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Northumbria University
Department of Humanities
Honours Dissertation
Philip IV and the Knight’s Templar
By
Alex Toes
BA Hons History
2012
(WORD COUNT)
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
HISTORY
Contents
Introduction
Chapter1: Howimportantwere PhilipIV’smotivesinthe Trial of the KnightsTemplarandhow liable
couldhisaccusationsbe perceivedtohistoriansinreferencetohispolitical andfinancialhistory?
Chapter2
Chapter3
Conclusion
Appendices
Bibliography
Introduction
In the heightof Crusadingyears,ahybridsocietyof warriormonkscame into existence. Military
Orders, aiding royalty and pilgrims on their quests, fought to defend the right to Christendom
within the Holy Lands of Jerusalem and the surrounding regions. The Poor Fellow-Soldiers of
Christand of the Temple of Solomon,orthe ‘KnightsTemplar’ for short, were founded with the
ultimate dutyof the protectionof pilgrimsanddefendingthe HolyLand against the infidel. Holy
and pious, having sworn an oath to the Rule of the Cistercian monks, they lived their lives as
simple,obedientmonks.Inthe firstyears of their existence, the very idea of a monk not sworn
to livinganentirelypacifistlifestyle evenintimesof warwasunheardof,until the successes and
aidprovidedbysuchorders as the Templars, the Hospitallers, the Teutonic Knights and others:
aidingthemmilitarily,financiallyandintermsof sharing knowledge of the surrounding terrains
as well as enemy tactics and habits. Such successes gained them substantial influence among
commandinggeneralsandroyals,whoinfavour, granted them gifts of lands and power in their
provinces, increasing their considerable affluence so they may further partake in military
campaigns, plus their offside roles in banking and moneylending, for which they attained
significant notice particularly among the monarchical and papal powers.
Chapter 1: Howimportantwere PhilipIV’smotivesinthe Trial of the KnightsTemplarandhow liable
couldhisaccusations be perceivedtohistoriansinreferencetohispolitical andfinancialhistory?
The crusadesprovedtiresome uponroyal funds for every participant involved. Some kingdoms
struggledtogatherthe funds more than others,creatinganatmosphere of poverty in the home
countries.Some versions of the English history of home life during the crusades partake in the
storyline of Prince John taxing the people relentlessly to fund the wars his brother Richard
fought. These to some extent can be proved to be true. Some Kingdoms, such as that of the
FrenchKingPhilipIV, the Fair,wenttoparticularlyextreme measures to acquire more funds for
theirholywars. In orderto achieve his goalstoacquire such funds, certain circumstances had to
be under the king’s own control. Groups he aimed at during the early Fourteenth century; the
French Jewry and the Knights Templar were extremely wealthy and powerful and so were
protected bytheirstatus.Suchactionsturnedintoa constantpowerstruggle forsupreme power
between the papacy and the monarchy. Philip’s personality played a major role regarding the
powers he could control in higher circles in terms of the French Inquisition and the Pope’s
Boniface and Clement; all of which became part of a plan which is deducted by the majority of
historians as part of the King’s plan for greater wealth and power.
Upon studyingthe FrenchKing,the phrase mostpopularlyconnected to him and his aspirations
was that concerning his overwhelming desire and belief in the concept of a French ‘absolute
monarchy’;a complete separationfromthe religious boundary lines created by Rome, in order
for the monarch to take control. Such a motif creates a sensation of French nationalism among
Philip’s people, however it created problems concerning the Catholic faith as an organised
religion. Philiphimself was often described as a pious man, however according to Fawtier, ‘the
endless quest for revenue brought the monarchy into conflict with the church’1
and so the
Frenchkingand the two Pope’sconcernedbecamepartof a power struggle, both attempting to
prove themselvestotheirsubjectsassupreme ruler over the kingdom of France. This provides
motive forPhilipagainstthe Knightsastheirwealthandpower in the France as well as the Holy
Lands, Paris having becoming a secular administration base, became a particular threat to the
King’s own authority, the popularity of the knights also being a major concern in social and
religiousoutlooks. With Philip’s strong belief in and ‘absolute monarchy’, the Temple’s power
was comprehended as a threat, yet it was more likely that the King was merely jealous of the
wealth and power and so sought to commandeer it for himself.
The view of Philip’s motives regarding subjects such as the Jews of France, the Papacy and the
KnightsTemplarare contestedbetweenvarious historians due to Philip’s characteristic nature.
The French King’scharacterhad alwaysbeendescribedbycontemporariesinasimilarway,even
if viewson his personality varied. Whilst some view him as a strong and powerful king, able to
manipulate hissurroundingsforhisowngain,otherssaw him as a weak and negligent king who
allowedhimselfbe led astray by dishonest counsellors.2
However the overall interpretation of
Philipcanbe presumedfromFawtier’sdescriptionof Philip;‘a pious man, but also a proud king,
withgreatfaithin hisdynasty,whichenabledhimto defeat and humble the pope and suppress
the Templars, claiming God as his guide.3
As contemporaryviewsvaryandare debated,asare the opinionsof those surrounding the King
during the events themselves. According to Charles T. Wood, William of Nogaret was the only
one of Philip’s advisors to leave a description of Philip in his memoirs.4
His account portrays a
man worthy of complete adoration; he doesn’t say a negative word about his king, which,
1 Robert Fawtier, The Capetian Kings of France: Monarchy and Nation, (Macmillan and Co.Ltd., St. Martin’s
Press,New York, 1960), pg 37
2 Charles T.Wood, Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII, (Holt, Rinehart and Winston,London, 1967) pg 87
3 Elizabeth M. Hallam,Capetian France 987-1328,(Longman, London and New York. 1980) pg 278
4
Appendix A
naturally, leaves the historian having doubts about his account. As one of Philip’s closest and
mosttrustedcounsellors,itcouldeasilyhave beenwritten under the watchful eyes of the king,
it beingtreasontowrite orspeaknegativelyof yourkinganyway,astoleave a positive image of
himself.Inreference toNogaret’spositiononPhilip’scouncil,it would be advantageous for him
to leave suchevidenceof apurelyrespectableking. According to Edward J. Martin, Nogaret had
his own reasons for wanting to bring the Templars to suppression having his own private
grievance againstsucha groupsince his fatherhad beenburned at the stake as a heretic for the
familiesinvolvementwiththe Cathar branch of Christianity; which were labelled as heretics by
the papacy.5
Through cleverness and cynicism, Nogaret was able to climb the hierarchy to
become the king’s keeper of seals.6
When collating his account with the king’s actions against
the parties mentioned, Nogaret’s statements of Philip ‘never getting angry’, ‘envies noone’,
‘agreeable to all’ for example, may be perceived as misrepresented. When referring to his
conflict with the papacy. It could be supposed that it was his anger and envy towards both
Boniface’s ndClementV’s claimstopowerandauthoritythatpushedhimto make movesto,in a
way,breakfrom the authority of the Roman Church. The same motives could easily be applied
to his actions towards the Jews and the Knights of the Temple, both of which held enviable
wealth,whichfromPhilip’s position in royalty, as he eventually proved, was not impossible to
attainfor himself,hissuccessesof whichgave Philipfurther evidence to prove the notion of his
supreme authority in the kingdom of France.
However,itisnotonlypositive opinionsof Philip that have survived. Bernard Saisset, Bishop of
Parriers’ famous description presents a particularly different point of view to Nogaret:
5
Edward J. Martin, The Trial of the Templars,(George AllenandUnwinLtd.,London,1928) pg29
6
Michael Haag, The Templars:History and Myth,(ProfileBooks,London, 2008) Page 222
“The King is like an owl,the mostbeautifulof birds,but worth nothing. He is the most handsome
of men but he stares fixedly in silence…He is neither man nor beast, he is a statue.”7
Saisset’s depiction of Philip can be perceived as the most agreeable among historians as most
have used his account in their own studies. All agree that he was a fair king in appearances,
however it can be debated on the bishop’s comment that he is ‘worth nothing’. According to
ElizabethHallam,hostile writersof the time pointedtoPhilip’ssilenceasa signof lack of interest
in government and administration.8
Geoffrey of Paris wrote that his ‘obsession with hunting
allowed him to be duped by his counsellorswho were in control of his affairs.’9
These depictions
of the Kingmayhave beentrue whenconcerning the everyday running of the country however
when it came to particular events such as those concerning the Jewish population, the Papacy
and the KnightsTemplarHallam’saccount canbe seenasmore believable. She notes that there
is ‘little doubt that Philip IV bore the ultimate responsibility for the policies carried out as he
controlledanddirectedhiscounsellors’10
andthatthe ‘mostconvincingpicture of the kingisthat
of a cynical, cold and withdrawn politician, not even in the limelight, but still controlling the
events of his reign.’11
Hallam’s account is particularly convincing when taking into account the
successesPhilipwasable toachieve,as,eventhoughthe administrative side was performed by
his civil servants, the ideas behind the actions and the permission to put such actions into
motionhadto come fromthe royal authorityof the king.Itis importanttomentionthatPhilipIV
was the first to play the role of an absolute monarch in France12
and so it therefore would be
presumptuous to name him as ‘worth nothing’ when such a revelation is an important turning
point to French monarchical history.
7 Elizabeth M Hallam, Capetian France 987-1328,(Longman, London and New York, 1980) page 278
8 Ibid.,page 278
9 Ibid.,page 278
10 Elizabeth M. Hallam, Capetian France 987-1328,(Longman, London and New York. 1980) pg 278
11 Ibid.,page 278
12 Charles T. Wood, Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII, (Holt, Rinehart and Winston,London, 1967) pg 15
No matter what the opinion of Philip IV is, he is always described in his autobiographies as an
extremely religious and pious king. Later writings show that the king engaged in large scale
works of piety; the foundation of monasteries, substantial charitable donations and so forth,
actionswhichseemtoreflectanincreasingconcernwiththe state of Philip’ssoul and so tries to
make amends for the wrongs he had done.13
If his actions towards the order did stem from a
genuine desire toupholdhis Christian values for France and every other area of Europe he was
capable of reaching, it would not be a surprising element to the way in which he ruled his
kingdoms. However for a historian to be looking back with hindsight upon the affairs, when
includinghisactivitytowardsthe Jewsandthe previouspapal powers, it can easily be deducted
and presumed that the motives behind his trial of the Knights of the Temple were of a more
selfish and callous nature; for the procuring of the wealth of the order for his own military
usage.
As mentioned, the French King had a natural talent and ability to control and manipulate his
surroundingstohisbenefit. The FrenchJewry was known be one of the wealthiest populations
of the kingdom,andwhilsttheyoriginallyheldcertainprivileges they too became the targets of
one of King Philip’s plots for attaining wealth. MORE ON JEWS As Cohn sums up, they
were arrestedandimprisoned,theirmoneyseized, goods auctioned, businesses transferred to
Italianbankerswhichwere deepinPhilip’sconfidence and expelled.14
According to Cohn Philip
knew that the Templars in France were wealthier than the Jews.15
It was notjustminoritiesthatthe FrenchKingwasable toexploit.He alsohadsignificant control
overthe elite andthe intellectual powersof France,forexample the Frenchuniversities and the
13 Ibid.,pg 278
14
Norman Cohn, Europe’s Inner Demons: An Inquiry Inspired by the Great Witchhunt, (Hienemann Education
Books, Sussex University Press,1975) pg 82
15 Ibid.,pg 83
French Inquisition. As the Knights were founded as a Holy Military Order they were officially
underthe protectionof the powersof the papacy; andso couldnot be accused in bishop’s court
since theywere exemptfromepiscopal jurisdiction16
. However they were not exempt from the
Inquisition, although it still represents the papacy.17
Hamilton mentions how it was Philip’s
desire tobringthe Inquisitionmore strictly under the royal control.18
The King’s influence over
the Medieval Inquisition played an important part in these trials by both himself and the Papal
Inquisition, for without their official permission to question the knights and for the use of
torture,forit can be saidwithabsolute certainty that without which, the King would definitely
not have gainedthe evidence he wassearchingforfromthe Knight’s confessions to destroy the
reputation if not the very core and foundation of the Order completely in the eyes of the
populous,the surroundingKingdomsof Europe andeveninthe Papacyitself. Thisvery evidence
is proof that the French Inquisition was completely under the French King’s control by 1307.19
Philip had a talent to manipulate the people involved in a situation, persuading them into his
line of thinking and so they would side with him when need called for it. A particularly
noteworthy example of Philip’s abilityof controllingthe powersof the papacyincontrol at Rome
is during the Trial of the Knights Templar, a predominantly famous circumstance concerning
conflict between the Papacy and the French Monarchy; but the French King had already
previouslyhadnumerousencounterswith papacywithhisaffairswith Pope Boniface in relation
to this power struggle. According to A.C. Flick the pontificate of Pope Boniface marked the
beginning of the decline of the power and glory of the Medieval Papacy20
towards the French
population in particular. The supreme authoritarian attitude of the French king led his
population into a state of national consciousness which made the society strong; ready to
16
Bernard Hamilton, The Medieval Inquisition, (Edward Arnold, London, 1981) pg 83
17 Ibid.,pg 83
18 Ibid.,pg 69
19 Bernard Hamilton, The Medieval Inquisition, (Edward Arnold,London, 1981) pg 83
20 Charles T. Wood, Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII (Holt, Rinehartand Winston,London, 1967) pg 11
support the king in defending its right against the papacy21
. Eventually, Philip successfully
contested the Pope for the right to tax the French Clergy and make high ecclesiastical
appointments,22
allowingforhimtocreate hisownhierarchyof clergymenaswell asyetanother
angle in which to bring more income to the monarchical treasury to fund his wars. Prior to
Philip’ssuccess,Boniface hadthreatenedtoexcommunicate any ruler who continued to tax the
clergy, seeing it as an assault on traditional clerical rights.23
Philip, knowing of the precarious
context to Boniface was appointed as pope, as he himself had played a part in it, is thought to
have blackmailed the pope with the threat of a trial against him if he did not comply with his
actions. Aftera seriesof strikes against each other’s claims to authority between the Pope and
the French monarch, Boniface was attacked in Anagni by Philip’s servants soon after he had
issued the bull Unam Sanctum in 1302, dying not long afterwards of shock.24
One of the mostimportantaspectsof thisconflictbetween the monarchy and papal authorities
was the sheeruse of pamphlets;the writersof whichcriticizedthe papacy relentlessly, bringing
the Frenchpopulationsrespectof the papacy to rock bottom. He was portrayed by such writers
as violentlyanti-French,being said to have declared that ‘no measures were too strong as long
as he could destroy French powers’.25
What is interesting about this is that there is no definite
proof that it was through Philip’s encouragement that such pamphlets came into circulation;
that it was through the writer’s own intentions to bring down the reputation of the pope.26
It
couldbe inferredthatthat itwas throughthiscirculationof propagandathatthe kingdecided to
do the same;naminghima hereticanda simonistandsotherefore not a true pope27
. This tactic
21 Ibid.,pg 16
22 Stephen Ozment, The Age of Reform 1250- 1550,An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and
Reformation Europe, (New Haven and London Press,YaleUniversity, 1980) pg 182
23 Ibid.,pg 145
24 M. D. Lambert, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from Bogomil to Hus, (Edward Arnold Ltd., London,
1977) pg 166
25 Elizabeth M. Hallam, Capetian France 987-1328,(Longman, London and New York. 1980) pg 309
26 Barbara Frale, The Chinon Chart: Papal Absolution to the Last Templar, Master Jacques de Molay, Journal of
Medieval History,Vol. 30, No. 2, (Amsterdam, 2004) pg 37
27 Elizabeth M. Hallam, Capetian France 987-1328,(Longman, London and New York. 1980) pg 316
was also a tactic used in Philip’s power struggle against the new Pope Clement V during their
skirmish over the Knights Templar. The approach to spread of malicious propaganda was also
used during the defamation of the Knights Templar, and so even if the order survived, their
reputationwouldbe so defiled they would be thought to have no business attempting to help
pilgrims,whichisexactlywhat happened. However, despite conflicts with the papacy, if Philip
wanted to destroy the order as a whole he needed papal powers to do so.28
No matter how much Philip needed the pope’s approval, Clement had been sceptical since
before the Knights were arrested, although was pressured into considering the accusations:
“Although we were hardly able to bring our mind to believe what was being said at the time,
since it seemed almost totally incredible and impossible, since then we have heard several
strangeand unheard-of rumoursaboutthem,and so areobliged to harbour doubts; not without
great bitterness, sorrow and turmoil in our heart we are forced to act on the foregoing, doing
whatever reason demands, on the advice of our brothers.”29
From thisletter,the Pope marksthathe had proposedtobeginaninvestigationonthe doings of
the knights before they were even arrested, the date of the letter being 24th
August, a full 2
weeks before the arrests were made. This provides evidence that Philip arrested the knights
without the Pope’s consent as the matter should have been in the hands of the Pope not the
monarch. This was a serious breach against of papal authority and the first move in a series of
moves between powers of the Papacy and the Monarchy conflicting against each other for
supreme power.
“But you dearestson,we grieveto report,you haveaid handsupon thepersonsand thegoods of
the Templars, and not just anyhow but going as far as imprisoning them, as though we were
privy to the events…Illustrious prince, these actions are the occasion for our grief and painful
28 Ibid.,pg 33
29 Letter of Clement V to Philip IV (24 August 1307),Trans MalcolmBarber and Keith Bate, The Templars,
Selected Sources, (Manchester University Press,Manchester and New York, 2002) Pg 243
surprise,becauseyou havealwaysfound usbetterdisposed towardsyou than allotherbishopsof
Rome at the head of the Church of Rome in your lifetime, and intent on your honour in your
kingdom for your interests in your kingdom and the whole Christendom surrounding you.30
”
This second letter from Pope Clement shows this conflict between them; also the fact that
Clementwasperfectlyaware of the King’sintentions.This could also suggest that the supposed
implication that Philip’s actions towards the Templar were for purely Christian reasons is
misguided,especiallyregardingthe pointthatPhilip’sconflictwiththe Pope could be seen as an
un-Christian act anyway, the Pope being considered as the head bishop of all Christendom
appointedbyGodhimself.Thispointis also one which is a value shared by the monarch, which
contributestothe conflictforsupreme powerbetweenthem.Because of thisconflict,Philip had
to derive another plan; which he subsequently left to his counsellors.
As well asthe propagandausedtodefame the papacyand the order,Philip’scounsellors derived
a plan based on the one that was used on the Cathar branch of Christianity during the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries, a time in which Christian Orthodoxy and heresy flourished in the
centre of complex religious life of France.31
The Cathar Christians themselves were well
organised, electing their own bishops, collecting funds and distributing them to the poor.32
Despite the goodworkstheyperformed, the pope of the time, Pope Honorious III was alarmed
labelledthemashereticsfor the fact they believed in dual-Gods of good and evil.33
From 1209,
the AlgigensianCrusade wasledagainstthem.34
In1230, Pope Honoriousextendedthe powerof
the French Inquisitors so even exempt orders could be targeted if there was any suspicion of
30
Letterof ClementV toPhilipIV,27 October1307, Trans Malcolm Barberand KeithBate, The
Templars,Selected Sources,(ManchesterUniversityPress,ManchesterandNew York,2002) pages
249-250
31
Michael Haag, The Templars:History and Myth,(ProfileBooks,London,2008) page 146
32
Ibid.,page 146
33 Ibid.,page 147-8
34 Ibid.,page 148
heresy.35
Suchpowers hadbeenforgottenaboutuntil Philip’sadvisorsuncoveredthemandused
them to devastating effect.36
Royal lawyers were able to gather information about the secret
livesof the Templarsanduse them completely out of context in order to plant the suspicion of
heresyuponthe order.A Franciscan FrenchInquisitor,William of Paris, worked with the king in
order to denounce the Templars as heretics.37
Philiphadgainedwhatmay be perceived as a somewhat notorious reputation when it came to
the issue of his depletingwealth.Hisactionstowardsthe Jewish population of France as well as
towardsthe previousPope Boniface remainasaneternal reminderof hisfinancialposition,even
before the Trial of the KnightsTemplarandhisaffairs with the new Pope Clement V. Whilst not
entirelyproven,itisstill debateduponwhetherthe affairof the Templars was due to the King’s
genuine religious concerns, or whether he saw the secretive nature of the order as an easy
target in which he could create an accusation of heresy, from which he may have been able to
commandeer the vast wealth of the order to fund his wars.
Chapter 2
35
Michael Haag, The Templars:HistoryandMyth, (ProfileBooks,London,2008) page 219
36 Ibid.,page 219
37 Ibid.,page 219
 Trial and confessions with King Philip and the use of torture to extract confessions
 Confessions: reception, denial of Christ, sodomy, spitting on cross, obscene kisses,
idol worship – accusations out of context – Templar ritual not meant as heretical but
as a part of initiation ceremony – an act – or truly heretical but unproven – relapsed
heretics
 Trial and confessions with Clement and Cardinals – attempt to regain power from
the French King
 Burning of James of Molay and other Templars – curse of Jacques de Molay
 Defamation of the Order and the end of the Templars – French propaganda put
about by officials
Chapter 3
 To what extent could the Templars be found guilty of heresy?
 Clement’s view of the Templars, guilty or not?
 Chinon’s parchment – analysis of sources
 Philip’s ‘success’? – expulsion of Templar order – received some compensation but
not all wealth – given to the holy land + Hospitallers
 Templar issue a pawn in the battle between the French Capetian monarchy and the
Powers of the papacy.
Conclusion
 Story of the German priest who found 2 former Templars
 All round conclusion to confessions against Templar lifestyle – explanation of truth in
accusations
Appendices
AppendixA: WilliamofNogaret’s sketchof PhilipIV the Fair. Memoirswrittenapropos of the
affair with Boniface.
“My Lord the King,isof the race of the kingsof France whoall,since the time of KingPepin,have
beenreligious,ferventchampionsof the faith,vigorousdefendersof HolyMotherChurch…He has
been,before,during,andafterhismarriage,chaste,humble,modestinbearingandlanguage;he
nevergetsangry;he hatesnoone;he enviesnoone;he loveseverybody.Fullof Grace and love,
pious,merciful,alwaysfollowingthe pathof truth andjustice,slanderisforeigntohim.Ferventin
the faith,religiousinhislife,buildingchurches,practicingworksof piety,handsome andcharmingin
countenance,agreeable toall,eventohisenemieswhentheyare inhispresence,Godbrings
miraculouscurestothe sickthroughhishands”
CharlesT.Wood, Philip theFair and BonifaceVIII,(Holt,RinehartandWinston,London,1967) pg 85
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 Letter of ClementV to PhilipIV, 27 October 1307, Trans Malcolm Barber and KeithBate,
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Dissertation - Philip IV and the Knight’s Templar

  • 1. Northumbria University Department of Humanities Honours Dissertation Philip IV and the Knight’s Templar By Alex Toes BA Hons History 2012 (WORD COUNT) A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of HISTORY
  • 2. Contents Introduction Chapter1: Howimportantwere PhilipIV’smotivesinthe Trial of the KnightsTemplarandhow liable couldhisaccusationsbe perceivedtohistoriansinreferencetohispolitical andfinancialhistory? Chapter2 Chapter3 Conclusion Appendices Bibliography
  • 3. Introduction In the heightof Crusadingyears,ahybridsocietyof warriormonkscame into existence. Military Orders, aiding royalty and pilgrims on their quests, fought to defend the right to Christendom within the Holy Lands of Jerusalem and the surrounding regions. The Poor Fellow-Soldiers of Christand of the Temple of Solomon,orthe ‘KnightsTemplar’ for short, were founded with the ultimate dutyof the protectionof pilgrimsanddefendingthe HolyLand against the infidel. Holy and pious, having sworn an oath to the Rule of the Cistercian monks, they lived their lives as simple,obedientmonks.Inthe firstyears of their existence, the very idea of a monk not sworn to livinganentirelypacifistlifestyle evenintimesof warwasunheardof,until the successes and aidprovidedbysuchorders as the Templars, the Hospitallers, the Teutonic Knights and others: aidingthemmilitarily,financiallyandintermsof sharing knowledge of the surrounding terrains as well as enemy tactics and habits. Such successes gained them substantial influence among commandinggeneralsandroyals,whoinfavour, granted them gifts of lands and power in their provinces, increasing their considerable affluence so they may further partake in military campaigns, plus their offside roles in banking and moneylending, for which they attained significant notice particularly among the monarchical and papal powers.
  • 4. Chapter 1: Howimportantwere PhilipIV’smotivesinthe Trial of the KnightsTemplarandhow liable couldhisaccusations be perceivedtohistoriansinreferencetohispolitical andfinancialhistory? The crusadesprovedtiresome uponroyal funds for every participant involved. Some kingdoms struggledtogatherthe funds more than others,creatinganatmosphere of poverty in the home countries.Some versions of the English history of home life during the crusades partake in the storyline of Prince John taxing the people relentlessly to fund the wars his brother Richard fought. These to some extent can be proved to be true. Some Kingdoms, such as that of the FrenchKingPhilipIV, the Fair,wenttoparticularlyextreme measures to acquire more funds for theirholywars. In orderto achieve his goalstoacquire such funds, certain circumstances had to be under the king’s own control. Groups he aimed at during the early Fourteenth century; the French Jewry and the Knights Templar were extremely wealthy and powerful and so were protected bytheirstatus.Suchactionsturnedintoa constantpowerstruggle forsupreme power between the papacy and the monarchy. Philip’s personality played a major role regarding the powers he could control in higher circles in terms of the French Inquisition and the Pope’s Boniface and Clement; all of which became part of a plan which is deducted by the majority of historians as part of the King’s plan for greater wealth and power. Upon studyingthe FrenchKing,the phrase mostpopularlyconnected to him and his aspirations was that concerning his overwhelming desire and belief in the concept of a French ‘absolute monarchy’;a complete separationfromthe religious boundary lines created by Rome, in order for the monarch to take control. Such a motif creates a sensation of French nationalism among Philip’s people, however it created problems concerning the Catholic faith as an organised religion. Philiphimself was often described as a pious man, however according to Fawtier, ‘the
  • 5. endless quest for revenue brought the monarchy into conflict with the church’1 and so the Frenchkingand the two Pope’sconcernedbecamepartof a power struggle, both attempting to prove themselvestotheirsubjectsassupreme ruler over the kingdom of France. This provides motive forPhilipagainstthe Knightsastheirwealthandpower in the France as well as the Holy Lands, Paris having becoming a secular administration base, became a particular threat to the King’s own authority, the popularity of the knights also being a major concern in social and religiousoutlooks. With Philip’s strong belief in and ‘absolute monarchy’, the Temple’s power was comprehended as a threat, yet it was more likely that the King was merely jealous of the wealth and power and so sought to commandeer it for himself. The view of Philip’s motives regarding subjects such as the Jews of France, the Papacy and the KnightsTemplarare contestedbetweenvarious historians due to Philip’s characteristic nature. The French King’scharacterhad alwaysbeendescribedbycontemporariesinasimilarway,even if viewson his personality varied. Whilst some view him as a strong and powerful king, able to manipulate hissurroundingsforhisowngain,otherssaw him as a weak and negligent king who allowedhimselfbe led astray by dishonest counsellors.2 However the overall interpretation of Philipcanbe presumedfromFawtier’sdescriptionof Philip;‘a pious man, but also a proud king, withgreatfaithin hisdynasty,whichenabledhimto defeat and humble the pope and suppress the Templars, claiming God as his guide.3 As contemporaryviewsvaryandare debated,asare the opinionsof those surrounding the King during the events themselves. According to Charles T. Wood, William of Nogaret was the only one of Philip’s advisors to leave a description of Philip in his memoirs.4 His account portrays a man worthy of complete adoration; he doesn’t say a negative word about his king, which, 1 Robert Fawtier, The Capetian Kings of France: Monarchy and Nation, (Macmillan and Co.Ltd., St. Martin’s Press,New York, 1960), pg 37 2 Charles T.Wood, Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII, (Holt, Rinehart and Winston,London, 1967) pg 87 3 Elizabeth M. Hallam,Capetian France 987-1328,(Longman, London and New York. 1980) pg 278 4 Appendix A
  • 6. naturally, leaves the historian having doubts about his account. As one of Philip’s closest and mosttrustedcounsellors,itcouldeasilyhave beenwritten under the watchful eyes of the king, it beingtreasontowrite orspeaknegativelyof yourkinganyway,astoleave a positive image of himself.Inreference toNogaret’spositiononPhilip’scouncil,it would be advantageous for him to leave suchevidenceof apurelyrespectableking. According to Edward J. Martin, Nogaret had his own reasons for wanting to bring the Templars to suppression having his own private grievance againstsucha groupsince his fatherhad beenburned at the stake as a heretic for the familiesinvolvementwiththe Cathar branch of Christianity; which were labelled as heretics by the papacy.5 Through cleverness and cynicism, Nogaret was able to climb the hierarchy to become the king’s keeper of seals.6 When collating his account with the king’s actions against the parties mentioned, Nogaret’s statements of Philip ‘never getting angry’, ‘envies noone’, ‘agreeable to all’ for example, may be perceived as misrepresented. When referring to his conflict with the papacy. It could be supposed that it was his anger and envy towards both Boniface’s ndClementV’s claimstopowerandauthoritythatpushedhimto make movesto,in a way,breakfrom the authority of the Roman Church. The same motives could easily be applied to his actions towards the Jews and the Knights of the Temple, both of which held enviable wealth,whichfromPhilip’s position in royalty, as he eventually proved, was not impossible to attainfor himself,hissuccessesof whichgave Philipfurther evidence to prove the notion of his supreme authority in the kingdom of France. However,itisnotonlypositive opinionsof Philip that have survived. Bernard Saisset, Bishop of Parriers’ famous description presents a particularly different point of view to Nogaret: 5 Edward J. Martin, The Trial of the Templars,(George AllenandUnwinLtd.,London,1928) pg29 6 Michael Haag, The Templars:History and Myth,(ProfileBooks,London, 2008) Page 222
  • 7. “The King is like an owl,the mostbeautifulof birds,but worth nothing. He is the most handsome of men but he stares fixedly in silence…He is neither man nor beast, he is a statue.”7 Saisset’s depiction of Philip can be perceived as the most agreeable among historians as most have used his account in their own studies. All agree that he was a fair king in appearances, however it can be debated on the bishop’s comment that he is ‘worth nothing’. According to ElizabethHallam,hostile writersof the time pointedtoPhilip’ssilenceasa signof lack of interest in government and administration.8 Geoffrey of Paris wrote that his ‘obsession with hunting allowed him to be duped by his counsellorswho were in control of his affairs.’9 These depictions of the Kingmayhave beentrue whenconcerning the everyday running of the country however when it came to particular events such as those concerning the Jewish population, the Papacy and the KnightsTemplarHallam’saccount canbe seenasmore believable. She notes that there is ‘little doubt that Philip IV bore the ultimate responsibility for the policies carried out as he controlledanddirectedhiscounsellors’10 andthatthe ‘mostconvincingpicture of the kingisthat of a cynical, cold and withdrawn politician, not even in the limelight, but still controlling the events of his reign.’11 Hallam’s account is particularly convincing when taking into account the successesPhilipwasable toachieve,as,eventhoughthe administrative side was performed by his civil servants, the ideas behind the actions and the permission to put such actions into motionhadto come fromthe royal authorityof the king.Itis importanttomentionthatPhilipIV was the first to play the role of an absolute monarch in France12 and so it therefore would be presumptuous to name him as ‘worth nothing’ when such a revelation is an important turning point to French monarchical history. 7 Elizabeth M Hallam, Capetian France 987-1328,(Longman, London and New York, 1980) page 278 8 Ibid.,page 278 9 Ibid.,page 278 10 Elizabeth M. Hallam, Capetian France 987-1328,(Longman, London and New York. 1980) pg 278 11 Ibid.,page 278 12 Charles T. Wood, Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII, (Holt, Rinehart and Winston,London, 1967) pg 15
  • 8. No matter what the opinion of Philip IV is, he is always described in his autobiographies as an extremely religious and pious king. Later writings show that the king engaged in large scale works of piety; the foundation of monasteries, substantial charitable donations and so forth, actionswhichseemtoreflectanincreasingconcernwiththe state of Philip’ssoul and so tries to make amends for the wrongs he had done.13 If his actions towards the order did stem from a genuine desire toupholdhis Christian values for France and every other area of Europe he was capable of reaching, it would not be a surprising element to the way in which he ruled his kingdoms. However for a historian to be looking back with hindsight upon the affairs, when includinghisactivitytowardsthe Jewsandthe previouspapal powers, it can easily be deducted and presumed that the motives behind his trial of the Knights of the Temple were of a more selfish and callous nature; for the procuring of the wealth of the order for his own military usage. As mentioned, the French King had a natural talent and ability to control and manipulate his surroundingstohisbenefit. The FrenchJewry was known be one of the wealthiest populations of the kingdom,andwhilsttheyoriginallyheldcertainprivileges they too became the targets of one of King Philip’s plots for attaining wealth. MORE ON JEWS As Cohn sums up, they were arrestedandimprisoned,theirmoneyseized, goods auctioned, businesses transferred to Italianbankerswhichwere deepinPhilip’sconfidence and expelled.14 According to Cohn Philip knew that the Templars in France were wealthier than the Jews.15 It was notjustminoritiesthatthe FrenchKingwasable toexploit.He alsohadsignificant control overthe elite andthe intellectual powersof France,forexample the Frenchuniversities and the 13 Ibid.,pg 278 14 Norman Cohn, Europe’s Inner Demons: An Inquiry Inspired by the Great Witchhunt, (Hienemann Education Books, Sussex University Press,1975) pg 82 15 Ibid.,pg 83
  • 9. French Inquisition. As the Knights were founded as a Holy Military Order they were officially underthe protectionof the powersof the papacy; andso couldnot be accused in bishop’s court since theywere exemptfromepiscopal jurisdiction16 . However they were not exempt from the Inquisition, although it still represents the papacy.17 Hamilton mentions how it was Philip’s desire tobringthe Inquisitionmore strictly under the royal control.18 The King’s influence over the Medieval Inquisition played an important part in these trials by both himself and the Papal Inquisition, for without their official permission to question the knights and for the use of torture,forit can be saidwithabsolute certainty that without which, the King would definitely not have gainedthe evidence he wassearchingforfromthe Knight’s confessions to destroy the reputation if not the very core and foundation of the Order completely in the eyes of the populous,the surroundingKingdomsof Europe andeveninthe Papacyitself. Thisvery evidence is proof that the French Inquisition was completely under the French King’s control by 1307.19 Philip had a talent to manipulate the people involved in a situation, persuading them into his line of thinking and so they would side with him when need called for it. A particularly noteworthy example of Philip’s abilityof controllingthe powersof the papacyincontrol at Rome is during the Trial of the Knights Templar, a predominantly famous circumstance concerning conflict between the Papacy and the French Monarchy; but the French King had already previouslyhadnumerousencounterswith papacywithhisaffairswith Pope Boniface in relation to this power struggle. According to A.C. Flick the pontificate of Pope Boniface marked the beginning of the decline of the power and glory of the Medieval Papacy20 towards the French population in particular. The supreme authoritarian attitude of the French king led his population into a state of national consciousness which made the society strong; ready to 16 Bernard Hamilton, The Medieval Inquisition, (Edward Arnold, London, 1981) pg 83 17 Ibid.,pg 83 18 Ibid.,pg 69 19 Bernard Hamilton, The Medieval Inquisition, (Edward Arnold,London, 1981) pg 83 20 Charles T. Wood, Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII (Holt, Rinehartand Winston,London, 1967) pg 11
  • 10. support the king in defending its right against the papacy21 . Eventually, Philip successfully contested the Pope for the right to tax the French Clergy and make high ecclesiastical appointments,22 allowingforhimtocreate hisownhierarchyof clergymenaswell asyetanother angle in which to bring more income to the monarchical treasury to fund his wars. Prior to Philip’ssuccess,Boniface hadthreatenedtoexcommunicate any ruler who continued to tax the clergy, seeing it as an assault on traditional clerical rights.23 Philip, knowing of the precarious context to Boniface was appointed as pope, as he himself had played a part in it, is thought to have blackmailed the pope with the threat of a trial against him if he did not comply with his actions. Aftera seriesof strikes against each other’s claims to authority between the Pope and the French monarch, Boniface was attacked in Anagni by Philip’s servants soon after he had issued the bull Unam Sanctum in 1302, dying not long afterwards of shock.24 One of the mostimportantaspectsof thisconflictbetween the monarchy and papal authorities was the sheeruse of pamphlets;the writersof whichcriticizedthe papacy relentlessly, bringing the Frenchpopulationsrespectof the papacy to rock bottom. He was portrayed by such writers as violentlyanti-French,being said to have declared that ‘no measures were too strong as long as he could destroy French powers’.25 What is interesting about this is that there is no definite proof that it was through Philip’s encouragement that such pamphlets came into circulation; that it was through the writer’s own intentions to bring down the reputation of the pope.26 It couldbe inferredthatthat itwas throughthiscirculationof propagandathatthe kingdecided to do the same;naminghima hereticanda simonistandsotherefore not a true pope27 . This tactic 21 Ibid.,pg 16 22 Stephen Ozment, The Age of Reform 1250- 1550,An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe, (New Haven and London Press,YaleUniversity, 1980) pg 182 23 Ibid.,pg 145 24 M. D. Lambert, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from Bogomil to Hus, (Edward Arnold Ltd., London, 1977) pg 166 25 Elizabeth M. Hallam, Capetian France 987-1328,(Longman, London and New York. 1980) pg 309 26 Barbara Frale, The Chinon Chart: Papal Absolution to the Last Templar, Master Jacques de Molay, Journal of Medieval History,Vol. 30, No. 2, (Amsterdam, 2004) pg 37 27 Elizabeth M. Hallam, Capetian France 987-1328,(Longman, London and New York. 1980) pg 316
  • 11. was also a tactic used in Philip’s power struggle against the new Pope Clement V during their skirmish over the Knights Templar. The approach to spread of malicious propaganda was also used during the defamation of the Knights Templar, and so even if the order survived, their reputationwouldbe so defiled they would be thought to have no business attempting to help pilgrims,whichisexactlywhat happened. However, despite conflicts with the papacy, if Philip wanted to destroy the order as a whole he needed papal powers to do so.28 No matter how much Philip needed the pope’s approval, Clement had been sceptical since before the Knights were arrested, although was pressured into considering the accusations: “Although we were hardly able to bring our mind to believe what was being said at the time, since it seemed almost totally incredible and impossible, since then we have heard several strangeand unheard-of rumoursaboutthem,and so areobliged to harbour doubts; not without great bitterness, sorrow and turmoil in our heart we are forced to act on the foregoing, doing whatever reason demands, on the advice of our brothers.”29 From thisletter,the Pope marksthathe had proposedtobeginaninvestigationonthe doings of the knights before they were even arrested, the date of the letter being 24th August, a full 2 weeks before the arrests were made. This provides evidence that Philip arrested the knights without the Pope’s consent as the matter should have been in the hands of the Pope not the monarch. This was a serious breach against of papal authority and the first move in a series of moves between powers of the Papacy and the Monarchy conflicting against each other for supreme power. “But you dearestson,we grieveto report,you haveaid handsupon thepersonsand thegoods of the Templars, and not just anyhow but going as far as imprisoning them, as though we were privy to the events…Illustrious prince, these actions are the occasion for our grief and painful 28 Ibid.,pg 33 29 Letter of Clement V to Philip IV (24 August 1307),Trans MalcolmBarber and Keith Bate, The Templars, Selected Sources, (Manchester University Press,Manchester and New York, 2002) Pg 243
  • 12. surprise,becauseyou havealwaysfound usbetterdisposed towardsyou than allotherbishopsof Rome at the head of the Church of Rome in your lifetime, and intent on your honour in your kingdom for your interests in your kingdom and the whole Christendom surrounding you.30 ” This second letter from Pope Clement shows this conflict between them; also the fact that Clementwasperfectlyaware of the King’sintentions.This could also suggest that the supposed implication that Philip’s actions towards the Templar were for purely Christian reasons is misguided,especiallyregardingthe pointthatPhilip’sconflictwiththe Pope could be seen as an un-Christian act anyway, the Pope being considered as the head bishop of all Christendom appointedbyGodhimself.Thispointis also one which is a value shared by the monarch, which contributestothe conflictforsupreme powerbetweenthem.Because of thisconflict,Philip had to derive another plan; which he subsequently left to his counsellors. As well asthe propagandausedtodefame the papacyand the order,Philip’scounsellors derived a plan based on the one that was used on the Cathar branch of Christianity during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a time in which Christian Orthodoxy and heresy flourished in the centre of complex religious life of France.31 The Cathar Christians themselves were well organised, electing their own bishops, collecting funds and distributing them to the poor.32 Despite the goodworkstheyperformed, the pope of the time, Pope Honorious III was alarmed labelledthemashereticsfor the fact they believed in dual-Gods of good and evil.33 From 1209, the AlgigensianCrusade wasledagainstthem.34 In1230, Pope Honoriousextendedthe powerof the French Inquisitors so even exempt orders could be targeted if there was any suspicion of 30 Letterof ClementV toPhilipIV,27 October1307, Trans Malcolm Barberand KeithBate, The Templars,Selected Sources,(ManchesterUniversityPress,ManchesterandNew York,2002) pages 249-250 31 Michael Haag, The Templars:History and Myth,(ProfileBooks,London,2008) page 146 32 Ibid.,page 146 33 Ibid.,page 147-8 34 Ibid.,page 148
  • 13. heresy.35 Suchpowers hadbeenforgottenaboutuntil Philip’sadvisorsuncoveredthemandused them to devastating effect.36 Royal lawyers were able to gather information about the secret livesof the Templarsanduse them completely out of context in order to plant the suspicion of heresyuponthe order.A Franciscan FrenchInquisitor,William of Paris, worked with the king in order to denounce the Templars as heretics.37 Philiphadgainedwhatmay be perceived as a somewhat notorious reputation when it came to the issue of his depletingwealth.Hisactionstowardsthe Jewish population of France as well as towardsthe previousPope Boniface remainasaneternal reminderof hisfinancialposition,even before the Trial of the KnightsTemplarandhisaffairs with the new Pope Clement V. Whilst not entirelyproven,itisstill debateduponwhetherthe affairof the Templars was due to the King’s genuine religious concerns, or whether he saw the secretive nature of the order as an easy target in which he could create an accusation of heresy, from which he may have been able to commandeer the vast wealth of the order to fund his wars. Chapter 2 35 Michael Haag, The Templars:HistoryandMyth, (ProfileBooks,London,2008) page 219 36 Ibid.,page 219 37 Ibid.,page 219
  • 14.  Trial and confessions with King Philip and the use of torture to extract confessions  Confessions: reception, denial of Christ, sodomy, spitting on cross, obscene kisses, idol worship – accusations out of context – Templar ritual not meant as heretical but as a part of initiation ceremony – an act – or truly heretical but unproven – relapsed heretics  Trial and confessions with Clement and Cardinals – attempt to regain power from the French King  Burning of James of Molay and other Templars – curse of Jacques de Molay  Defamation of the Order and the end of the Templars – French propaganda put about by officials
  • 15. Chapter 3  To what extent could the Templars be found guilty of heresy?  Clement’s view of the Templars, guilty or not?  Chinon’s parchment – analysis of sources  Philip’s ‘success’? – expulsion of Templar order – received some compensation but not all wealth – given to the holy land + Hospitallers  Templar issue a pawn in the battle between the French Capetian monarchy and the Powers of the papacy.
  • 16. Conclusion  Story of the German priest who found 2 former Templars  All round conclusion to confessions against Templar lifestyle – explanation of truth in accusations Appendices AppendixA: WilliamofNogaret’s sketchof PhilipIV the Fair. Memoirswrittenapropos of the affair with Boniface. “My Lord the King,isof the race of the kingsof France whoall,since the time of KingPepin,have beenreligious,ferventchampionsof the faith,vigorousdefendersof HolyMotherChurch…He has been,before,during,andafterhismarriage,chaste,humble,modestinbearingandlanguage;he nevergetsangry;he hatesnoone;he enviesnoone;he loveseverybody.Fullof Grace and love, pious,merciful,alwaysfollowingthe pathof truth andjustice,slanderisforeigntohim.Ferventin the faith,religiousinhislife,buildingchurches,practicingworksof piety,handsome andcharmingin
  • 17. countenance,agreeable toall,eventohisenemieswhentheyare inhispresence,Godbrings miraculouscurestothe sickthroughhishands” CharlesT.Wood, Philip theFair and BonifaceVIII,(Holt,RinehartandWinston,London,1967) pg 85 Bibliography Primary Sources RoughTranslationof the ChinonParchment, http://www.inrebus.com/chinon.php Barber,M and Bate,K. The Templars:Selected Sources (Manchester:ManchesterUniversity Press,2002) :  Letter of ClementVto PhilipIV, 24 August 1307Trans Malcolm Barber and Keith Bate, The Templars,Selected Sources,(ManchesterUniversityPress,Manchesterand New York, 2002) pages243-244  Letter of ClementV to PhilipIV, 27 October 1307, Trans Malcolm Barber and KeithBate, The Templars,Selected Sources, (ManchesterUniversityPress,Manchesterand NewYork, 2002) pages249-250
  • 18.  Orderfor the Arrests,14 Septemeber1307  Depositionsof the TemplarsatParis,October-November1307, pages  Questionsof KingPhilipIV tothe Masters of Theologyatthe Universityof Parisandtheir reply,January- March1308, pages  Episcopal InquiryatClermont,4-10 June 1309, pages  Papal bulls:praeeminentiae,subitassiduemvox inexcelso,Adprovidam,pages William,Archbishopof Tyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond theSea,trans. E. A.Babcoock,A. C. Krey,(2 Vols.,NewYork,1941) WilliamofNogaret’ssketch of PhilipIV the Fair. Memoirswritten apropos of the affairwith Boniface,in ElizabethM Hallam, CapetianFrance 987-1328, (Longman, London and New York, 1980) page 278 Bernard Saisset,Bishop of Parriers’ descriptionofPhilipIV the Fair, in ElizabethM Hallam, CapetianFrance 987-1328, (Longman, London and New York,1980) page 278 Secondary Sources MalcolmBarber, The Trial of theTemplars,(Cambridge UniversityPress,Cambridge,2006) MalcolmBarber, The NewKnighthood,(Cambridge UniversityPress,Cambridge, 1994) MalcolmBarber, ‘Jamesof Molay,theLastGrand Masterof the Orderof theTemple, (Studia Monastica 14, Barcelona), in Crusadersand heretics:Twelfth to Fourteenth Centuries, (Variourum, Hampshire,1995) AdrianJ.Boas, Jerusalemin the Time of theCrusades,(Routledge,LondonandNew York,2001) Michael Baigent,RichardLeighandHenryLincoln, TheHoly Blood and theHoly Grail, (Arrow Books, London,2006)
  • 19. Edward Burman, Supremely AbominableCrimes:TheTrials of the KnightsTemplar, (Allisonand Busby,London,1994) Edward Burman, The Templars (Crucible,1980) Rev.F. W. Bussell, ReligiousThoughtand Heresiesin the Middle Ages, (RobertScott,London,1918) G. A. Campbell, TheKnightsTemplars:TheirRise and Fall (Duckworth,London,1900) WilliamA.Chaney,Review of ‘TheGuilt of the Templars’ byGershonLegman,(Speculum, aJournal of Medieval Studies,Vol43,Issue1,)pages174-176 RobertChazan, MedievalJewry in Northern Europe:A Political and Social History,(JohnsHopkins UniversityPress, Baltimore andLondon,1973) Norman Cohn, Europe’sInner Demons: An InquiryInspired bythe Great Witchhunt,(Hienemann Education Books, SussexUniversityPress,1975) GeorgesDuby,TranslatedbyJulietVale, Francein theMiddle Ages987-1460, (Blackwell,Oxford, 1991) PeterW. Edburyand JohnGordonRowe, William of Tyre: Historian of the Latin East,(Cambridge UniversityPress,Cambridge,1988) Robert Fawtier, The CapetianKingsof France: MonarchyandNation,(Macmillanand Co. Ltd., St. Martin’s Press, NewYork, 1960) Barbara Frale, The ChinonChart: Papal Absolutiontothe Last Templar, Master Jacquesde Molay, Journal of Medieval History,Vol.30, No. 2, (Amsterdam,2004) AlanForey, TheMilitary Orders : Fromthe Twelfth to the Early Fourteenth centuries,(Macmillan EducationLtd.,London,1992) Michael Haag, The Templars: History andMyth, (Profile Books,London, 2008)
  • 20. ElizabethM. Hallam, CapetianFrance 987-1328, (Longman, London, 1980) Bernard Hamilton, The Medieval Inquisition,(EdwardArnold,London,1981) DavidJacoby(ed),‘Knightly Valuesand ClassConsciousnessin theCrusaderStatesof theEastern Mediterranean’inStudieson theCrusaderStatesand on Venetian Expansion,(VariorumReprints, Northampton,1989) M. D. Lambert, Medieval Heresy: PopularMovementsfrom Bogomil to Hus, (Edward ArnoldLtd., London, 1977) Edward J. Martin, The Trial of the Templars (George AllenandUnwinLtd, London, 1928) HelenJ.Nicholson, TheTemplarson Trial: A Very Muted Inquisition,BBCHistory Magazine,Vol.10, No.6, (June 2009) HelenNicholson, TheKnightsTemplar:A New History, (SuttonPublishing,Gloucestershire,2001) HelenNicholson,Knightsof Christ?The Templars,HospitallersandotherMilitaryOrdersinthe Eyes of theirContemporaries,1182-1291, (1999) StephenOzment, The Age ofReform 1250- 1550, An Intellectual andReligiousHistory ofLate Medievaland Reformation Europe,(newHavenandLondonPress,Yale University,1980) PeterPartner, TheMurdered Magicians,theTemplarsand their Myth, (OxfordUniversityPress, Oxford,1995) JonathanRiley-Smith, TheKnightsof St.John in Jerusalemand Cyprus,(OxfordUniversityPress, Oxford,1995) JonathanRiley-Smith, TheOxford Illustrated History of theCrusades,(OxfordUniversityPress, Oxford,1995) ChristopherTyreman, God’sWar,(PenguinBooks,London,2006)
  • 21. CharlesT. Wood, Philipthe Fairand BonifaceVIII (Holt,Rinehart and Winston,London, 1967)