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New Media and Mass Communication www.iiste.org
ISSN 2224-3267 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3275 (Online)
Vol.24, 2014
60
A Critical Discourse Analysis of Newsworthiness in English and
Urdu Newspaper Headlines In Pakistan
Khurram Yasmeen (Department of Applied Linguistics, GC University, Faisalabad, Pakistan)
Muhammad Asim Mahmood (Associate Professor, GC University, Faisalabad, Pakistan)
Rashid Mahmood (Associate Professor, King Khalid University, KSA)
Aleem Shakir (Assistant Professor, GC University, Faisalabad, Pakistan)
Ansa Sattar (Department of Applied Linguistics, GC University, Faisalabad, Pakistan)
Abstract
This research is a comparative study of Newsworthiness (importance of news items) in English and Urdu
newspapers. This research is a qualitative study that explores the impact of the placement of news items in the
newspapers. The data has been collected from three Urdu and their counterpart English newspapers from the
same groups. The placement of same news items in different newspapers will help to know about the policies
and ideologies of newspapers. The research investigates how the readership influences the newsworthiness of
news items. The language of the news items is studied to discover the relation between the placement and the
language used in the same news items inter and intra newspaper groups. The results are not only interpreted on
the basis of frequencies of news but also on the basis of lexical choices made by newspaper editors through
qualitative method of research.
Keywords: CDA, Newspaper, Headlines, Newsworthiness
Introduction
News is defined as something new, surprising, unexpected, counterintuitive, first, biggest, or that raises new
issues or problems. But what makes something ‘newsworthy’? Tuchman (1976) referred to the news as “a
constructed reality” (p. 97), while Cohen and Young (1973) suggested that the news is “manufactured by
journalists”( p. 97). In the same vein, Schudson (1989, p. 265) pointed out that “news items are not simply
selected but constructed” [emphasis added]. So, rather than objectively reporting events and facts, newsmakers
engage in a highly subjective and selective process of news production based on socially and culturally
constructed criteria. Notably, decisions about who/what is newsworthy are filtered through a predominantly
Western, White, heteronormative, middle‐class, male lens (Henry & Tator 2006).
Newsworthiness is defined as “what makes a story worth telling” (Jiwani 2006, p. 38). The specific criteria of
newsworthiness can change depending on the individual reporter or news organization (Chermak 1995).
However, generally speaking, newsworthy events are those considered to be dramatic, unusual, or fit with a
continuing news theme. Additional features such as conflict, action, and deviance increase the likelihood of an
event being deemed newsworthy (Ericson, Baranek & Chan 1987, 1991).
CDA is a field of study which has paved the ways for the linguists to find out the hidden ideologies
behind seemingly simple and plain words. Language is no longer seen as merely reflecting out reality, but as
central to creating the reality (Taiwo 2007). Newspapers play a vital role in depicting social issues according to
their own ideology. Newspapers are particularly known to lead in the initiation of discourse on the national
issues by picking on statements or reactions of prominent national figures. News headlines are the greatest
source of providing information to all, especially to people who are too busy to read the whole of the news
articles or stories. These headlines are description of social, cultural and national representations circulating in a
society at a specific time. The following study analyzes the differences of the various headlines with their
respective ideologies.
Literature Review
Newsworthiness is defined as “what makes a story worth telling” (Jiwani 2006, p. 38). The specific criteria of
newsworthiness can change depending on the individual reporter or news organization (Chermak 1995).
However, generally speaking, newsworthy events are those considered to be dramatic, unusual, or fit with a
continuing news theme. Additional features such as conflict, action, and deviance increase the likelihood of an
event being deemed newsworthy (Ericson, Baranek & Chan 1987, 1991).
According to Greer (2003), over and above these criteria, what makes an event eminently reportable is
its spatial and cultural proximity to the audience. Spatial (or geographic) proximity suggests that events ‘close
by’ will be more newsworthy than events far away. In other words, readers react most strongly to events
New Media and Mass Communication www.iiste.org
ISSN 2224-3267 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3275 (Online)
Vol.24, 2014
61
happening near them (Greer 2003, p. 53). Cultural proximity is closely related and refers to the extent to which
events are seen as culturally meaningful and resonate with readers' values, beliefs, and concerns (Greer 2003, pp.
47-48).
Greer further noted that, in the context of sex crimes, proximity adds additional ‘shock value’ as such
crimes are being committed ‘on our streets’ by offenders ‘on the loose’ in the same area as a substantial portion
of readers (2003, p. 73).
Hall (1973) argued that, of the millions of events that occur daily across the world, only a very tiny
fraction will actually become part of the daily news landscape. Along the same lines,
Meyers (1997) identified a hierarchy of crime operating in the news media, meaning that not all crimes are seen
as equally newsworthy (see also Jewkes 2004). Severe violence, especially murder, is seen as most newsworthy,
and young and elderly White females in particular receive considerable attention (Dowler 2004a, pp. 575–576).
Sexually motivated homicides perpetrated by someone unknown to the victim will “invariably receive
substantial, often sensational attention” (Jewkes 2004, p. 48). Previous literature has indicated that news stories
exaggerate the risks of violent crimes faced by high‐status White women (Reiner [1995] 2003, p. 386).
Carter (1998) and Jewkes (2004) have drawn attention to how particular forms of violence against
women are deemed too routine or ordinary by newsmakers to be considered newsworthy. For instance, physical
and sexual violence committed in the home, by acquaintances, and/or that is non‐fatal, tends to fall at the bottom
of the hierarchy of crime and is left off the news agenda. It is also useful to consider that the news media
perpetuate a hierarchy of female victims, meaning that not all women who have experienced violence are treated
equally. Media representations of violence against women often emphasize binary categories that differentiate
“good” from “bad” woman. “ Good” women are seen as innocent and worth saving or avenging, whereas “bad”
women are positioned as unworthy victims and beyond redemption (Jiwani 2008). Like social relations in
general, this binary is deeply tied to race and class. Traditionally, it has been middle‐class White women who
have been constructed as “innocent” and “good” (Collins, 2000). The idealization, or placing of certain bodies in
higher regard, subordinates and relegates bodies—in particular “raced” or racialized female bodies—to the status
of “Others” (Crenshaw 1991; Mclaughlin 1991). What must be underscored is that binaries of good/bad,
worthy/unworthy, pure/impure, and the like, are relational and mutually dependent on one another. In other
words, these binaries develop in the context of each other and each is inextricably bound to the other (Collins
1998). In order for there to be a “bad,” “unworthy,” “impure,” “disreputable” woman/victim there must
simultaneously be a “good,” “worthy,” “pure,” and “respectable” woman/victim against whom she is judged.
Simplistic binaries produce/reproduce hegemonic assumptions about acceptable and deviant expressions of
femininity (Madriz 1997). Idealized depictions of heterosexual, able-bodied, middle‐class, attractive White
women have become metaphors for “innocence”, both in news discourse and society more generally (Jewkes
2004; Wilcox 2005). The ideologies of human superiority and inferiority underlying these binaries encourage the
valuing of some lives over others and act as powerful justifications for continued racial, gender, and class‐based
oppression (Collins [1990] 2000).
Dyer (1997) explored how over time idealized notions of White womanhood have positioned the White
female body as the epitome of purity, cleanliness, vulnerability, and virginity. Dyer traced these notions to
Christian traditions of identifying whiteness and blondness with the heavens and angels. The emphasis placed on
romanticized images of White womanhood, he argued, connects the White body to that which is both
angelic/forbidden, morally superior unavailable. Wilcox similarly contended that Western thought associates.
White middle‐class women “with a lack of sexual knowledge and hence with being childlike” (2005, p. 527).
She added that Western cultural images of the “good” and “innocent” woman are often conflated with passivity,
monogamy, and fragility.
According to Shome, White femininity does not lie in a specific physical body, but rather is “an
ideological construction through which meanings about White women and their place in the social order is
naturalized . . . and as sites through which otherness; racial, sexual, classed, gendered, and nationalized [identity]
is negotiated” (2001, p. 323). Within this ideology poor and/or racialized women are pre‐packaged as “bad”
women, regardless of their actual behaviour (Collins [1990] 2000; Crenshaw 1991; Mukhopadhyay 2008). The
devaluation of poor and/or racialized women serves to simultaneously affirm the boundaries of appropriate
femininity. According to Collins ([1990] 2000, p. 132) the “devalued jezebel makes pure White womanhood
possible.”
Meyers (1997) argued that compared with high‐status White women, poor and/or racialized crime
victims are often depicted in the news as more blameworthy for their victimization. To illustrate, in sexual
assault and sexual homicide cases, if a victim is judged to have deviated from patriarchal notions of appropriate
feminine behavior by drinking/using drugs, dressing provocatively (or not conservatively), and especially if she
engages in sex for money, she is likely to be constructed as, at least partially, responsible for violence against her
(Ardovi‐ Brooker & Caringella‐Macdonald 2002; Jiwani & Young 2006; Madriz 1997). Likewise, Mclaughlin
New Media and Mass Communication www.iiste.org
ISSN 2224-3267 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3275 (Online)
Vol.24, 2014
62
(1991) found that television representations of prostitution tended to align the dangers of sex work with the sex
worker herself, and accordingly assigned victims rather than offenders blame for violence. As pointed out by
Wilcox (2005, p. 529), the presumption in the news media is that male offenders are guilty only to the extent that
their female victims are innocent.
Previous literature showed some differences on news content between traditional news media and
online news media. Leon Sigal (1973) found that the traditional news sites prominently present government
official news. For example, about 60% of news articles deal with government official routines in Washington
Post and New York Times. Also, the result of Herbert Gans’ study (1979) showed that prominent news deals
with events that people already know. However, current research study of the characteristics of news content on
the online media showed that alternative online journalism develops the user-oriented news; the topics of news
broaden to everyday life (Mussi, 2003).
Methodology
The data for this study has been collected from three newspaper groups along with their Urdu newspapers. From
the selected samples, headlines of the front and back pages have been selected for research. These have been
further divided into upper and lower half and are presented in tabular form. Newspapers of one month have been
selected. Newspapers of one month, March 2013, have been selected for current research. From the selected
newspapers front and back pages have been selected. The front and back pages of the newspaper has a special
significance. Data is analyzed through critical discourse analysis. Selected news headlines have been analyzed
on the basis of their placement in the newspaper and then these are compared with other newspapers.
Newsworthiness is determined on the basis of these results. News headlines have been categorized on the basis
of important issues. News headlines have been compared within the news group and with other news groups.
News headlines of important issues are written in tables. These are analyzed manually to check the
newsworthiness on news items. The hidden ideology of the newspaper editors is analyzed on the basis of
placement of news item, place/columns allocated to each news item and the use of language.
Results and Discussion
Newspaper plays a vital role in the lives of human beings as it conveys information related to all fields of life.
Moreover, newspapers remain active in changing the minds of the readers. The same aspect is analyzed in the
present research. The analysis focuses on the issues discussed during the month of March 2013 in the
newspapers. The main and prominent issues are taken into account like, IP Project, Karachi attacks, Musharraf
return, Pak Afghan relationship and the issue of load shedding. All the major news headlines are included in the
discussion and the frequencies of related news headlines’ frequencies and place/columns allocated to each news
item are given in the tables. The frequencies are also shown in graphic form. The main issue of the month is IP
project.
Comparison of # of headlines discussing IP project
Newspapers # of headlines
about written case
# of
columns
Newspapers # of headlines
about written
case
# of
columns
The News 13 20 Jang 11 19
The Nation 11 11 Nawa-e- Waqt 14 15
Tribune 17 19 Express 18 21
The news headlines are analyzed based on the total number of headlines and number of columns, allocated to a
specific event. This is a national issue presented in all newspaper groups with less change. Jang group has
allocated more space and columns as compared to other groups. The main point of difference is identified in
English and Urdu newspapers. IP project is more discussed in Urdu newspapers as compared to English
newspapers. The difference is clearly shown in column.
Comparison of # of headlines discussing attacks
Newspapers # of headlines
about written
case
# of
columns
Newspapers # of headlines
about written
case
# of
columns
The News 11 17 Nawa_e_ Waqt 21 24
The Nation 09 15 Jang 21 24
Tribune 08 17 Express 18 22
As it is local news, it is not mentioned in English newspapers in bulk. This issue covers more space in Urdu
newspapers and almost same columns are allocated. In English newspapers this allocation is almost same, but as
compared to Urdu newspapers, it is less. This shows that Urdu newspapers consider this news more newsworthy.
Same news groups have presented this news differently. Frequencies are different within news groups. Urdu
newspapers of each group allocate more space and more columns to these news items.
New Media and Mass Communication www.iiste.org
ISSN 2224-3267 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3275 (Online)
Vol.24, 2014
63
Comparison of # of headlines discussing issue of load shedding
Newspapers # of headlines
about written
case
# of
columns
Newspapers # of headlines
about written
case
# of
columns
The News 08 15 Nawa_e_ Waqt 22 29
The Nation 06 17 Jang 20 22
Tribune 08 14 Express 25 24
In the table frequencies of the occurrences are given. In English newspapers the frequency is less than the half of
Urdu news. The reason behind this difference is the readership of these newspapers: Urdu and English
newspapers have different readerships.
Parvez Musharraf , the former president of Pakistan, returns Pakistan after more than four years. His
arrival to Pakistan remains in the news before his coming. It was a controversy among different newspapers.
Comparison of # of headlines discussing Parvez Musharraf return
Newspapers # of headlines
about written
case
# of
columns
Newspapers # of headlines
about written
case
# of
columns
The News 12 15 Nawa_e_ Waqt 42 48
The Nation 16 21 Jang 38 43
Tribune 21 25 Express 49 53
Very clear difference is seen in the frequencies of English and Urdu newspapers. The frequencies in the English
newspapers are less than half of the Urdu newspapers. This difference clearly shows the policy of news groups.
The local news is mostly published in Urdu newspapers for the common man of the country, but the same news
is not placed in English newspapers. The readership in the minds of the news editors is different. Frequencies
also differ in intra groups. Overall, it may be concluded that Jang group gives less importance to such news as
compared to other two newspapers.
Conclusion
This research has analyzed the newsworthiness on the basis of allocation of columns and space to one news item.
The main objective of the research was to explore the difference in the projection of news items in English and
Urdu newspapers as well as in the same news groups. It is concluded from the research that differences exist in
the placement of news items. English newspapers pay less focus on the projection of local issues as compared to
Urdu newspapers. This study has explored so many reasons behind this difference; English newspapers are
mostly read by elite class who are mostly interested in foreign issues.
This study has observed how ideology works in the construction of newspaper headlines. According to
critical discourse analysis, findings have shown that the headlines of the newspapers not only have universal
metaphorical and graphological characteristics but behind the apparently different news items, different
ideologies are working behind. Local newspapers editors construct the news items which are considered for the
national and international news readers as the issues related to our society. These are a very good source of
conveying information to the readers who are not informed about these issues. On the other hand, English
newspapers present those news items which are presented and meant for the foreigners. From a nationalistic
perspective, such news items are produced to make other people aware of the defence strategies so they can think
hundred times before looking towards the country with bad intentions. Newspaper headlines also present
different ideologies and certain point of views. But the selection of the language used in headlines shows the
political inclinations of the newspaper editors, who select either those speeches intentionally which may make
readers annoyed towards certain leader, or those which may shape the thinking of the readers as the editors want
them to perceive. On some points of time all the newspapers have the same view. This can be concluded that
single news is presented in different papers in different perspectives keeping their political inclinations in view.
CDA has successfully laid all these newspaper ideologies transparent which were opaque previously for a
common reader.
REFERENCES
Brookes, H.J. (1995) The Ideological Construction of Africa: A Critical Discourse Analysis of News on
Africa in the British Press. Discourse Society, vol. 6 no. 4 461-494.
Chermak, S.M. (1995). Victims in the News: Crime in American News Media, Boulder: Westview.
Collins, R., Curran, J. Garnham, N., Scannell, Schlesinger, P., & Sparks, C. (1986). Media, Culture, and Society.
London.
Ericson, R. (1991). Mass Media, Crime, Law, and Justice, British Journal of Criminology, 31, 3: 219– 49.
New Media and Mass Communication www.iiste.org
ISSN 2224-3267 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3275 (Online)
Vol.24, 2014
64
Greer, C. (2003). Sex Crime and the Media: Sex Offending and the Press in a Divided Society, Willan,
Cullompton.
Hall, S. (1973).The determination of news photographs, in The Manufacture of News: A Reader, eds Stanley
Cohen & Jock Young, Sage, Beverly Hills, pp. 176–190.
Henry, F., &Tator, C. (2006). Understanding Recist Discourse in the Media through Critical Discourse Analysis,
Space and theory. Mcgill Queess Press.
Jewkes, Y. (2004). Media & Crime, Sage, London.
Jiwani, Y. (2006). Missing and murderd women: Reproduncing marginality in news discourse. Canadian Journal
of Communication, 31, 4, 895-917.
Madriz, E. (1997). Nothing Bad Happens to Good Girls: Fear of Crime in Women’s Lives, The University of
California Press, Berkeley.
Mussi, S. (2003). Automatic personalized news-recommendation: a new service of the CILEA
supercomputing portal, Bollettino Del CILEA, 88, 5-9.
Schudson, D. (1989). The sociology of news production Media, Culture & Society, 11: 263-282.
Sigal, L. (1973). Reporters and officials-the organization and politics of newsmaking. Lexington, MA: D.C.
Heath & Company.
Taiwo, R.(2007). Speech as Headline in Nigerian Newspapers, in Segun Awonusi and E. A. Babalola, eds
The Domestication of English in Nigeria. Lagos: University of Lagos Press. 323 –335.
Tuchman, G. (1976). Telling stories, Journal of Communication, vol. 26, fall, pp. 93–97.
Wilcox, P. (2005). Beauty and the beast: gendered and raced discourse in news, Social & Legal Studies, vol. 14,
no. 4, pp. 515–532.
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A critical discourse analysis of newsworthiness in english and

  • 1. New Media and Mass Communication www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3267 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3275 (Online) Vol.24, 2014 60 A Critical Discourse Analysis of Newsworthiness in English and Urdu Newspaper Headlines In Pakistan Khurram Yasmeen (Department of Applied Linguistics, GC University, Faisalabad, Pakistan) Muhammad Asim Mahmood (Associate Professor, GC University, Faisalabad, Pakistan) Rashid Mahmood (Associate Professor, King Khalid University, KSA) Aleem Shakir (Assistant Professor, GC University, Faisalabad, Pakistan) Ansa Sattar (Department of Applied Linguistics, GC University, Faisalabad, Pakistan) Abstract This research is a comparative study of Newsworthiness (importance of news items) in English and Urdu newspapers. This research is a qualitative study that explores the impact of the placement of news items in the newspapers. The data has been collected from three Urdu and their counterpart English newspapers from the same groups. The placement of same news items in different newspapers will help to know about the policies and ideologies of newspapers. The research investigates how the readership influences the newsworthiness of news items. The language of the news items is studied to discover the relation between the placement and the language used in the same news items inter and intra newspaper groups. The results are not only interpreted on the basis of frequencies of news but also on the basis of lexical choices made by newspaper editors through qualitative method of research. Keywords: CDA, Newspaper, Headlines, Newsworthiness Introduction News is defined as something new, surprising, unexpected, counterintuitive, first, biggest, or that raises new issues or problems. But what makes something ‘newsworthy’? Tuchman (1976) referred to the news as “a constructed reality” (p. 97), while Cohen and Young (1973) suggested that the news is “manufactured by journalists”( p. 97). In the same vein, Schudson (1989, p. 265) pointed out that “news items are not simply selected but constructed” [emphasis added]. So, rather than objectively reporting events and facts, newsmakers engage in a highly subjective and selective process of news production based on socially and culturally constructed criteria. Notably, decisions about who/what is newsworthy are filtered through a predominantly Western, White, heteronormative, middle‐class, male lens (Henry & Tator 2006). Newsworthiness is defined as “what makes a story worth telling” (Jiwani 2006, p. 38). The specific criteria of newsworthiness can change depending on the individual reporter or news organization (Chermak 1995). However, generally speaking, newsworthy events are those considered to be dramatic, unusual, or fit with a continuing news theme. Additional features such as conflict, action, and deviance increase the likelihood of an event being deemed newsworthy (Ericson, Baranek & Chan 1987, 1991). CDA is a field of study which has paved the ways for the linguists to find out the hidden ideologies behind seemingly simple and plain words. Language is no longer seen as merely reflecting out reality, but as central to creating the reality (Taiwo 2007). Newspapers play a vital role in depicting social issues according to their own ideology. Newspapers are particularly known to lead in the initiation of discourse on the national issues by picking on statements or reactions of prominent national figures. News headlines are the greatest source of providing information to all, especially to people who are too busy to read the whole of the news articles or stories. These headlines are description of social, cultural and national representations circulating in a society at a specific time. The following study analyzes the differences of the various headlines with their respective ideologies. Literature Review Newsworthiness is defined as “what makes a story worth telling” (Jiwani 2006, p. 38). The specific criteria of newsworthiness can change depending on the individual reporter or news organization (Chermak 1995). However, generally speaking, newsworthy events are those considered to be dramatic, unusual, or fit with a continuing news theme. Additional features such as conflict, action, and deviance increase the likelihood of an event being deemed newsworthy (Ericson, Baranek & Chan 1987, 1991). According to Greer (2003), over and above these criteria, what makes an event eminently reportable is its spatial and cultural proximity to the audience. Spatial (or geographic) proximity suggests that events ‘close by’ will be more newsworthy than events far away. In other words, readers react most strongly to events
  • 2. New Media and Mass Communication www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3267 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3275 (Online) Vol.24, 2014 61 happening near them (Greer 2003, p. 53). Cultural proximity is closely related and refers to the extent to which events are seen as culturally meaningful and resonate with readers' values, beliefs, and concerns (Greer 2003, pp. 47-48). Greer further noted that, in the context of sex crimes, proximity adds additional ‘shock value’ as such crimes are being committed ‘on our streets’ by offenders ‘on the loose’ in the same area as a substantial portion of readers (2003, p. 73). Hall (1973) argued that, of the millions of events that occur daily across the world, only a very tiny fraction will actually become part of the daily news landscape. Along the same lines, Meyers (1997) identified a hierarchy of crime operating in the news media, meaning that not all crimes are seen as equally newsworthy (see also Jewkes 2004). Severe violence, especially murder, is seen as most newsworthy, and young and elderly White females in particular receive considerable attention (Dowler 2004a, pp. 575–576). Sexually motivated homicides perpetrated by someone unknown to the victim will “invariably receive substantial, often sensational attention” (Jewkes 2004, p. 48). Previous literature has indicated that news stories exaggerate the risks of violent crimes faced by high‐status White women (Reiner [1995] 2003, p. 386). Carter (1998) and Jewkes (2004) have drawn attention to how particular forms of violence against women are deemed too routine or ordinary by newsmakers to be considered newsworthy. For instance, physical and sexual violence committed in the home, by acquaintances, and/or that is non‐fatal, tends to fall at the bottom of the hierarchy of crime and is left off the news agenda. It is also useful to consider that the news media perpetuate a hierarchy of female victims, meaning that not all women who have experienced violence are treated equally. Media representations of violence against women often emphasize binary categories that differentiate “good” from “bad” woman. “ Good” women are seen as innocent and worth saving or avenging, whereas “bad” women are positioned as unworthy victims and beyond redemption (Jiwani 2008). Like social relations in general, this binary is deeply tied to race and class. Traditionally, it has been middle‐class White women who have been constructed as “innocent” and “good” (Collins, 2000). The idealization, or placing of certain bodies in higher regard, subordinates and relegates bodies—in particular “raced” or racialized female bodies—to the status of “Others” (Crenshaw 1991; Mclaughlin 1991). What must be underscored is that binaries of good/bad, worthy/unworthy, pure/impure, and the like, are relational and mutually dependent on one another. In other words, these binaries develop in the context of each other and each is inextricably bound to the other (Collins 1998). In order for there to be a “bad,” “unworthy,” “impure,” “disreputable” woman/victim there must simultaneously be a “good,” “worthy,” “pure,” and “respectable” woman/victim against whom she is judged. Simplistic binaries produce/reproduce hegemonic assumptions about acceptable and deviant expressions of femininity (Madriz 1997). Idealized depictions of heterosexual, able-bodied, middle‐class, attractive White women have become metaphors for “innocence”, both in news discourse and society more generally (Jewkes 2004; Wilcox 2005). The ideologies of human superiority and inferiority underlying these binaries encourage the valuing of some lives over others and act as powerful justifications for continued racial, gender, and class‐based oppression (Collins [1990] 2000). Dyer (1997) explored how over time idealized notions of White womanhood have positioned the White female body as the epitome of purity, cleanliness, vulnerability, and virginity. Dyer traced these notions to Christian traditions of identifying whiteness and blondness with the heavens and angels. The emphasis placed on romanticized images of White womanhood, he argued, connects the White body to that which is both angelic/forbidden, morally superior unavailable. Wilcox similarly contended that Western thought associates. White middle‐class women “with a lack of sexual knowledge and hence with being childlike” (2005, p. 527). She added that Western cultural images of the “good” and “innocent” woman are often conflated with passivity, monogamy, and fragility. According to Shome, White femininity does not lie in a specific physical body, but rather is “an ideological construction through which meanings about White women and their place in the social order is naturalized . . . and as sites through which otherness; racial, sexual, classed, gendered, and nationalized [identity] is negotiated” (2001, p. 323). Within this ideology poor and/or racialized women are pre‐packaged as “bad” women, regardless of their actual behaviour (Collins [1990] 2000; Crenshaw 1991; Mukhopadhyay 2008). The devaluation of poor and/or racialized women serves to simultaneously affirm the boundaries of appropriate femininity. According to Collins ([1990] 2000, p. 132) the “devalued jezebel makes pure White womanhood possible.” Meyers (1997) argued that compared with high‐status White women, poor and/or racialized crime victims are often depicted in the news as more blameworthy for their victimization. To illustrate, in sexual assault and sexual homicide cases, if a victim is judged to have deviated from patriarchal notions of appropriate feminine behavior by drinking/using drugs, dressing provocatively (or not conservatively), and especially if she engages in sex for money, she is likely to be constructed as, at least partially, responsible for violence against her (Ardovi‐ Brooker & Caringella‐Macdonald 2002; Jiwani & Young 2006; Madriz 1997). Likewise, Mclaughlin
  • 3. New Media and Mass Communication www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3267 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3275 (Online) Vol.24, 2014 62 (1991) found that television representations of prostitution tended to align the dangers of sex work with the sex worker herself, and accordingly assigned victims rather than offenders blame for violence. As pointed out by Wilcox (2005, p. 529), the presumption in the news media is that male offenders are guilty only to the extent that their female victims are innocent. Previous literature showed some differences on news content between traditional news media and online news media. Leon Sigal (1973) found that the traditional news sites prominently present government official news. For example, about 60% of news articles deal with government official routines in Washington Post and New York Times. Also, the result of Herbert Gans’ study (1979) showed that prominent news deals with events that people already know. However, current research study of the characteristics of news content on the online media showed that alternative online journalism develops the user-oriented news; the topics of news broaden to everyday life (Mussi, 2003). Methodology The data for this study has been collected from three newspaper groups along with their Urdu newspapers. From the selected samples, headlines of the front and back pages have been selected for research. These have been further divided into upper and lower half and are presented in tabular form. Newspapers of one month have been selected. Newspapers of one month, March 2013, have been selected for current research. From the selected newspapers front and back pages have been selected. The front and back pages of the newspaper has a special significance. Data is analyzed through critical discourse analysis. Selected news headlines have been analyzed on the basis of their placement in the newspaper and then these are compared with other newspapers. Newsworthiness is determined on the basis of these results. News headlines have been categorized on the basis of important issues. News headlines have been compared within the news group and with other news groups. News headlines of important issues are written in tables. These are analyzed manually to check the newsworthiness on news items. The hidden ideology of the newspaper editors is analyzed on the basis of placement of news item, place/columns allocated to each news item and the use of language. Results and Discussion Newspaper plays a vital role in the lives of human beings as it conveys information related to all fields of life. Moreover, newspapers remain active in changing the minds of the readers. The same aspect is analyzed in the present research. The analysis focuses on the issues discussed during the month of March 2013 in the newspapers. The main and prominent issues are taken into account like, IP Project, Karachi attacks, Musharraf return, Pak Afghan relationship and the issue of load shedding. All the major news headlines are included in the discussion and the frequencies of related news headlines’ frequencies and place/columns allocated to each news item are given in the tables. The frequencies are also shown in graphic form. The main issue of the month is IP project. Comparison of # of headlines discussing IP project Newspapers # of headlines about written case # of columns Newspapers # of headlines about written case # of columns The News 13 20 Jang 11 19 The Nation 11 11 Nawa-e- Waqt 14 15 Tribune 17 19 Express 18 21 The news headlines are analyzed based on the total number of headlines and number of columns, allocated to a specific event. This is a national issue presented in all newspaper groups with less change. Jang group has allocated more space and columns as compared to other groups. The main point of difference is identified in English and Urdu newspapers. IP project is more discussed in Urdu newspapers as compared to English newspapers. The difference is clearly shown in column. Comparison of # of headlines discussing attacks Newspapers # of headlines about written case # of columns Newspapers # of headlines about written case # of columns The News 11 17 Nawa_e_ Waqt 21 24 The Nation 09 15 Jang 21 24 Tribune 08 17 Express 18 22 As it is local news, it is not mentioned in English newspapers in bulk. This issue covers more space in Urdu newspapers and almost same columns are allocated. In English newspapers this allocation is almost same, but as compared to Urdu newspapers, it is less. This shows that Urdu newspapers consider this news more newsworthy. Same news groups have presented this news differently. Frequencies are different within news groups. Urdu newspapers of each group allocate more space and more columns to these news items.
  • 4. New Media and Mass Communication www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3267 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3275 (Online) Vol.24, 2014 63 Comparison of # of headlines discussing issue of load shedding Newspapers # of headlines about written case # of columns Newspapers # of headlines about written case # of columns The News 08 15 Nawa_e_ Waqt 22 29 The Nation 06 17 Jang 20 22 Tribune 08 14 Express 25 24 In the table frequencies of the occurrences are given. In English newspapers the frequency is less than the half of Urdu news. The reason behind this difference is the readership of these newspapers: Urdu and English newspapers have different readerships. Parvez Musharraf , the former president of Pakistan, returns Pakistan after more than four years. His arrival to Pakistan remains in the news before his coming. It was a controversy among different newspapers. Comparison of # of headlines discussing Parvez Musharraf return Newspapers # of headlines about written case # of columns Newspapers # of headlines about written case # of columns The News 12 15 Nawa_e_ Waqt 42 48 The Nation 16 21 Jang 38 43 Tribune 21 25 Express 49 53 Very clear difference is seen in the frequencies of English and Urdu newspapers. The frequencies in the English newspapers are less than half of the Urdu newspapers. This difference clearly shows the policy of news groups. The local news is mostly published in Urdu newspapers for the common man of the country, but the same news is not placed in English newspapers. The readership in the minds of the news editors is different. Frequencies also differ in intra groups. Overall, it may be concluded that Jang group gives less importance to such news as compared to other two newspapers. Conclusion This research has analyzed the newsworthiness on the basis of allocation of columns and space to one news item. The main objective of the research was to explore the difference in the projection of news items in English and Urdu newspapers as well as in the same news groups. It is concluded from the research that differences exist in the placement of news items. English newspapers pay less focus on the projection of local issues as compared to Urdu newspapers. This study has explored so many reasons behind this difference; English newspapers are mostly read by elite class who are mostly interested in foreign issues. This study has observed how ideology works in the construction of newspaper headlines. According to critical discourse analysis, findings have shown that the headlines of the newspapers not only have universal metaphorical and graphological characteristics but behind the apparently different news items, different ideologies are working behind. Local newspapers editors construct the news items which are considered for the national and international news readers as the issues related to our society. These are a very good source of conveying information to the readers who are not informed about these issues. On the other hand, English newspapers present those news items which are presented and meant for the foreigners. From a nationalistic perspective, such news items are produced to make other people aware of the defence strategies so they can think hundred times before looking towards the country with bad intentions. Newspaper headlines also present different ideologies and certain point of views. But the selection of the language used in headlines shows the political inclinations of the newspaper editors, who select either those speeches intentionally which may make readers annoyed towards certain leader, or those which may shape the thinking of the readers as the editors want them to perceive. On some points of time all the newspapers have the same view. This can be concluded that single news is presented in different papers in different perspectives keeping their political inclinations in view. CDA has successfully laid all these newspaper ideologies transparent which were opaque previously for a common reader. REFERENCES Brookes, H.J. (1995) The Ideological Construction of Africa: A Critical Discourse Analysis of News on Africa in the British Press. Discourse Society, vol. 6 no. 4 461-494. Chermak, S.M. (1995). Victims in the News: Crime in American News Media, Boulder: Westview. Collins, R., Curran, J. Garnham, N., Scannell, Schlesinger, P., & Sparks, C. (1986). Media, Culture, and Society. London. Ericson, R. (1991). Mass Media, Crime, Law, and Justice, British Journal of Criminology, 31, 3: 219– 49.
  • 5. New Media and Mass Communication www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3267 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3275 (Online) Vol.24, 2014 64 Greer, C. (2003). Sex Crime and the Media: Sex Offending and the Press in a Divided Society, Willan, Cullompton. Hall, S. (1973).The determination of news photographs, in The Manufacture of News: A Reader, eds Stanley Cohen & Jock Young, Sage, Beverly Hills, pp. 176–190. Henry, F., &Tator, C. (2006). Understanding Recist Discourse in the Media through Critical Discourse Analysis, Space and theory. Mcgill Queess Press. Jewkes, Y. (2004). Media & Crime, Sage, London. Jiwani, Y. (2006). Missing and murderd women: Reproduncing marginality in news discourse. Canadian Journal of Communication, 31, 4, 895-917. Madriz, E. (1997). Nothing Bad Happens to Good Girls: Fear of Crime in Women’s Lives, The University of California Press, Berkeley. Mussi, S. (2003). Automatic personalized news-recommendation: a new service of the CILEA supercomputing portal, Bollettino Del CILEA, 88, 5-9. Schudson, D. (1989). The sociology of news production Media, Culture & Society, 11: 263-282. Sigal, L. (1973). Reporters and officials-the organization and politics of newsmaking. Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath & Company. Taiwo, R.(2007). Speech as Headline in Nigerian Newspapers, in Segun Awonusi and E. A. Babalola, eds The Domestication of English in Nigeria. Lagos: University of Lagos Press. 323 –335. Tuchman, G. (1976). Telling stories, Journal of Communication, vol. 26, fall, pp. 93–97. Wilcox, P. (2005). Beauty and the beast: gendered and raced discourse in news, Social & Legal Studies, vol. 14, no. 4, pp. 515–532.
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