The document summarizes women's representation and participation in local self-government in Pakistan over time. Some key points: - Devolution of Power Plan 2000 introduced by General Musharraf provided 33% quota for women in local councils through direct and indirect elections, greatly increasing women's representation with over 36,000 being elected. - However, women councilors still faced constraints influencing policies and faced gaps in rights/responsibilities outlined in law. Implementation also had issues like marginalizing women. - Women's organizations played an important role in advocating for greater women's political participation and building capacity of women leaders at the local level. - While quotas increased numbers, true impact requires women being able to influence

1. Presentation Of Local Self Government
Presented to: Prof Ammad-ur-Rahman Bajwa
Presented by: Afshan Mukhtiar Malik
Registration No:ppol07203017
MPhil SISS Fall-2020
Department Of Political Science
University Of The Lahore
Sargodha Campus

2. Women Representation In Devolution of Power Plan
2000-01

3. Out Line
WHAT IS LOCAL SELF GOVERNMENT
HISTORICAL REVIEW OF WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN LOCAL SELF GOVERNMEN T
DEVOLUTION OF POWER PLAN 2000
GAPS IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT ORDINANCE 2000 (LGO )
ROLE OF WOMEN ACTIVISTS IN ENHANCING WOMEN PARTICIPATION AT LOCAL
LEVEL

4. What Is Local Self Government
Administration of local areas run by its elective
representative
The local self-government is the right and power of the
community to resolve on its own responsibility issues
of local significance aimed at the welfare of the inhabitants
in accordance with the Constitution .

5. Women In Pakistan Local Self Government
HISTORICAL PREVIEW

6. Local government (LG) is a critical locale for change in Pakistan. It was
mentioned in the Muslim League Manifesto even before Pakistan’s
creation; and has been a part of various constitutions (1962, 1973).
Three military dictators instituted LG reform as a means of ensuring
control: General Ayyub Khan (1958–69), General Zia-ul-Haq (1977–88)
and General Pervez Musharraf (1999–2008). But, LG was not in the
limelight during the periods of civilian government: the Pakistan Peoples
Party (PPP) (Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto) (1972–7); PPP (Benazir Bhutto)
(1988–90 and 1993–6); and the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) (Nawaz
Sharif) (1990–3 and 1997–9). However, the 1973 constitution,
introduced by the PPP government of Zulfiqar Bhutto, which is still
operative, includes LG as a non-binding issue in the section entitled,
‘Principles of Policy.’

7. Article 32. The State shall encourage local Government institutions
composed of elected representatives of the areas concerned and in such
institutions special representations will be given to peasants, workers
and women.
Article 37(i). The State shall: (i) Decentralize the government
administration so as to facilitate expeditious disposal of its business to
meet the convenience and requirements of the public. (Government of
Pakistan 1973)

8. Despite these constitutional provisions minimal effort was made to
enhance representation of women in governance in the past. The previous
constitutions, 1956, 1962, 1973 and 8th amendment 1985 all provided for
reservation of seats for women at both the provincial and national
assemblies through indirect election. However, this reservation remained
very low and limited from 5 to 10% only and lapsed in 1988 which
further deteriorated women’s representation in political decision making.

9. Women Representation In Local Governance Till
1999
Time period Regime Representation
1958-1968 Ayub Khan No special representation under BDO
1971-1977 Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto No special representation was provided
1977-1985 Zia-ul-Haq 2 seats at UC and 10% for other tiers
except NWFP
1988-1990 Benazir Bhutto Local government elections were not held
1990-1993 Nawaz Sharif 10.4%
1994-1996 Benazir Bhutto Local government elections were not held
1997-1999 Nawaz Sharif 12.7% in Punjab, 25.8% in Balochistan,
2.9% in NWFP and 23% in Sindh

10. Musharraf’s Devolution of Power
Plan 2000
A KEY DEVELOPMENT IN THE HISTORY OF
GOVERNANCE IN PAKISTAN

13. • In 1999, the think tank of the General Pervez Musharaf, National
Reconstruction Bureau (NRB) introduced a new system of local government.
To institutionalize decentralization, Local Government Ordinance (LGO)
2000 was promulgated, federally and then re-enacted provincially, in August
2001.
• The system has three tiers i.e. Union Council, Tehsil (sub district) Council and
Zila (District) Council. Local Government Elections were held in 5 phases
from August 2001 to 2002.
• It provided women 33% representation at all 3 tiers of local governance
through special quota.
• These reserved seats were directly elected at village level for union councils
and indirectly elected at district and sub-district levels for District and Tehsil
councils. Following describe the model & its tiers the best.

14. Women Seats Reserved As Percentage Of Total Seats
Level No. of
Councils
Total Seats Seats for
women
Women seats
% of total
Union Council 6022 126,462 36,066 28.5%
Tehsil Council 305 8,192 1,749 21.3%
Town Council 30 773 161 20.8%
District
Council
96 8,806 1,988 22.6%
Total 144,233 39,964 27.6%

15. Status Of Women In Local Governance 2000-01
Local government level No. of seats reserved for women No. of elected women
Union councils 36,066 32,222
Tehsil council 1,749 1,675
Town councils 161 161
District councils 1,988 1,905
Total 39,964 35,963
Women elected on reserved seats
for Minorities
126
Women elected on Nazim/Naib
Nazim seats
16
Total No. of elected women 36,105

16. Women Leadership In Local Government Election 2000-01
Nazim District Council 2
Naeb Nazim Tehsil Council 1
Nazim Union Council 11
Naeb Nazim Union Council 2
Women on minorities seats 126 (majority Christians)

17. For the second round of elections, the government reduced the number of
seats at the council level but was forced to keep the women’s quota at 33
per cent amidst protests from women councilors and NGOs. The overall
reduction in seats resulted in fewer women entering the political scene, but
by 2005, more women had mobilized and were contesting the general seats
indicating a desire to preserve the gains made over the last two decades.

18. Comparative Position Of Women Seats
Category of seat LG election 2000–1 LG election 2005
Total No. of available seats 36,066 24,463
Nominations filed 61,411 (1.7/seat) 57,275 (2.3/seat)
Percentage 170% 234%
Rejection/withdrawal 13,566 9,853
Percentage 37% 40%
Contesting candidates 47,845 (1.3/seat) 47,422 (1.9/seat)
Percentage 133% 194%
Unopposed seats 9,007 4,089
Percentage 25% 16.80%
Vacant seats 4,077 742
Percentage 11.3% 3%

19. Even though seats were reduced for the 2005 election, but the comparison
shows that a greater percentage of women filed nominations and contested
it compared with 2001. There were also fewer vacant seats, especially in
Balochistan and North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) at the Tehsil and
District Council levels and in Punjab and NWFP at the Union Council
level, as women realized that there were gains to be made from becoming
representatives.

20. Devolution Plan 2000 redesigned the political landscape of Pakistan
especially at the grass root level through a reformatory policy
intervention under Local Government Order (LGO). This reorientation
of Local government politics provided 33% reservation of seats for
women through a combination of direct and indirect elections. This
resulted in politico-cultural transformation of society as 67,000 women
filed their nomination establishing massive support from their families
and dispelling the misconception non-existence of women in political
arena is due to their own lack of interest. This resulted in election of
36,105 women councilors in 1st term and 24,463 in the 2nd.

21. It was expected that the reservation of 33% seats in local government will increase
women participation in politics which will bring difference to policies and
institutions. Their participation will also influence the institutional rules / policy
and contribute in decisions about the use and allocation of resources at local
government level. But women councilors are still unable to influence the
institutional policies and rules despite of the fact that politically they are
empowered to some extent by the reservation of 33% seats in local councils.
Although women councilors’ existence is realized by men councilors and
governments agencies but still they are facing various political, cultural and
mobility constraints. There are certain gaps in the Local Government Ordinance
that need to be filled.

22. Gaps In Local Government Ordinance
2000-01

23. · Rights & responsibilities of women councilors have not been mentioned
· Indirect mode of election at Tehsil & District council weakens the community
link
· Its not mandatory to have women in the committees under LGO
· The quorum is not linked with presence of women in house especially budget
session
· Law does not specify mandatory notice of council & committee meeting which
marginalize women
· Musalihati Committee (Arbitration Council) non functional which operates at
Union Council level where women have more direct access to justice
· Honorarium is mentioned but its award is left to discretion of district council
· Distribution of fund on an equal or percentage basis between men & women
councilors not mentioned
· No provision for reservation of women in the Local Government Commission
· No deterrence provision in law against those who deprive women from political
participation

24. Gaps In Implementation Process

25. · Village & neighborhood councils not formed which are more beneficial to women
· Women being marginalized, in house, on the pretext of reserved seat holder and having no
specific constituency whereas they share the same electoral college and mode which elects the
district Nazim
· Access to development funds complicated due to lack of clarity & understanding
· Women councilors role being stereo typed and limited to health, population, education and
social welfare rather than mainstreamed
· Women do not have access to copies of LGO especially in Urdu language
· Women do not have any facility of waiting room and/or other facilities at most of the district
council
· Women are not encouraged to speak and upon doing so they are pushed to focus on women
issues alone by their colleagues
· Women are neither encouraged nor asked to prepare any development scheme
· District level bureaucracy offers resistance as they are not sensitized enough to accept
women in the role of political authority

26. The Women Activist’s Role In Enhancing Women’s
Participation At Local Level
Women’s voices, within the corridors of power or as constituents whose interests
must be accounted for, have been weak but are growing stronger. Activism, led by
the women’s movement and civil society advocacy groups since the 1980s, has
yielded results. The state has opened up democratic spaces to women in elected
legislatures and local bodies through an expanded reserved seats quota; and recently
legislators revised electoral rules to mandate a minimal level of women’s greater
inclusion as candidates and voters. Women NGOs and foundations focused mainly
on local bodies because they were of the view that gaining access to decision
making process is easy for women at local level.

27. Gaining access to decision-making positions for women
in local government is relatively easy mainly because of
It’s easier for women
to fit into their lives
along with family
responsibilities
There are more
positions available and
less competition for
places than in central
legislation
Reserved seats for
women on local
authority
More acceptance for
women at local level
A known local
environment boosts up
women self confidence

28. Role Of APWA, AURAT Foundation, Oxfam And UNDP In
Strengthening Women Political Role
To train candidates and then build the capacity
This is based on a linear pathway approach to women’s political trajectories, that
begins with support for advocacy for a gender quo of elected legislature. These
organizations support women legislators by funding extensive training and
capacity-building opportunities, often implemented through non-government
organizations – with the process repeated for each election cycle.

29. Gender Justice
Programme
A PROGRAMME TO INCREASE WOMEN’S
POLITICAL AGENCY, ACTIVISM AND
LEADERSHIP IN PAKISTAN

31. Conclusion

32. : Zaibunissah Mallah
is a member of the
District Council and
has done incredible
things for her
community; installing
water pumps, tanks,
solar panels, fixing
roads and building
drainage solutions.
She is motivated to
do as much as she can
and to support as
many women as
possible.

33. women’s political participation is not only about increasing their numbers
but also their effectiveness and impact. Women should be able to participate
in open, transparent, accountable decision-making processes of policymaking
institutions and mechanisms not as beneficiaries and objects of development
programs but as agents or subjects of developmental change. Their
effectiveness is indicated by the extent to which they are able to influence
institutional rules, norms and practices and consequently shape the policy
agenda and decisions about the use and allocation of resources. Their impact
on the other hand will be seen in the entitlements, capabilities and rights they
are able to secure for women to redress gender disparities and change their
lives, especially for women living in poverty

34. There is need for considerable work to be undertaken by the government
and women councilors themselves to propose new policies for women
development and use the local government as an institution to economically
and socially empower women at grass root level. The female councilor
need to identify the issues of common concerns and to collectively put
pressure on the local bodies to address these issues. They also need to learn
how to generate pressure on the male councilor to involve them in decisions
making process and provide them funds for women related schemes.

35. Thank You