornwall” 1
COMMUNITY CHEST
Your bus is running late, and
you’re stuck in traffic. Only roll
one dice for the next three
turns.
“[Need] cheaper more regular buses
run by local friendly company” 4

45
COMMUNITY CHEST
You need a new outfit for a
party but nowhere is open,
pay M50 for a bus to
Falmouth.
“[I want a] Telecabin [cable car]
between Falmouth and campus” 4
COMMUNITY CHEST
You meet a friend and go for
coffee at Howl, choose a
partner and both pay M50.
“[I go to Penryn because of] coffee
shops and friends” 1
COMMUNITY CHEST
You expand your rental house,
and can put two beds in one
room. Collect an extra M50
when you pass go.
“The cheapest option is to convert
and tell no one” 3
COMMUNITYCHEST
YogaclassesstartinPenryn,
younolongerhavetotravelto
Penzance.CollectM100
“Creatingayogacommunity…
you’reverysupportiveofeach
other”2
COMMUNITYCHEST
TheM1studentfareforbuses
iscontinuedoverChristmas,
collectM100insavings.
“[InFalmouth]...busesmovearound
easier”1

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