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MAPPING MEN IN PUBLIC SPACES
A STUDY IN ENVIRONMENTAL BEHAVIOURAL STUDIES
UNDERSTANDING MASCULINITIES
Results from:
INTERNATIONAL MEN AND GENDER EQUALITY SURVEY
- MOHAMMAD NACIRI
ABSTRACT: It is an exhaustive analysis of surveys taken in African and Middle
Eastern Countries regarding equality among men and women by mapping
behaviour of men.
THINGS CONSIDERED WHILE SURVEYING
• Reasons for refusal or non-response included: sickness, unavailability of
respondents (i.e., out of town or not at home), refusal to open the door or to
participate in the survey, and premature termination of the interview.
• Ethical and Local Considerations: All respondents were fully informed about the
purpose and procedures of this study and were told that their participation in the
survey was voluntary and that they had the right to terminate the survey, at any
point, or refuse to answer any questions. Confidentiality of the interviews was
strictly guarded. Prior to data collection, interviewers received training on
gender, violence, ethical procedures in gender and masculinities research, and how
to ask sensitive questions and respond to respondents in distress.
Gender Equitable Men (GEM) Scale: respondents are asked to agree or disagree with a range of statements on gender norms. Respondents
could choose one of four options to all of these items: strongly agree, agree, disagree, or strongly disagree. These four options were given
integer scores from zero to three, where zero reflects the most gender-inequitable response and three represents the most gender-equitable
response.
Depression scale: This scale includes 20 statements of symptoms associated with depression, all of which have been used in longer, previously
validated scales. Respondents reported whether they had experienced these symptoms “rarely”, “some of the time”, “a moderate amount of the
time”, or “most or all of the time”, in the week prior to the survey. Most items reflect depressive symptoms, while some items reflect the
absence of depressive symptoms. Each of the 20 statements was given an integer score from zero to three, where zero reflects the lowest
reporting of depressive symptomatology and three reflects the highest. According to the international standard calculation, any respondent
with a total score of 16 points or higher was said to have met the screening standard for depression.
Methods
Social behavior in a college town consists of various
interest groups among students, faculty, staff, and the
general public.
Renewed exploration of the connection between
“space” and “society
Employed photography to assist our sociological study.
public-sphere public behavior
private-sphere public behavior
private behavior
Types of Public Space in a College
Town
.
publicly-owned
public space
university-owned
public space
privately-owned
public space
The Campustown
• Contains streets and sidewalks that are publicly owned and has several scores of
eateries and other businesses.
The Main Quadrangle
• This area is university owned. It is used and accessible by all citizens
The Downtown Urbana
• Mixture of public spaces. There are two cores in this downtown area. One is the open
area/plaza and the other is Lincoln Square Mall.
For making observations in the planned research, we used photography as a research
method.
Public-Sphere
Public Behavior
Private-Sphere
Public Behavior:
Private
Behavior
Public-Sphere Public Behavior:
• In Fig., a student environmental group raising money from
providing bike repairs and tune-ups.
Private-Sphere Public Behavior:
• The advertisement shown in Figure 6 advertises an upcoming
fashion show.
Private Behavior
• Fig. shows a group of students have a snowball
fight on the University when classes are suspended.
Fig. shows
Subject G
handing
out
balloons to
children
and
families
who were
signing up
for library
cards at the
Urbana
Public
Library.
Public-Sphere
Public Behavior
The
observatio
n at Market
of the
Square
suggests
that this
behaviors
in one
central
place can
be a great
crowd
drawer for
locals and
university
students.
Private-Sphere Public
Behavior
Private
behaviors
were
defined as
behaviors
not
intended to
reach out
to people
outside the
individual,
couple or
private
group but
still involve
the use of
public
space.
Private Behavior
Our research also reveals public behavior , does not
always need face-to-face interaction
Silent public behavior represented by posters, flyers,
pinwheels, and chalk drawings
Mapping Unhealthy Behavior Among Economically Active
Men Using GIS in Suburban and Rural Areas of Sri Lanka
Abstract: The burden of noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) and
certain behavioral risk factors related to NCDs (unhealthy behaviors) are
becoming more common. This survey aims to map out such common
unhealthy behaviors among all men 35 to 50 years old in a Medical Officer
of Health area in the Western Province of Sri Lanka using a geographical
information system (GIS).
 Introduction: Unhealthy behaviors such as smoking, excessive
consumption of alcohol, unhealthy dietary practices, and inadequate
physical exertion which are more common among men, lead to many
diseases, including noncommunicable diseases (NCDs).Movermore passive
smokers exposed to second hand smoke have an increased risk of lung
cancer and other health problem.Harmful use of alcohol creates
considerable negative health and social consequences for people other
than the drinkers.
Mapping Unhealthy Behavior Among
Economically Active Men Using GIS in
Suburban and Rural Areas of Sri Lanka
METHODS
Data Collection :unhealthy behaviors were collected by visiting almost all the houses . GIS data related to a
few important locations such as schools, places of religious workships and a few factories were obtained from the
Survey Department of Sri Lanka.
Development of the Interviewer-Administered Questionnaire: GIS recordings and
unhealthy behaviors were marked on an interviewer administered questionnaire.
Data Entry and Analysis : Clusters of unhealthy behaviors were visualized using Kernel
density mapping technique in ARC GIS software.
• The maps in Figures 1 and 2 depict places of religious worship,
schools, and factories in Ingiriya. In each map, the geographical
locations of 28 places of religious worship (23 Buddhist places of
worship, 3 Hindu kovils, and 2 Christian churches), 23 schools, and
3 factories have been marked.
• By looking at the Kernel density map, it was possible to
visually relate the proximity of the above-mentioned places
to the areas where certain unhealthy behaviors were
clustered.
Most
Alcohol
consum
ers
Alcohol
used
Current smoking
Discussion: Through
identification of clusters
NCDs may be cost-
effective,actions that should
be undertaken as soon as
possible to produce
accelerated results in terms
of lives saved, diseases
prevented, and heavy costs
avoided.
Conclusions and
Recommendations :Maps
could be a useful tool to identify
geographical regions where
unhealthy behaviors clusters.Based
on the above findings, it is possible
to make recommendations to policy
makers with a view to reducing the
burden of unhealthy behaviors .
• Therefore, it is recommended that more educational
facilities and places where spiritual guidance could be
provided be established in such areas. This may help reduce
the burden of NCDs.
BEING FEARED- MASCULINITY AND RACE IN
PUBLIC SPACE
• Abstract - Research on men’s experience of being feared in public spaces.
• Introduction –
1. Researcher use a social constructionist approach to examine men’s experiences.
2. He interviewed 82 undergraduate male students at the University of California, Irvine.
3. Men’s experience of being feared were shaped by their Racial identities and by Meaning
assigned to these identity.
4. Social constructionist studies explore how racial groups make decisions within the context
of racially interactive processes such as discrimination and assimilation .
- Kristen Day
1. Researcher interviewed students of age group from 18 to 36.
2. Students were asked to identify themselves in terms of their
racial/ethnic identities .
3. They identified themselves as Asian/Asian American ,middle
eastern, south asian / Indian ,and other.
4. In particular, they were asked whether and where they had ever
experienced fear in public space ,and where and when they felt
safe.
5. Questions asked were “to discuss any times they had been
conscious of being feared by stranger?”
6. Researcher also didn’t encouraged men to answer in particular
ways.
7. To some men, he appeared as professor and to other as of their
“peer-group” status.
METHOD
CONTEXT
1. ORANGE COUNTY, The site of study ,is located in southern
California.
2. Here 65% are white ,14% are asian American, and 2% black .
Men’s experiences of being feared in public spaces
1.Nearly, 50% of men were feared in public spaces .
2.Most black men in study said that they had experienced
being feared in public spaces .
3. Men experienced being feared primarily in terms of their
own gender and racial identities .
4.Several men seemed to find strange to think that women
would fear them in public spaces.
LEARNING TO BE FEARED
• Moving between safe and feared identities
1. Most men’s in study who identified themselves as black or latino
reported having been feared in public space
2. These men frequently described being feared
by whites or asian Americans
3. Men of colour may also attempt to forefront their class status to
challenge exclusions that is tied to race .
4. Result of this studies suggest directions for tackling questions of
fear , race , gender that jeopardise equality for women and for
men
• Being feared in public space has significant implications for
individual men and for society.
• Results of this study suggest directions for tackling questions of
fear, race, and gender that jeopardize equality for women and for
men.
CONCLUSION
Men's stranger intrusions: Rethinking
street harassment
- F. Vera- Gray
• Abstract
This paper begins this conversation, detailing
the benefits and challenges in current terminology, and
exploring the possibilities of reframing the most
common dynamic in street harassment as men's
stranger intrusions on women in public space.
Introduction
• Writer concluded that the suggestion of reframing street
harassment as men's stranger intrusion. The term is introduced
with an acknowledgement of its limitations, whilst pointing to
how it may help fill some of the gaps in the existing literature,
and assist in a wider project of building a phenomenology of
violence against women and girls.
• intent is to invite the conversation, for us to question together
what we lose, and what we gain. As well as to assist in bringing
forward a hitherto unexplored philosophical perspective to
provide a framework that can be used and understood by
individuals as reflecting our lives as lived.
Men's stranger intrusion: a
phenomenological framing
• Intrusion is used here to refer to deliberate act of putting oneself
into a place or situation where one is uninvited, with disruptive
effect.
• It is found that the street was not the most frequent arena for
men to practice intrusion, and women's emotional responses
ranged through complimented, insulted, harassed, intimidated,
confused, annoyed and terrified – often moving across these
states within the same encounter.
• men's stranger intrusions to denote those specifically carried out
by unknown men, and men's intrusion to refer to the broader
range of relationships women may have with men, In this way
we mark out a particular definition: from ‘street harassment’ to
‘men's stranger intrusions on women in public space’.
• Non profit hollaback – 2005
• American based site ‘stop street harassment has developed
as an online blog space and a resource hub for research and
prevention work on street harassment .
• In india ,the 2011 publication of a study on womens safety
and freedom in mumbais public spaces has begun a
movement of women ‘loitering’ as a political and social
statement across cities in india and now Pakistan,with
supporters encouraged to share their acts on social media.
• Twitter account created in England to record experiences of
‘of everday sexism’.
Conclusion
• No consistent term is used across or within the cros- disciplinary
literature on what is most often termed ‘street harassment’.
• It is here that the possibilities of a philosophical perspective are
brought forward - in particular a phenomenological frame – to
provide a way of naming and conceptualising experiences that
can be used and understood by individuals as reflecting
gendered realities, without hiding the revolutionary aspects of
subverting dominant narratives.
• Men's stranger intrusion on women in public is one suggested
way of responding to this challenge; providing an entry not end
point to the project of reflecting women's living experience.
BLACK MEN AND PUBLIC SPACES
BY BERENT STAPLES
INTORDUCTION
1.AUTHUR TELLS ABOUT HIS OWN EXPERIENCE AS A BLACK IN PUBLIC SPACE
2. HE TELLS ABOUT HIS WALKING IN NIGHT EFFECTED PEOPLE
3.HE TELLS ABOUT HOW HE WAS EFFECTED
4.HE EMPHASISES ON HIS CHIDHOOD WHY HE WASN’T UNAWARE OF HIS
EFFECTS ON OTHERS.AND EFFECTS WHAT STREETS HE GREW UP GAVE HIM
DOMA ASHISH SATYANAND (BA16ARC020)
• CONTEXT
NEW YORK STREETS
HOW PEOPLE USED TO THINK AND BEHAVE BLACK MEN
HOW TO EXPLORE THE TOPIC
1WHY X HAPPENED
2 WHAT ARE THE RESULTS FROM X
3 TEMPORAL RELATIONSHIPS
4 THINGS WHAT WE WANTED TO EMPHASIS ON
5 THE MAIN POINT
6 EVIDENCE THAT CAN SUPPORT UR POINT
7 WHAT DOES READER THINK
8 WHAT IS THE MAIN ROLE YOU WANT TO PLAY IN THE ESSAY
DOMA ASHISH SATYANAND (BA16ARC020)
DRAWFTING THE PAPER
1 KNOW YOUR READER
2 KNOW UR PURPOSE
3 EMPHASISE ON THE CAUSE AND EFFECT
4 CHECK UR VALIDITY
5 MAKE A POINT
DOMA ASHISH SATYANAND (BA16ARC020)
Street life: youth culture and
competing uses of public space
• Think of city and what comes into mind? Its streets.
• Streets are the terrain of social encounters and political
protest,cities of domaination and resistance, places of pleasure
and anxiety.
• Politicians and the media play a key role in exploiting our
sensitivities.
• The focus of attention here will be on the visible use of public
space, particularly the street, as the site for constructing youth
culture.
BOUNDARY RIDING
• ALL BOUNDARIES WHETHER national, globalor simply street
names on road map are socially constructed.
• A strongly classified space-has strongly defined boundaries.
TOLERANCE AND DIFFERENCE IN PUBLIC SPACE
• EVEN THE WORD we choose to describe a superior state of
mind -tolerance-speaks to our arrogance if not our
prejudice.
• We must aim at acceptance and hope for celebration.
• Various social groups – the elderly, the young, the poor,
women and members of ethic minorities – in different
times and places, have been excluded from public space
and subjected to political and moral censure.
CHARECTERISTICS OPEN SPACES CLOSED SPACES
DEFINITION OF BOUNDARY Weakly defined boundaries Strongly defined boundaries
VALUE SYSTEM Multiple values supported Dominant values normalized
RESPONSE TO DIFFRENCE AND
DIVERSITY
Difference and diversity celebrated Difference and dversity not tolerated
ROLE OF POLICING Policing of boundaries is not
necessary
Preoccupation with boundary
maintainance, high levels of policing
POSITION OF PUBLIC Public occupy the margin Public occupy the centre
VIEW OF CULTURE Multicultural monocultural
CHARECTERISTICS OF OPEN AND CLOSED SPACE
DOMINANT VALUE SYSTEMS
• HOW ARE DOMINANT value systems constructed and
maintained ?
• …apart from the extremes at either end of the Bell
Curve, public opinion is like a large blob of jelly that
wobbles this way or that, depending on the direction
of prevailing winds…
V. YOUTH CULTURE AND SPATIAL
EXCLUSION
• “Public space therefore is not produced as an open
space, a space where teenagers are freely able to
participate in street life or define their own ways of
interacting and using space, but is a highly regulated –
or closed – space where young people are expected to
show deference to adults and adults
AFTERWORD
From all the research papers, we learnt:
• Different methods of surveying
• What all to keep in mind before, during and after the
data collection
• Ways of classifying responses of people
• Interpreting the data collected

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Mapping behaviors and attitudes of men in public spaces

  • 1. MAPPING MEN IN PUBLIC SPACES A STUDY IN ENVIRONMENTAL BEHAVIOURAL STUDIES
  • 2. UNDERSTANDING MASCULINITIES Results from: INTERNATIONAL MEN AND GENDER EQUALITY SURVEY - MOHAMMAD NACIRI ABSTRACT: It is an exhaustive analysis of surveys taken in African and Middle Eastern Countries regarding equality among men and women by mapping behaviour of men.
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  • 5. THINGS CONSIDERED WHILE SURVEYING • Reasons for refusal or non-response included: sickness, unavailability of respondents (i.e., out of town or not at home), refusal to open the door or to participate in the survey, and premature termination of the interview. • Ethical and Local Considerations: All respondents were fully informed about the purpose and procedures of this study and were told that their participation in the survey was voluntary and that they had the right to terminate the survey, at any point, or refuse to answer any questions. Confidentiality of the interviews was strictly guarded. Prior to data collection, interviewers received training on gender, violence, ethical procedures in gender and masculinities research, and how to ask sensitive questions and respond to respondents in distress.
  • 6. Gender Equitable Men (GEM) Scale: respondents are asked to agree or disagree with a range of statements on gender norms. Respondents could choose one of four options to all of these items: strongly agree, agree, disagree, or strongly disagree. These four options were given integer scores from zero to three, where zero reflects the most gender-inequitable response and three represents the most gender-equitable response. Depression scale: This scale includes 20 statements of symptoms associated with depression, all of which have been used in longer, previously validated scales. Respondents reported whether they had experienced these symptoms “rarely”, “some of the time”, “a moderate amount of the time”, or “most or all of the time”, in the week prior to the survey. Most items reflect depressive symptoms, while some items reflect the absence of depressive symptoms. Each of the 20 statements was given an integer score from zero to three, where zero reflects the lowest reporting of depressive symptomatology and three reflects the highest. According to the international standard calculation, any respondent with a total score of 16 points or higher was said to have met the screening standard for depression. Methods
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  • 8. Social behavior in a college town consists of various interest groups among students, faculty, staff, and the general public. Renewed exploration of the connection between “space” and “society Employed photography to assist our sociological study.
  • 9. public-sphere public behavior private-sphere public behavior private behavior
  • 10. Types of Public Space in a College Town . publicly-owned public space university-owned public space privately-owned public space
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  • 12. The Campustown • Contains streets and sidewalks that are publicly owned and has several scores of eateries and other businesses. The Main Quadrangle • This area is university owned. It is used and accessible by all citizens The Downtown Urbana • Mixture of public spaces. There are two cores in this downtown area. One is the open area/plaza and the other is Lincoln Square Mall. For making observations in the planned research, we used photography as a research method.
  • 14. Public-Sphere Public Behavior: • In Fig., a student environmental group raising money from providing bike repairs and tune-ups. Private-Sphere Public Behavior: • The advertisement shown in Figure 6 advertises an upcoming fashion show. Private Behavior • Fig. shows a group of students have a snowball fight on the University when classes are suspended.
  • 15. Fig. shows Subject G handing out balloons to children and families who were signing up for library cards at the Urbana Public Library. Public-Sphere Public Behavior The observatio n at Market of the Square suggests that this behaviors in one central place can be a great crowd drawer for locals and university students. Private-Sphere Public Behavior Private behaviors were defined as behaviors not intended to reach out to people outside the individual, couple or private group but still involve the use of public space. Private Behavior
  • 16. Our research also reveals public behavior , does not always need face-to-face interaction Silent public behavior represented by posters, flyers, pinwheels, and chalk drawings
  • 17. Mapping Unhealthy Behavior Among Economically Active Men Using GIS in Suburban and Rural Areas of Sri Lanka
  • 18. Abstract: The burden of noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) and certain behavioral risk factors related to NCDs (unhealthy behaviors) are becoming more common. This survey aims to map out such common unhealthy behaviors among all men 35 to 50 years old in a Medical Officer of Health area in the Western Province of Sri Lanka using a geographical information system (GIS).  Introduction: Unhealthy behaviors such as smoking, excessive consumption of alcohol, unhealthy dietary practices, and inadequate physical exertion which are more common among men, lead to many diseases, including noncommunicable diseases (NCDs).Movermore passive smokers exposed to second hand smoke have an increased risk of lung cancer and other health problem.Harmful use of alcohol creates considerable negative health and social consequences for people other than the drinkers. Mapping Unhealthy Behavior Among Economically Active Men Using GIS in Suburban and Rural Areas of Sri Lanka
  • 19. METHODS Data Collection :unhealthy behaviors were collected by visiting almost all the houses . GIS data related to a few important locations such as schools, places of religious workships and a few factories were obtained from the Survey Department of Sri Lanka. Development of the Interviewer-Administered Questionnaire: GIS recordings and unhealthy behaviors were marked on an interviewer administered questionnaire. Data Entry and Analysis : Clusters of unhealthy behaviors were visualized using Kernel density mapping technique in ARC GIS software.
  • 20. • The maps in Figures 1 and 2 depict places of religious worship, schools, and factories in Ingiriya. In each map, the geographical locations of 28 places of religious worship (23 Buddhist places of worship, 3 Hindu kovils, and 2 Christian churches), 23 schools, and 3 factories have been marked. • By looking at the Kernel density map, it was possible to visually relate the proximity of the above-mentioned places to the areas where certain unhealthy behaviors were clustered.
  • 22. Discussion: Through identification of clusters NCDs may be cost- effective,actions that should be undertaken as soon as possible to produce accelerated results in terms of lives saved, diseases prevented, and heavy costs avoided. Conclusions and Recommendations :Maps could be a useful tool to identify geographical regions where unhealthy behaviors clusters.Based on the above findings, it is possible to make recommendations to policy makers with a view to reducing the burden of unhealthy behaviors . • Therefore, it is recommended that more educational facilities and places where spiritual guidance could be provided be established in such areas. This may help reduce the burden of NCDs.
  • 23. BEING FEARED- MASCULINITY AND RACE IN PUBLIC SPACE • Abstract - Research on men’s experience of being feared in public spaces. • Introduction – 1. Researcher use a social constructionist approach to examine men’s experiences. 2. He interviewed 82 undergraduate male students at the University of California, Irvine. 3. Men’s experience of being feared were shaped by their Racial identities and by Meaning assigned to these identity. 4. Social constructionist studies explore how racial groups make decisions within the context of racially interactive processes such as discrimination and assimilation . - Kristen Day
  • 24. 1. Researcher interviewed students of age group from 18 to 36. 2. Students were asked to identify themselves in terms of their racial/ethnic identities . 3. They identified themselves as Asian/Asian American ,middle eastern, south asian / Indian ,and other. 4. In particular, they were asked whether and where they had ever experienced fear in public space ,and where and when they felt safe. 5. Questions asked were “to discuss any times they had been conscious of being feared by stranger?” 6. Researcher also didn’t encouraged men to answer in particular ways. 7. To some men, he appeared as professor and to other as of their “peer-group” status. METHOD
  • 25. CONTEXT 1. ORANGE COUNTY, The site of study ,is located in southern California. 2. Here 65% are white ,14% are asian American, and 2% black . Men’s experiences of being feared in public spaces 1.Nearly, 50% of men were feared in public spaces . 2.Most black men in study said that they had experienced being feared in public spaces . 3. Men experienced being feared primarily in terms of their own gender and racial identities . 4.Several men seemed to find strange to think that women would fear them in public spaces.
  • 26. LEARNING TO BE FEARED • Moving between safe and feared identities 1. Most men’s in study who identified themselves as black or latino reported having been feared in public space 2. These men frequently described being feared by whites or asian Americans 3. Men of colour may also attempt to forefront their class status to challenge exclusions that is tied to race . 4. Result of this studies suggest directions for tackling questions of fear , race , gender that jeopardise equality for women and for men
  • 27. • Being feared in public space has significant implications for individual men and for society. • Results of this study suggest directions for tackling questions of fear, race, and gender that jeopardize equality for women and for men. CONCLUSION
  • 28. Men's stranger intrusions: Rethinking street harassment - F. Vera- Gray • Abstract This paper begins this conversation, detailing the benefits and challenges in current terminology, and exploring the possibilities of reframing the most common dynamic in street harassment as men's stranger intrusions on women in public space.
  • 29. Introduction • Writer concluded that the suggestion of reframing street harassment as men's stranger intrusion. The term is introduced with an acknowledgement of its limitations, whilst pointing to how it may help fill some of the gaps in the existing literature, and assist in a wider project of building a phenomenology of violence against women and girls. • intent is to invite the conversation, for us to question together what we lose, and what we gain. As well as to assist in bringing forward a hitherto unexplored philosophical perspective to provide a framework that can be used and understood by individuals as reflecting our lives as lived.
  • 30. Men's stranger intrusion: a phenomenological framing • Intrusion is used here to refer to deliberate act of putting oneself into a place or situation where one is uninvited, with disruptive effect. • It is found that the street was not the most frequent arena for men to practice intrusion, and women's emotional responses ranged through complimented, insulted, harassed, intimidated, confused, annoyed and terrified – often moving across these states within the same encounter. • men's stranger intrusions to denote those specifically carried out by unknown men, and men's intrusion to refer to the broader range of relationships women may have with men, In this way we mark out a particular definition: from ‘street harassment’ to ‘men's stranger intrusions on women in public space’.
  • 31. • Non profit hollaback – 2005 • American based site ‘stop street harassment has developed as an online blog space and a resource hub for research and prevention work on street harassment . • In india ,the 2011 publication of a study on womens safety and freedom in mumbais public spaces has begun a movement of women ‘loitering’ as a political and social statement across cities in india and now Pakistan,with supporters encouraged to share their acts on social media. • Twitter account created in England to record experiences of ‘of everday sexism’.
  • 32. Conclusion • No consistent term is used across or within the cros- disciplinary literature on what is most often termed ‘street harassment’. • It is here that the possibilities of a philosophical perspective are brought forward - in particular a phenomenological frame – to provide a way of naming and conceptualising experiences that can be used and understood by individuals as reflecting gendered realities, without hiding the revolutionary aspects of subverting dominant narratives. • Men's stranger intrusion on women in public is one suggested way of responding to this challenge; providing an entry not end point to the project of reflecting women's living experience.
  • 33. BLACK MEN AND PUBLIC SPACES BY BERENT STAPLES INTORDUCTION 1.AUTHUR TELLS ABOUT HIS OWN EXPERIENCE AS A BLACK IN PUBLIC SPACE 2. HE TELLS ABOUT HIS WALKING IN NIGHT EFFECTED PEOPLE 3.HE TELLS ABOUT HOW HE WAS EFFECTED 4.HE EMPHASISES ON HIS CHIDHOOD WHY HE WASN’T UNAWARE OF HIS EFFECTS ON OTHERS.AND EFFECTS WHAT STREETS HE GREW UP GAVE HIM DOMA ASHISH SATYANAND (BA16ARC020)
  • 34. • CONTEXT NEW YORK STREETS HOW PEOPLE USED TO THINK AND BEHAVE BLACK MEN HOW TO EXPLORE THE TOPIC 1WHY X HAPPENED 2 WHAT ARE THE RESULTS FROM X 3 TEMPORAL RELATIONSHIPS 4 THINGS WHAT WE WANTED TO EMPHASIS ON 5 THE MAIN POINT 6 EVIDENCE THAT CAN SUPPORT UR POINT 7 WHAT DOES READER THINK 8 WHAT IS THE MAIN ROLE YOU WANT TO PLAY IN THE ESSAY DOMA ASHISH SATYANAND (BA16ARC020)
  • 35. DRAWFTING THE PAPER 1 KNOW YOUR READER 2 KNOW UR PURPOSE 3 EMPHASISE ON THE CAUSE AND EFFECT 4 CHECK UR VALIDITY 5 MAKE A POINT DOMA ASHISH SATYANAND (BA16ARC020)
  • 36. Street life: youth culture and competing uses of public space • Think of city and what comes into mind? Its streets. • Streets are the terrain of social encounters and political protest,cities of domaination and resistance, places of pleasure and anxiety. • Politicians and the media play a key role in exploiting our sensitivities. • The focus of attention here will be on the visible use of public space, particularly the street, as the site for constructing youth culture. BOUNDARY RIDING • ALL BOUNDARIES WHETHER national, globalor simply street names on road map are socially constructed. • A strongly classified space-has strongly defined boundaries.
  • 37. TOLERANCE AND DIFFERENCE IN PUBLIC SPACE • EVEN THE WORD we choose to describe a superior state of mind -tolerance-speaks to our arrogance if not our prejudice. • We must aim at acceptance and hope for celebration. • Various social groups – the elderly, the young, the poor, women and members of ethic minorities – in different times and places, have been excluded from public space and subjected to political and moral censure. CHARECTERISTICS OPEN SPACES CLOSED SPACES DEFINITION OF BOUNDARY Weakly defined boundaries Strongly defined boundaries VALUE SYSTEM Multiple values supported Dominant values normalized RESPONSE TO DIFFRENCE AND DIVERSITY Difference and diversity celebrated Difference and dversity not tolerated ROLE OF POLICING Policing of boundaries is not necessary Preoccupation with boundary maintainance, high levels of policing POSITION OF PUBLIC Public occupy the margin Public occupy the centre VIEW OF CULTURE Multicultural monocultural CHARECTERISTICS OF OPEN AND CLOSED SPACE
  • 38. DOMINANT VALUE SYSTEMS • HOW ARE DOMINANT value systems constructed and maintained ? • …apart from the extremes at either end of the Bell Curve, public opinion is like a large blob of jelly that wobbles this way or that, depending on the direction of prevailing winds… V. YOUTH CULTURE AND SPATIAL EXCLUSION • “Public space therefore is not produced as an open space, a space where teenagers are freely able to participate in street life or define their own ways of interacting and using space, but is a highly regulated – or closed – space where young people are expected to show deference to adults and adults
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  • 42. AFTERWORD From all the research papers, we learnt: • Different methods of surveying • What all to keep in mind before, during and after the data collection • Ways of classifying responses of people • Interpreting the data collected