MAC 390 Dissertation

MAC390
BA (Hons) Media, Culture and Communication
University of Sunderland
By
Adriyan Radev
May 2015

Bulgaria Under the Spotlight: An
Examination of the Representation of
Bulgarians in the British Tabloid Media
Dissertation presented for the degree of BA (Hons)
Media, Culture and Communication at the
University of Sunderland in 2015
By
Adriyan Radev

I confirm that this is an original piece of work, written entirely in my own
words, with the exception of those quotations fully acknowledged within the
text. I am aware of and understand the University regulations on Infringement
and Plagiarism.
Sign:
Date: 05/05/2015

Table of Contents
Abstract
Acknowledgements
Introduction 1
CHAPTER 1: Migration and Representation
Representation, Difference and Power 3
Migration 6
CHAPTER 2: Migration from Bulgaria to the UK and the reasons which push Bulgarians away
from their homeland
Post-Communist Bulgaria 10
Emigration Waves from Bulgaria to the UK 13
The Bulgarian Perspective 15
CHAPTER 3: Bulgarian Representation in the British Tabloid Media 18
Analysing the Daily Mail 21
The Far Right’s Voice 28
CHAPTER 4: Analysis 29
Conclusion 32
Bibliography 35
Appendices 40

Abstract
This thesis will be concerned with an examination of the representation of
Bulgarian migrants in the British tabloid media. It will use mixed methodology
of quantitative and qualitative economic studies in order to find whether or not
such migrants have been falsely misrepresented and if yes, to what extent this
has shaped societal opinions towards those individuals. It also discusses cultural
concepts with an aim to identify the main reason for such negative
misrepresentations. This paper also goes through an analysis of the post-
communist period in Bulgaria and argues that the political and economic
situation in the country is the main reason for many to migrate to the West. It
also argues against the tabloids’ claims that Bulgarians chooseto reside in the
UK mostly because of the welfare state.

Acknowledgments
Many thanks to RobertJewitt, Senior Lecturer in Media and Cultural Studies at
the University of Sunderland for his help and detailed feedback. Forhis support
throughout the whole writing process and critical expertise which helped me
develop and defend my arguments.
I would also like to thank my mother, who provided me with the opportunity to
be part of a higher educational institution such as University of Sunderland. For
the unconditional supportthroughout my three years of undergraduate study.

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Introduction
This dissertation aims to explore the representation of Bulgarian emigrants predominantly in
British tabloid newspapers. It will discuss moral panics about migration created and
perpetuated by the media, whilst assessing the way in which the British media represent
Eastern Europeans in general. It will also be concerned to identify the main reasons for such
representations and to what extent they have been distorted by the tabloid press. In addition to
this, it will discuss and evaluate the economic value of Bulgarian emigrants through analysis
of qualitative economic studies. The first chapter of this paper will be focused on defining
what we mean by ‘representation’ and how we shape our social and cultural values. It will
also look at ‘power’ and ‘difference’ and their cultural implications in the contemporary
world. Then, it will move on with analysis of the term migration and will aim to explain
where migrants stand in terms of acceptance and to what extent they are subject to xeno-
racist prejudices from recipient countries. The second chapter of this dissertation will be
profoundly engaged with tracking the Bulgarian migration movements to the West. It will
also identify the main reasons, which prompted many Bulgarians to leave their homeland and
reside abroad. Moreover, the chapter will analyse the impact of communism on the Bulgarian
economic system and to what extent the communist regime restricted the development of the
country’s infrastructure.
Chapter three of this paper will attempt to answer the main question that this dissertation asks
which is exactly how Bulgarians are represented in the British tabloid media. It will analyse
the most significant migration waves from Bulgaria to the UK and will use newspaper articles
in order to reveal the xeno-racist behaviour on behalf of one of the biggest British tabloid
readerships Daily Mail. However, through using mixed methodology of quantitative and
qualitative research we will prove that the UK tabloids views on Bulgarian emigration are

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false and in many ways distorted. The chapter will also argue that the British tabloids are not
the only ones who exert power over the public but the government and more specifically the
right-wing political party UKIP also plays an important role in forming such
misrepresentations. Furthermore, the chapter will use unfocused interviews in order to prove
that Bulgarian citizens do not come to the UK to seek financial help from the state but with a
main aim to work and create a better life for their families.
The last part of this dissertation will aim to link the three cultural concepts examined in
chapter one with the main topic of this paper. The main point will be to prove that
‘representation’, ‘difference’ and ‘power’ are of a crucial importance for the formation of the
public opinion. Moreover, to prove that institutions, which take a high place in the
contemporary social and economic hierarchies can easily manipulate the public. However,
the second part of the chapter will also provide evidence that migrants help the economy of
the UK and fill the gaps in the labour market. Through analysing data found in news articles,
we will argue against the tabloids’ accusations that migrants claim far more in benefits than
the native citizens of the country. At the end, it will summarise all the given information and
conclude whether or not Bulgarians are falsely represented in the British tabloid media. This
paper will also use the work of academics such as Derek McGhee, Eugenia Markova and
Stuart Hall in order to support the points made.

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CHAPTER 1
Representation and Migration
Representation, Difference and Power
This chapter will start with explanations about some of the most important characteristics,
which defines us as humans. The definition of the words ‘difference’ and ‘representation’ are
of a crucial importance for the understanding of how people communicate with each other
and make meaning out of the world. We will use the work of Stuart Hall whose writings draw
upon semiotics and the analysis of signs, symbols and their significance. According to Hall
(2012: 224) ‘’The main argument is that ‘difference’ matters because it is essential to
meaning; without it, meaning could not exist.’’ It is also worth pointing out that Jacques
Derrida’s notion of ‘différance’ can be also used as an essential piece of writing which
explains ‘difference’. In his essay, Derrida states that meaning is forever deferred through a
chain of related signifiers- goes beyond a limited dualism (1978:33). As an example, we can
use the difference of black versus white. Furthermore, it can be argued that ‘difference’
divides us into different social groups and allows us to distinguish others from our own social
and economic background. Hall (ibid, 224:225) suggests that: ‘’We know what is to be
‘British’, not only because of certain national characteristics, but also because we can mark
its ‘difference’ from its ‘others’ – ‘Britishness’ is not- French, not-American... ‘difference’
signifies. It carries a message.’’ However, it is important to mention that everything we say
and mean is modified by interaction with another person. ‘Difference’ is essential to the
formation of ‘meaning’ and distinguishes one individual from another. As an example, we
can take people from different nationalities who in most cases are unable to communicate

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with each other due to the language barrier that restricts them. But they are also socially and
culturally different, which immediately marks them as ‘others’ when residing in a foreign
country.
The second important aspect for the cultural understanding of ‘meaning’ is the concept of
‘representation’. The Oxford Dictionary suggests that, to represent something ‘’is to describe
or depict it, to call it up in the mind by description or portrayal or imagination; to place a
likeness of it before us in our mind or in the senses’’ (Hall, 1997:16). In other words,
representation plays a crucial role in the process with which meaning is produced and
exchanged between members of a culture or as Hall (ibid: 15) claims: ’’Representation
connects meaning and language to culture.’’ It is important to mention that ‘representation’
and ‘difference’ formulates meaning and reproduce it, in order to mark social and economic
contrast among people. As an example of how languages function as representational
systems, we will use the famous traffic lights example:
‘’A traffic light is a machine which produces different coloured lights in sequence. The effect
of light of different wavelengths on the eye- which is a natural and material phenomenon-
produces the sensation of different colours… But it is our culture which breaks the spectrum
of light into different colours, distinguishes them from one another and attaches names- Red,
Green, Yellow, Blue- to them’’ (Hall, 1997:26).
The traffic lights example can be viewed as a metonymic illustration of the aims of this
thesis. The media in the UK will play the role of the traffic light and the Bulgarian migrants
can symbolise the colours. On the one hand, the British media is a powerful tool for the
formation of the public opinion and on the other, Bulgarian migrants are almost always
present in the British tabloid press. Following this line of thinking, the representation of
Bulgarians in the British tabloid media helps to shape societal opinions regarding Bulgarian
migration and assists to foster public anxieties about Eastern European citizens. Hence,
people perceive the information available in the tabloid print and decide to which spectrum of

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light (red, yellow or green) they can classify Bulgarian migrants (if we assume that the
colours represent the UK’s acceptance of such migrants).
Another compulsory aspect for the formation of the contemporary cultural understandings is
the concept of power. Probably the most significant comments on power are made from the
French Philosopher Michel Foucault. As he points out ‘’power circulates. The circularity of
power is especially important in the context of representation. The argument is that everyone-
the powerful and powerless- is caught up, though not on equal terms, in power’s
circulations’’ (Foucault, 1977:204). Foucault also implicates that we have become a
disciplinary society, which is oppressed by higher states of power (in this case the media).
Moreover, Foucault (1976:93) refers to power as being ‘’everywhere; not because it
embraces everything but because it comes from everywhere...Power is not something that is
acquired, seized, or shared, something that one holds on to or allows to slip away…’’ We can
say that in this case power plays only a contributory role in shaping perceptions about a
particular topic (i.e. there are powerful voices everywhere). This means that the tabloids exert
a greater significance within the popular imagination than other less read/ less watched
media. For example, bigger readerships like Daily Mail would have more impact on societal
opinions towards a particular problem than less popular publications such as local
newspapers, which reach smaller audiences. It is also worth pointing out that the tabloid
media puts pressure on politics by mobilising certain opinions that feed into public debate
and impact upon things like immigration policy. They are not the only factor, but they are a
powerful symbolic force. Pressure groups, campaigners, educationalists, public figures, etc. –
they all play a role too (i.e. power is everywhere, but is disproportionately exerted).
What is clear by now is that ‘difference’, ‘representation’ and ‘power’ are compulsory
elements in the formation of the contemporary culture. It is also clear that the three factors
play an important role in the way in which people communicate with each other and make

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meaning out of the world. These concepts will be the backbone of this dissertation and will
be used in many cases to support the points made in this paper.
Migration
This chapter will now move on with an examination of the term migration and will explain
for which reasons people leave their homeland and choose to permanently relocate abroad.
Migration is as old as human civilization and can be traced back to ancient times. The Roman
expansion, Viking conquests and the Crusades were all examples of invading new lands in
order to expand their territories. A lot has changed since then and different forces are in play
today such as economic, political, social, cultural etc. However, contemporary migration is
also different than in the early times of human history. Today, the migration process is mostly
associated with the movement of people from one country to another with the main purpose
of finding better social and economic life conditions. Hanlon and Vicino (2014: 3-4) argues
that there are two main types of migration. As they state:
‘’First, there is internal migration. This refers to the movement and relocation of people
inside one country… A second type of migration is the movement and relocation of people
from one nation to another. This is external migration, or international migration…’’
However, this dissertation will focus only on examination of external migration and the
possible consequences of people moving from one country to another. According to ‘’the
United Nations, in 2010, there were some 214 million people- 3.1 percent of the world’s
population living outside the country where they were born’’ (ibid: 4). It can be argued that it
is extremely difficult to find the accurate figures of people living outside their home countries
as there is a large amount of migrants who reside in foreign regions without the required legal
documentation. According to Moisés Pinedo (2009:2) illegal immigration means: ‘’The act of
entering a country without having the necessary authorization to reside, temporarily or

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permanently, within its borders.’’ Today, terms such as ‘planned ‘or ‘managed’ immigration
are constantly being used by politicians, who probably use them in order to avoid sounding
racist. The point here is that immigration has become a political and judicial definition
supported by legal frameworks and definitions.
Hanlon and Vicino (2014) claims that the main tendency of migration is the movement of
migrants from less developed regions to more developed regions of the world. Such an act is
the movement of people from South to North in America and from East to West in Europe.
As migrants will be the main concern of this dissertation, we will try to define the different
types of migrants. As both authors (ibid: 5) point out: ‘’Within the category of migrants, there
is often a distinction made between voluntary migrants and involuntary migrants.’’ The
difference between voluntary and involuntary migrants is often associated with the current
situation in their countries of origin. Involuntary migrants are individuals who cannot stay
and live in their countries due to some sort of conflict or environmental disaster. However,
we will be more focused on examination of voluntary migrants or as Hanlon and Vicino
(ibid:7) claims: ‘’Voluntary migrants are those who choose to move voluntarily because
economic conditions and living standards in their country or region of origin are not as
desirable as in another country or region.’’ It can also be argued that voluntary migrants are
considered being those migrants who stay over a year in a different country other than their
own. This dissertation will be concerned with examining the category of low-skilled labour
migrants in Britain. Such migrants are often associated with residing in another country
without the requisite legal documentation and poor skills in speaking the native language of
their new country of residence.
We will now move on with an examination of the British Immigration policies and Acts since
the beginning of the 20th century towards labour migrants with an aim to determine, to what
extent the British society consider migrants as a problem in the country. According to Derek

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McGhee (2005: 65) ‘’ British immigration and asylum policy was formalized in 1905 (the
Aliens Act), when limits were set to prevent unwanted immigration in response to an influx
of 120 Jews from Eastern Europe.’’ The policy was also issued to protect Britain from
unwanted emigration from former British colonies such as India, Pakistan and Hong-Kong.
This was due to the rising interest of residents of these countries to migrate to Britain and
seek better social and economic development which was made possible by their status as
‘British subjects’ and ‘Commonwealth citizens. However, a more recent example of the UK’s
restrictions towards emigration is the 1998 government paper called White Paper Fairer,
Faster and Firmer and the eventual emigration Asylum Act 1999 which were considered as
important milestones marking the development of the Labour government’s asylum and
immigration policy (ibid: 67). As McGhee (ibid: 67) claims: ‘’ The major impact of this
policy was the introduction of deterrence as the organizing principle of immigration and
asylum policy.’’ The main goal of the British government was to represent and visualise
Britain as an unattractive destination for potential ‘alien’ invasions from less developed
regions to the UK.
An important factor for the formation of the public opinion towards such migration was the
contribution of the tabloid media. Portrayals within the British tabloid media of economic
migrants and asylum seekers tended to characterise them as unskilled and poorly educated,
coming with no intention to help the development of the British infrastructure but rather only
to jeopardise and disrupt the stability of the country. Such misrepresentations are probably an
essential element of the xeno-racism towards Eastern European migrants in recent years.
According to Sivanandan (2001:89) xeno-racism ‘’combines racist prejudice with
xenophobia: ‘the (natural) fear of strangers’. This is a form of racism that is not colour-coded,
that is not only targeted at those with darker skins from a different race, but is also directed at
White migrants from Eastern European countries.’’ Moreover, xeno-racism can play the role

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of a defensive mechanism on behalf of the British community, in order to preserve their own
traditions and culture. Xeno-racism can be also associated with Britons’ negative attitudes
towards migrants from ‘poor’ economic countries.
Furthermore, we can make a distinctive connection between xeno-racism and Edward Said’s
Orientalism theory. Both ideologies (Xeno-racism and Said’s Otherness concept) portray the
same idea and describe the racial and xenophobic implications that occur in British society.
Edward Said’s theories are mainly associated with explaining and analysing the attitude of the
West towards the Orient. Said (1985: 300) describes Orientalism as a:
‘’system of ideological fiction’(321), is a matter of power. It is one of the mechanisms by
which the West maintained its hegemony over the Orient. This is in part achieved by an
insistence on an absolute difference between the West and the Orient, in which ‘the West... Is
rational, developed, humane, superior, and the Orient… is aberrant, undeveloped, inferior.’’
In other words, the representations of ‘alien’ citizens in the West have always been linked to
negative associations. Additionally, it reinforces the assumption of the west as the best.
Typical representations of migrants from Eastern European countries within the
contemporary tabloid press tend to portray these citizens as poor, underdeveloped and
inferior. The link that connects the Orient and Eastern Europe (in terms o representations in
Britain) is that the people who migrate from those parts of the world to the UK are considered
different than Britons. On the one hand, people from the Orient are often subject to racial
prejudices by the British society. On the other hand, Bulgarian migrants are subject to xeno-
racism by the British public, even though they can be classified to the white ethnos.

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CHAPTER 2
Migration from Bulgaria to the UK and the reasons which
push Bulgarians away from their homeland
Post-Communist Bulgaria
This chapter will focus on the emigration flows from Bulgaria to the Western countries and
will explain the reasons, which prompted many Bulgarians to leave their homeland. Between
the Second World War and the end of 1989, the Bulgarian community was partly isolated
from the outside world. It was the Communist regime that restricted Bulgarians from
travelling to the Western and Southern countries. The government at the time and the
communist regime set a ban on the free movement of Bulgarian citizens through a
sophisticated policing systems and highly complicated system for issuing passports
(Markova, 2010:2). Between 1944 and 1989, the Bulgarian emigration was mostly motivated
by political reasons or related to ethnicity. The ethnic emigration of Bulgarian Turks to
Turkey was the most significant phenomenon in the history of this period. This was due to
the collectivisation of land in Bulgaria at the time and the fact that the majority of the ethnic
Turks were farmers.
However, the entire labour market was fully controlled by the state and people were not
allowed to emigrate for economic reasons. In order to travel outside of communist Bulgaria,
people had to receive special permission from the Bulgarian communist party and state
officials (Ivanov, 2007:54). It was almost impossible for Bulgarian middle class individuals
to travel across the world and to seek a better life in an alien country. Despite all the

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restrictions that the government had set for Bulgarian citizens, many chose to migrate
illegally. Eugenia Markova (2010:6) claims that ‘’the official statistics in Bulgaria point to
684 emigrants who left the country in 1981-1988. For the same period, the statistics of the
host countries have registered 2,761 asylum applications lodged by Bulgarian citizens.’’ The
host countries that have registered those numbers of Bulgarian citizens were mainly from
Western developed countries, which implicates that the reason for those migrants leaving
might be economic.
The transition period in Bulgaria from communism to democracy was a complex process that
marked social and economic changes in the country. The transition process is mostly defined
as a coup carried by the Bulgarian communist party elites against the long-standing dictator
Todor Zhivkov (Linz and Stepan, 1997: 338-339). As Federico Rossi (2012: 9-10) points out:
‘’ Communist Bulgaria is commonly regarded as a one-party authoritarian regime with a
single undisputed leader: Todor Zhivkov.’’ The dictatorship of Zhivkov continued for thirty-
five years and was considered by many as an early post-totalitarianism regime with the only
difference that Zhivkov shared some power with the BCP politburo. However, the main
reason for the transition in Bulgaria was the collapse of the USSR and how this affected
Bulgaria. The fact that Bulgaria was the closest Soviet satellite in Eastern Europe meant that
the country would suffer significant economic and political transformation after the
communist ideology collapsed in the USSR. The transition period in Bulgaria lasted a year
and a half from 1989 until 1990 and was marked as non-violent in comparison to their
neighbour country Romania where the already former dictator Nicolae Ceausescu was
publicly executed. After the fall of Todor Zhivkov’s regime, a new constitution was agreed
and the first free and open elections were called. Bulgarian society was profoundly affected
by the transition changes. Under the new constitution, the Bulgarian citizens could freely
travel outside the country without the permission of the State. The democratic approach also

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allowed for the Bulgarian citizens to have freedom of speech, something that was strictly
forbidden by the former leaders. The fact that the newly formed constitution of Bulgaria
allowed the society to travel freely to foreign countries and the economic crisis straight after
the fall of the communist regime made many Bulgarians want to leave the country and reside
abroad. Rangelova and Vladimirova (2004:7) state that:
‘’The new social and economic environment in conditions of European integration and, in a
broader scale, globalisation provide new opportunities for free cross-border movement. The
collapse of the previous system of centrally planned economies in central and Eastern Europe
led to the emigration of many people from this region to the west.’’
One of the reasons, which pushed Bulgarians away from their homeland, was due to the
economic hardship there. After the fall of socialism, the living standards in Bulgaria were
significantly lower in comparison with the other EU countries, which immediately lead to
waves of emigration.
The transformation recession in Central and Eastern Europe during the 1990s also gave an
opportunity for many highly qualified personnel to migrate and receive higher earnings in
comparison to the traditional low pay in Bulgaria. In comparison to the other European
countries, Bulgaria was underdeveloped and with not many opportunities for realisation due
to the fact that the democratic modern approach had just been introduced to the country.
Throughout the 1990s, the Bulgarian labour market was marked as one of the worst
performing European markets. The unemployment rates among workers who have been
unemployed for more than a year have been nearly 50% (World Bank Country Study, 2001).
The workforce in Bulgaria was simply ‘discouraged’ by the low salaries, which pushed many
workers to quit the labour force and start considering migration or other ways of earning
higher pay checks. It is stated in the World Bank Country Study (ibid: 75) that:
‘’Aggregate real wages in Bulgaria fell by some 40 percent over the 1990s. Political
instability, erratic macroeconomic and fiscal policies during the early years of the transitions,
combined with the Government’s failure to tackle fundamental structural problems are
obviously responsible for this outcome.’’

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The years after the transition in Bulgaria were undoubtedly the hardest for the society. The
public sector was hit by massive erosion and the real wage rate dropped by 52%. Moreover,
in 1996, the Bulgarian labour market entered its most dramatic phase with a drastically
devaluated national currency and the rate of inflation reaching its record of 435.8%,
(Markova, 2010:18). The economic challenges in Bulgaria throughout the 1990s were also
the most powerful reason for leaving the country. As this dissertation is mainly focused on
the Bulgarian emigration to the UK, it will now try to outline three important stages that
played a crucial role of the Bulgarian emigration process after the fall of socialism to present
days.
Emigration Waves from Bulgaria to the UK
The first stage can be described as the process which marked Great Britain as a potential
migration destination for Bulgarian citizens or as Eugenia Markova (ibid: 9) points out:
‘’ In the second half of the 1990s, the number of Bulgarians choosing the UK as a destination
became more significant, when Bulgarians started making use of the ECAA visas that
allowed them entry into the UK as self-employed businessmen and women.’’
Most of the Bulgarian citizens who chose to reside in the UK on a self-employed basis were
also marked as the first and most significant wave of emigrants from Bulgaria to the UK. The
main reason for this emigration flow was once again the economic situation in Bulgaria and
the opportunities that Great Britain could provide to potential migrants. Self-employed visas
allowed for migrants to legally reside in the country and work in the low-skilled labour sector
through opening small businesses under their names.
The second stage marks the acceptance of (A8) Central and Eastern European countries in the
European Union. In 2004, EU continued its expansion with accepting eight new members
(Czech Republic, Lithuania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary, Estonia, Poland and Latvia).

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However, there were large expectations that the new EU members would cause a wave of
unwanted labour emigration to Western wealthier countries. Engbersen et al. (2010:10)
claims that: ‘’Three EU countries- Ireland, Sweden and the United Kingdom immediately
opened their labour markets to migrants from the new member states…’’ The fact that the
UK borders were freely open to the new EU countries implicated that many low-skilled
labour migrants will choose to leave their current regions and settle in the UK. Those
countries were also in the spotlight for the tabloid Media there. Similar to today’s writings
about Bulgarian migrants, the tabloid press managed to represent the new EU (A8) countries
before the borders were open as uneducated and coming with the main aim to rely on the
state. However, the xeno-racist behaviour on behalf of the tabloid print played a pivotal role
in the formation of public opinion. The second stage is more important than any other for the
Bulgarian emigrants and can be marked as the starting point from where tabloid media has
prompted a great deal of public anxiety in the British society towards Central and Eastern
European citizens.
The last stage marks the accession of the two (A2) Eastern European countries in the EU,
Bulgaria and Romania. Adriana Hristova (2008: 680) points out that the Bulgarian accession
process started in 1988 and continued to 2005. The country submitted its first application for
EU membership in 1990 but it was not until 2000 when actual negotiations commenced. She
also states that:
‘’On April 25, 2005, the Member States of the European Union (EU or Community) signed
the Treaty Concerning the Accession of Bulgaria and Romania (Accession Treaty), which
served as the legal basis for the two countries' full membership to the European Community’’
(ibid:678).
Bulgaria became an official EU member in 2007, which opened the European Union borders
to all Bulgarian citizens and allowed them to easily travel and work among the EU member
states. However, the difference when compared to the 2004 accession agreement was that

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there would be restrictions placed upon Bulgarian and Romanian citizens’ rights to work,
claim benefits and access to social housing during their accession period, something that A8
countries in 2004 did not experience. The United Kingdom was one of the first, which put
restrictions on Bulgarian and Romanian citizens with the main purpose of reducing the
numbers of newcomers from those countries. However, according to John Eade and
Yordanka Valkanova (2009:49): ‘’The most important implication is that by restricting the
labour market access of people who can freely enter the UK as EU citizens, the UK
government risks creating more opportunities for irregular working.’’ In other words, the
Bulgarian citizens who choose the UK as their main destination to reside for economic
purposes would not be able to work without the appropriate permission, which will
eventually lead to the increasing of the numbers of individuals who work illegally. The UK
government ignored the fact that the British workforce needed individuals in the low-skilled
sectors to fill the gaps in the labour market and partly restricted the two A2 countries from
meeting this need. There is also a fourth stage that marks the date when those restriction for
Bulgarians and Romanians ended but it will be examined in a later section of this paper as it
is closely related to the main goal of the next chapter.
The Bulgarian Perspective
An interesting fact to point out is that between 1989 and 2004, Bulgaria’s population declined
by 13% or as Boshnakov and Mintchev (2010:236) claims: ‘’ Bulgarian population declined
by about 13 per cent, or 1.2 million in absolute figures ( roughly 500,000 due to natural
decrease and 700,000 due to emigration).’’ However, the authors also argue that, if the
Bulgarian foreign investors and companies had offered a slight increase of the salaries and
provided further career opportunities that would have encouraged the return of many
migrants and would power the Bulgarian economy. Despite the fact that Bulgaria is the

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poorest European country, its citizens strongly believe that if the government takes the
modern approach and follow the steps of other highly-developed Western countries, the
emigration flows will be reduced to minimum and more young people would choose to seek
career opportunities in Bulgaria, rather than migrate abroad. Most of the Bulgarian migrants
are blaming the state for their own choice to leave the country and accuse the government of
being corrupt and inadequate. A young Bulgarian emigrant from the USA is cited in Zhivko
Ivanov’s (2007: 60-61) book chapter. He states: ‘’I am proud to be Bulgarian but now I’m
residing in USA…The reason I am in USA are our politicians. It is entirely their fault.’’ Most
of the Bulgarian emigrants love their motherland but hate the state. The reason that made
those 700 000 Bulgarian citizens (until 2004) leave their families and seek better life abroad
was entirely due to the Bulgarian government and the poor ruling of the politicians there.
However, it can be argued that most of the money that Bulgarian migrants earn abroad are a
‘safe boat’ for their families and relatives. Rangelova and Vladimirova (2004:24) states that:
‘’According to the Agency for Bulgarians Abroad at least 300 000 emigrants have, since
2003, been transferring to their families monthly small amounts ranging from $100 to $300.’’
This process allows for the typical middle class Bulgarian family to raise their normal
standards of living and cope with the unstable financial situation of the country.
A field research conducted back in 2005 was concerned with examining the emigration
experiences of 388 emigrants from six different countries. Some 85 of the interviewed were
Bulgarians-29 living in Brighton and Hove, 29- in Hackney and 27 in Harrow (Markova,
2009:110). More than half of the Bulgarians interviewed (53 per cent) left their country of
origin for economic reasons. The main reasons for those individuals leaving were either
because they were not earning enough (29 per cent) or they could not see any prospects for
improvement in Bulgaria (13 per cent), (ibid: 111). Despite the media insinuations that
Bulgarian migrants predominantly reside in the UK for benefits, none of the interviewed in

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the sample chose to come to the United Kingdom because of welfare benefits (ibid: 113). It is
also worth pointing out that we have an updated sample of conducted interviews but they will
be discussed in the third chapter of this paper. Moreover, Eugenia Markova (ibid:117) claims
that: ‘’Of those who were working prior to leaving their country of origin, more than a third
(38 per cent) reported being in a managerial, professional, or associate professional position,
followed by those in education.’’ Only four per cent of the interviewed were unemployed
prior to their arriving in the UK and over a quarter (28 per cent) are reported to be students in
higher education. It is stated that most of the interviewed managed to find work straight after
their arrival in the UK in a range of job sectors. The most significant being construction (for
men), personal services (for women) and the hotel and restaurant sector (for both men and
women), (ibid: 117).
This study proves that many Bulgarian professionals choose to leave their motherland and
reside in the UK. The fact that most of the interviewed left a professional job in order to
migrate abroad and work within the low-skilled sector in the UK, just shows that the
economic situation in Bulgaria is unstable and that is the main reason for migration. It also
implicates that claiming benefits is not the reason for Bulgarians to choose the UK as a
potential migration destination as it is stipulated in the tabloid media.

- 18 -
CHAPTER 3
Bulgarian Representation in the British Tabloid Media
As explained earlier, the third section of this paper will focus on examining the British national
newspapers and explore the tabloid print in order to expose the xeno-racist attitude of the UK
tabloid media towards Bulgarian economic migrants and Eastern Europeans in general. Kerry
Moore et al. (2012:1) states that: ‘’Migration is a subject rarely absent from news headlines or
political agendas. Every day people want to move to countries that cannot or do not want to
grant them entry.’’ The British media representation of migrants from A2 and A8 countries has
long been slanted in a negative direction and this has impacted upon society’s opinion of such
emigrants. This chapter will examine the most important periods of the Bulgarian migration
process to the UK and will critically asses the representations of those phases in the British
national print.
First, we have to define why those three exact stages matter. The first two periods were already
examined in the previous chapter of this paper (2004- A8 countries accession period and 2007-
A2 countries accession period to the EU) and the third is the date when Bulgarian and
Romanian migrants were granted permission to work freely in the UK without any restrictions
(January 1st 2014). The 2004 period can be seen as the year from when the UK government
and the media initiated the negative ‘campaign’ towards Central and Eastern European citizens.
The second stage (2007) marks the transition of the media attention from the A8 states to
Bulgaria and Romania. And the last period represents the development of the already existing
Bulgarian and Romanian migration problem and the way in which the tabloids falsely claimed
that thousands of migrants would come to seek economic survival in the UK even before the
restrictions were actually lifted.

- 19 -
After determining why those periods of time matter we will now move on with analysing the
data. As the scope of this project is too small for carrying out a full examination of the UK
national print media, we will have to make sure that the data is manageable and particularly
focused on the main topic of this dissertation. For that purpose, we will use the online library
platform LexisNexis to collect quantitative material, which will be used in the dissertation to
track the continuous and on-going popularity of particular key words associated with Bulgarian
migrants in the British national press. The aim of this small-scale research study will be to
search the same set of key words in the three different periods of time. It will also be concerned
with recording the trends related to Bulgarian migration and determining whether or not the
interest in the Bulgarian migration problem is increasing in the UK media. In order to reduce
the numbers of articles even more we will divide the search onto three different groups (UK
national papers, tabloid media and Daily Mail) and the key search words will be: Migration +
Bulgaria and Bulgaria+ Benefits:
Figure 1: Search Results within the UK National Papers
As illustrated on Figure 1, the search results for the particular set of key words is
significantly high. We can also notice that the number of mentions between the different
2003-2004 2006-2007 2013-2014
146
649
3248
211
613
3103
UK NATIONAL PAPERS:
NUMBER OF MENTIONS
Bulgaria + Migrants Bulgaria + Benefits

- 20 -
periods of time is gradually increasing and perfectly represents the interest of the media at the
chosen years. We can say that the results are based on random search, which means that
probably not all of the news articles that mention Bulgaria, benefits and migration are with an
aim to represent Bulgarians in a negative aspect. However, we can clearly see that since
Bulgaria has become a European Union member the popularity of mentions have increased
by almost 500 per cent in comparison to 2003 and 2004.
Figure 2: Search Results within the Tabloid Media
We can see that on Figure 2 the results are much less frequent and particularly concentrated in
tabloid print. Through focussing only on a limited number of publications we have illustrated
exactly how Bulgarians are represented in the British tabloid media.
2003-2004 2006-2007 2013-2014
41
311
558
56
239
512
TABLOID MEDIA:
NUMBER OF MENTIONS

- 21 -
Figure 3: Search results within Daily Mail
If we want to refocus the number of mentions even more and make the data appropriate to
use for the purpose of this dissertation we have decided to focus on one of the largest tabloid
readerships Daily Mail. The main reason for focusing only on Daily Mail is the fact that most
of the xeno-racist implications towards Bulgarian economic migrants are coming from the
papers with the biggest tabloid readerships, which includes Daily Mail. As showed on Figure
3, the results reveal a gradually increasing pattern identical to chart 1 and 2, but this time the
data is significantly less than in the previous two occasions. In other words, we reduced the
number of highly related articles to the subject area of this paper to a minimum, which
allowed us to particularly concentrate on the main problem that concerns us.
Analysing the DailyMail
This paper will now focus on analysing three articles from Daily Mail. Each of the articles
will represent one of the three important periods of the Bulgarian emigration problem. The
articles will be randomly selected and examined through small case studies. The main aim
2003-2004 2006-2007 2013-2014
20
92
238
20
118
193
DAILY MAIL:
NUMBER OF MENTIONS

- 22 -
will be to identify the xeno-racist and distorted implications of the tabloid media about
Bulgarian economic emigrants. In order to support those statements we have conducted ten
unfocused interviews with Bulgarian emigrants who mostly reside in London and work
within the low paid job sectors.
The First Wave
The first article that is going to be examined dates from 2004 and is published by Daily Mail
on 31st of March (a month before the acceptance of A8 countries in the EU). It is concerned
with showing the then current situation of emigrants on self-employed basis and the way in
which Eastern European migrants were faking documentation in order to gain visas for
permanent residence in Britain. Through the ECAA visas, Eastern European nationals were
able to gain access to the labour market and legally reside in the UK. However, many Eastern
European citizens including Bulgarians were obviously ineligible and with lack of English
skills when applying. The article also goes through the British ignorance of that fact and the
way in which applications were not properly checked. Even though A8 countries were under
the media spotlight at the time, Bulgaria and Romania have received significant amount of
negative attention as well. The visa scam scandal marks the first roots of when both Bulgaria
and Romania became a target of the government and tabloid media in Britain.
The first strong statement of the article implicates that all of the ECAA visa holders come to
the UK and after a year have a full access to the welfare state. ‘’Unlike asylum seekers, these
migrants are not entitled to benefits. But once they have been here for a year or so, it is hard
to remove them and they then have full access to the welfare state.’’ (Amory, 2004:15).’’
Through those statements, the article indirectly suggests that most of the people with ECAA
visas come to the UK with an aim of seeking benefits from the British government. We have
to note that only one out of the ten interviewees spoken to for this thesis was relying on

- 23 -
benefits but still was in a part-time employment. We cannot capture the whole number of
Bulgarians who rely on benefits but at least we can get an idea of the significantly low rate of
Bulgarian nationals who seek help from the state. It is also stated in the Daily Mail article
that: ‘’Steve Moxon, an official with the Immigration and Nationality Directorate in
Sheffield, said he had been asked to nod through requests for visas without conducting proper
checks, as part of a Government campaign to reduce an application backlog’’ (ibid). Those
statements suggest that even if there is unskilled and uneducated individuals who wish to
work and live in the UK, they can be easily rejected. The government’s ignorance led to the
arrival of many non-businessmen and women Bulgarian emigrants who used the ECAA visas
as an alternative way for accessing the UK labour market. The fault here lies with the British
government and not on the Bulgarian individuals who have been given a legal right to come
and work in the UK. The fact that the Daily Mail article begins with indirect accusations of
Eastern European citizens particularly reveals the start of xeno-racist implications and shows
how due to a government mistake Britain has ‘invited’ an unwanted wave of unskilled
workers. Through indirectly stating that Eastern European citizens claim benefits, Daily Mail
created the assumptions that the main reason for those emigrants to reside in the UK is the
welfare state, which can be classified as a misrepresentation.
As the date when Bulgarian and Romanian citizens would be allowed to enter the UK freely
comes close (January 1st 2007), the tabloid media has pointed its focus on giving detailed
numbers of the 2004 experience when A8 countries joined the EU and the emigration influx
that followed after those states were granted access. Daily Mail came out with many anti-
migration headlines towards the EU newcomers such as ‘’…And Today We Open Door To
30M More‘’ and ‘’Bulgarians set to ‘invade’ Poles take cash and run.’’ If those eight
countries were in the spotlight in 2004, now the attention was fully concentrated on Bulgaria
and Romania and the possible new unskilled migration waves to Britain from both countries.

- 24 -
The numerous suggestions by Daily Mail that Bulgarian and Romanian citizens will be
coming to the UK with lack of English skills and a desire to mainly rely on the state shows
how the contemporary opinion of the British society was conceptualised.
Testing the Language
The interviews that were conducted in the beginning of 2015 point out that most Bulgarians
do come with bad English skills but they improve quickly. For example, a Bulgarian, who
works and lives in London for already three years, has significantly improved his English
skills. When asked to compare his English abilities on a scale from 1 to 10, now and prior to
his arriving, he answered that he had never studied English before and classify himself as a
‘one’ at the beginning. He also said that when he first came to the UK he started learning the
language very fast and now consider himself as an ‘eight’. Most of the interviewed migrants,
similarly to the example above came with poor knowledge of English but managed to adapt
to life in Britain quickly and learned to speak basic English within the first year of their
arrival.
The Second Wave
The article that is going to be a sphere for analysis of the 2006-2007 period was published
just four days before Bulgaria and Romania joined the European Union. The headline of the
article was obviously set to increase the negative outlook from the public towards the new
EU countries- ‘’One migrant arrives in Britain every minute’ (Hickley, 2006:12). Even
though the headline is not particularly focused on Bulgaria, we can easily recognise that the
main ‘villains’ in this case will be both Eastern European countries. Through the headline and
the first few sentences, Daily Mail successfully managed to create an assumption within the
British society that the EU newcomers would flood into Britain after first of January 2007.
Statements like: ‘’The figures emerged less than a week before Romania and Bulgaria join

- 25 -
the European Union on January 1 giving 30million more people the right to enter Britain’’
(ibid). The argument of the Daily Mail journalist reveals the shocking number of thirty
million. Even if his statement is not particularly referring that thirty million emigrants will try
to enter Britain, the statement is set to create more anxiety within the public rather than to
give an accurate number of the expected migration flow. Moreover, the article gave evidence
to support those claims through revealing the numbers of migrants who entered the country
following the accession of the eight EU countries in 2004. The difference between the 2004
and 2007 period is significant because the number of emigrants that would be allowed to
enter the UK is a lot less than in the previous case, which makes the comparison non valid.
It is also stated in the article that: ‘’The latest EU expansion is expected to unleash a huge
wave of immigration similar to that which followed the entry of eight former communist
states in 2004’’ (ibid). Just four days before entering the European Union, the British tabloids
were insinuating that a huge wave of emigrants will be expected following the accession of
Bulgaria and Romania. It can be argued that indeed an emigration wave came from both
countries after their accession but the situation was entirely different to the 2004 experience.
The argument here is that through restricting the right of Bulgarian and Romanian citizens to
work in the UK, the government significantly decreased the numbers of migrants who
decided to choose UK to reside for economic reasons. The second period was an important
factor as it represents the accession of Bulgaria to the EU and marks the transition of the
media attention from the A8 (2004) countries to the already new members of the European
Union (A2).
The Third Wave
We are going to move on with analysing the third and most important period, which marks
the lifting of the Bulgarian and Romanian working restrictions in the UK. The article that is

- 26 -
going to become a sphere for analysis is highly controversial and is published just one day
(31st of December, 2013) before the working restrictions for Bulgarian and Romanian
migrants were lifted. From, 1st of January 2014, Bulgarian and Romanian citizens would have
the right to access the British labour market freely. For that reason, the tabloid media and
political forces such as the UK Independent party (UKIP) had managed to instil fear within
the British society through stating that Britain will be flooded with low skilled Bulgarian and
Romanian migrants straight after opening its market to them. However, we will first focus on
examining the Daily Mail article and then will move on with analysing a statement that was
made by the leader of UKIP Nigel Farage, in order to prove that the whole 2014 situation was
distorted.
The headline of the Daily Mail article that we will analyse suggests to its readers that a huge
amount of Romanian workers are preparing to enter the UK on 1st of January 2014 with the
main intention of accessing the already open labour market. ‘’Sold Out! Flights and Buses
Full As Romanians Head For The UK’’ (Stevens and Martin, 2013:14). Even if the headline
is implicating that Romanians are preparing to head for the UK, we can clearly understand
from the first sentence of the article that Bulgarian citizens were packing their bags and were
ready to emigrate as well. ‘’Bulgarians and Romanians were last night preparing to travel to
Britain as restrictions on working here are lifted tomorrow. And all tickets for seats on buses
leaving the Bulgarian capital of Sofia until January 9 have been snapped up’’ (ibid). Through
these statements, Daily Mail is clearly trying to represent that the day of the opening of the
labour market is a huge celebration for the Bulgarian and Romanian society and everyone are
looking forward to finding their new better life abroad. Moreover, the journalist also suggests
that: ‘’All seats on two British Airways flights from Sofia to London Heathrow next Sunday
and Monday - each carrying more than 152 passengers - have been sold’’ (ibid). Despite the
fact that British Airways is one of the most expensive airlines of air travel from Bulgaria to

- 27 -
Britain, the Daily Mail journalist have decided to use the British company to prove that many
Bulgarians would come to the UK in the following weeks after the restrictions were lifted.
British Airways is an airline mainly used by business people and students, who work or study
in Britain. However, the most preferred airlines for travelling by emigrants (especially first
time comers) are low-cost airline companies such as Wizz Air and Ryan Air. The argument
here is that Bulgarian citizens, who choose to emigrate and be away from their families,
would choose the cheapest way of travelling in order to save more for the tough start in the
UK. In comparison, a ticket from the capital of Bulgaria- Sofia to London with the low-cost
airline Wizz Air costs £126 (Booked a week before departure) and a British Airways flight
from Sofia to London costs £240 (above monthly minimum wage in Bulgaria) for the same
date, which is almost double price to pay for a potential emigrant to reach the same
destination.
In order to prove that there was no migration overflow from Bulgaria and Romania to the UK
we will use a report of the Oxford University- based Migration Observatory. It is stated in an
article by Guardian, a year after the restrictions were lifted, that the growth in the Romanian
and Bulgarian populations of the UK had remained at the same steady pace for the last seven
years and that the population of Romanians and Bulgarians in the UK rose from 205, 000 in
September 2013 to 252,000 in September 2014, an increase of 47,000. This followed a
similar rise of 45,000 in the corresponding period in 2012-2013 (Online). This proves that
despite the transitional controls that limited Bulgarian and Romanians access to the labour
market and welfare state in the UK, the end of these controls did not have had a very
significant effect.

- 28 -
The Far Right’s Voice
We will now move on with analysing a statement made by the leader of UKIP, Nigel Farage.
The right-wing political party leader has used xeno-racist implications towards Eastern
European emigrants numerous times and has been associated with many campaigns which
aim to restrict the access of migrants to the UK. However, the predictions of the UKIP leader
on how many Bulgarian and Romanian citizens would migrate to Britain after the restrictions
were lifted came out completely false. In a statement, he said that 5,000 Romanians and
Bulgarians would arrive ‘’each week, every week’’ for several years (Online). According to
Mr. Farage more than 120, 000 Bulgarians already migrated to the UK for the 2014-2015
period. The truth is that the initial predictions of the Oxford Migration Conservatory that
around 50,000 citizens will come from both countries became reality and around 47,000 had
arrived in Britain from the A2 countries. The argument here is that Bulgarian and Romanian
migration wave exists but is in a more acceptable level than the scare-mongering
representation in the tabloid media and by UKIP. Wood and King (2001:10) claims that:
‘’what is clear is that migration continues to exercise the British print media on virtually a
daily basis. It is equally clear that, on the migration issue, newspapers have the power both to
reflect and to shape public opinion, and there are clear links to political parties and ideologies
of various types.’’
We can link the statement of both academics to the case of Bulgaria and its representation in
the UK tabloid media. It is clear that Daily Mail is exercising power over the public through
distorting the whole emigration problem. It is also clear that Nigel Farage’ statement goes
hand by hand with the tabloids opinion towards A2 migrants. The main point is that political
ideologies and the media created the presumptions among the British society that Bulgarian
and Romanians are invading Britain and taking advantage of its developed economic system
and welfare state.

- 29 -
CHAPTER 4
Analysis
The main goal of this chapter will be to analyse how ‘representation’, ‘difference’ and
‘power’ played an important role in shaping the British public opinion towards Bulgarian
migrants. It will also aim prove that in fact Eastern European migrants boost the British
economic system rather than disrupt it as it is strongly stipulated in the tabloid press.
We will start with analysing ‘representation’ and the specific link to the main topic of this
paper. As we defined earlier ‘representation’ plays a crucial role in the process by which
meaning is produced and exchanged between members of a culture. Following that line of
thinking, we can state that ‘representation’ is one of the most important aspects that alienated
the British public from Eastern European migrants. The main argument here is that
‘representation’ is key factor when it comes to integrating emigrants in an alien society. The
public forms a certain opinion towards a particular group of people (in this case Bulgarians
and Romanians) according to their representation in the media. We can also say that the
media can play the role of a ‘transmitter’ between the political world and society where the
tabloids predominantly represent the UKIP views on migration.
The concept of ‘representation’ is closely related to power too. Michel Foucault’s Panopticon
theory probably describes power in the most accurate way. The main idea of the concept is:
‘’This enclosed, segmented space, observed at every point, in which the individuals are
inserted in a fixed place, in which the slightest movements are supervised, in which all events
are recorded, in which an uninterrupted work of writing links the centre and periphery, in
which power is exercised without division, according to a continuous hierarchical figure, in
which each individual is constantly located…’’ (ibid: 197).

- 30 -
We can take Foucault’s writings about the Panopticon and apply them to the British tabloid
media and society. The main aim is to explain how the tabloids exert power over the public in
order to achieve a particular goal or in this case to create unnecessary anxiety and instil fear
towards Bulgarian and Romanian migrants. Similar to the Panopticon mechanism, the media
holds the authority and decides in what ways to present the news to the public. We can make
a distinct connection between the governor of the Panopticon and the media. On the one
hand, surveillance is not a key element in the mediated environment created by the tabloid
press but on the other, the media’s place in the social ladder is high and has the ability to
manipulate the public’s views on a particular problem. Through writing, the journalists are
embodying themselves as wardens and exercising power over the public, which respectively
makes the society incarcerated within the panoptic cells (i.e. comprehend the news in the way
in which they are delivered).
After we determined how representation and power are connected to Eastern European
migration to the UK, we will now move on with analysing the concept of ‘difference’ and its
link to the main topic of this dissertation. ‘Difference’ is the concept that explains the
contemporary social inequalities between societies and separate countries and cultures from
each other. ‘Difference’ is an essential notion when it comes to emigrants and their residence
in a foreign country. As we mentioned in the first chapter, ‘difference’ is allowing us to
distinguish others from our own social and economic understandings. The fact that Bulgarian
migrants are not British means that they do not share the same national characteristics, which
marks them as ’’others’’ among the native residents of the country. In other words, different
social and cultural values form social hierarchies in which migrants stand on the lower
pedestals in a particular country. Moreover, ‘difference’ is also an essential element when it
is engaged with representation and power. We can say that the tabloid media uses the fact
that Eastern European emigrants are socially and culturally different and represents them in a

- 31 -
negative way in order to achieve a goal. Last but not least, the tabloids hold the power and
influence the society’s opinion towards those emigrants.
The final part of this chapter will be concerned with proving that emigrants in the UK help
the economy of the country and fill the gaps in the labour market. The tabloid media have
been predominantly focused on pointing out that Eastern European emigrants claim benefits
and do not help for the development of the British infrastructure. However, in an article
published by BBC last year is stated that migrants from the A8 countries have contributed
more to the UK than they took out in benefits since their joining in the EU. ‘’They added
£4.96bn more in taxes in the years to 2011 than they took out in public services, the report
produced by University College London (UCL) found’’(Online). We have to point out that
the case with Bulgarian and Romanian citizens is too recent and there has not been an
accurate figure on how much they contribute to the UK but it is sure that the numbers would
be similar to the so-called A8 countries. The Telegraph suggests that: ‘’Romanians and
Bulgarians moving to Britain will help the economy, the European Commission claimed on
Monday…’’ (Online). It is clear that Eastern European economic migrants from countries
such as Bulgaria and Romania come to the UK mostly seeking jobs within the low sectors.
This implies that the unskilled work opportunities, which are in most cases unwanted by
British citizens, would be filled by emigrants, which eventually will positively reflect on the
economy of the country. In fact, we can argue that European migrants in the UK are making a
significant net contribution. A recent study by University College London found that since
2000, European immigrants have paid 34% more in taxes than they claimed back from the
state. On the other hand, British people are reported to have paid 11% less in tax than they
have claimed back (Online). In the same article published by Huffington Post it is stated that
in fact there are currently more unemployed UK citizens in Spain, than all the EU migrants
claiming benefits in the UK combined.

- 32 -
Conclusion
In conclusion, this paper was focused on analysing the Bulgarian emigration to the UK and
its representation in the British tabloid media. The first chapter of this thesis started with an
examination of three cultural concepts (representation, difference, and power). The analysis
of those found that the concepts play a pivotal role in the formation of the modern social and
economic hierarchies. It also found that the three notions are crucial for the way in which
people see a particular problem and shape their opinion towards it. The chapter then moved
on with examining the term migration and identified that Western wealthier countries in
Europe would always be a potential migration destination for people from poorer economic
areas. It also became clear that negative attitudes from the British public towards emigrants
are not always based on racist prejudices but also rely on the fact in which country the ‘alien
inhabitants’ have been residing before emigrating (i.e. poor Eastern European countries).
Chapter two of this dissertation was profoundly concerned with tracking the transition period
in Bulgaria and to identify the reasons, which prompted many Bulgarians to leave their
motherland and reside abroad. The findings implicated that the transition period in the
country had a crucial impact on the economy, which led to the emigration waves that we
witness today to the West. The unstable labour market, the corruption and the economic
hardship all became a reason for Bulgarians to seek better life abroad. However, through
analysing the findings of qualitative research conducted by Eugenia Markova, it became clear
that most of the Bulgarian citizens do not wish to change their country of origin but still
doing it with the sole purpose of securing a better life for themselves and their families. The
chapter also introduced three important stages that affected the migration movements from
Bulgaria to the UK. The analysis of those phases revealed that the interest on behalf of
Bulgarian nationals towards the United Kingdom became more significant in the late 1990s

- 33 -
when ECAA visas allowed the A2 citizens to access the UK labour market easily. However,
the analysis also identified that the accession of A8 countries to the EU in 2004 was marked
as a starting point from where the tabloid media had initiated the negative campaign towards
Central and Eastern European citizens.
The third chapter of this paper aimed to analyse the Bulgarian representation in the British
tabloid media. The main goal was to argue against the tabloid newspapers’ claims that
Bulgarian economic migrants are flooding into the UK and mostly rely on the welfare state.
Through conducting quantitative data analysis, we managed to track the mentions of key
words regarding the Bulgarian emigration problem in the British media. The results showed
that the popularity of articles connected to Bulgarian migration was gradually going up. This
supported our presumptions that Bulgaria is indeed under the spotlight of the British media in
recent years. However, it is important to point out that the difference in mentions between the
2004 and 2007 periods was significant and can symbolise the transition of the British media’
attention from the A8 countries to Bulgaria and Romania.
The chapter also focused on three randomly selected articles from Daily Mail with each
representing one of the chosen periods (2004, 2007, and 2014). The main point of which was
to answer the main question that this paper asks exactly- Are Bulgarian emigrants subject to
xeno-racist prejudices from the tabloid media in Britain? The analysis revealed that migrants
from A2 and A8 countries continue to be a major problem for the UK government and the
media even if those migrants significantly contribute for the development of the British
economy. It could be also argued that the tabloids use the power of words in order to create a
‘shield’ which protects the UK borders from unwanted Eastern European waves of
immigration. However, it is clear that the negative misrepresentations are a main reason for
the public to hold negative attitudes towards such migrants but without them, the country
would suffer a massive gap in the low-skilled job market which would eventually impact the

- 34 -
British infrastructure. The analysis also found that the government and more specifically the
right-wing political party UKIP share the same views on Bulgarian emigration as Daily Mail.
However, through conducting ten unfocused interviews we managed to give an inside look of
the Bulgarian emigrant life and reveal that the main reason for such migrants to leave their
homeland is to work within the low-skilled job sectors in the UK and not to seek financial
help from the UK state. The analysis of the articles also proved that Bulgarian emigration
waves to Britain exist but are in a lot more reasonable levels than the suggested from Daily
Mail and UKIP. In the last chapter of this paper, we also successfully managed to link the
three cultural concepts (‘representation’, ‘difference’ and ‘power’) to the main topic of this
thesis which proved our initial presumptions that the British media exerts power over the
public with a main goal to manipulate the vision of the society towards Eastern European
migrants. In fact, we proved that migration has a positive impact on the British economy and
British nationals claim far more in benefits than the emigrants in the country.
Ends (10 433)

- 35 -
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25/01/2015);

- 40 -
Appendices:
Appendix A
Transcript of interviews: The names of the interviewees have been replaced
with pseudonyms in order to protect their identity and personal information.
Interview Questions:
1. Why you left Bulgaria?
2. Why you chose to settle in the UK?
3. What was your occupation in Bulgaria?
4. When did you arrive in the UK?
5. What was your first job here?
6. What do you work now?
7. Do you pay taxes?
8. Do you claim any kind of benefits?
9. Do you prefer to live in the UK or Bulgaria and why?
10. Language Barrier? Have you improved your English since you came to the UK?
11. On a scale of 1 to 10, your English skills in comparison to your early days in the
UK?

- 41 -
Transcriptof interviews:
Vlado Kamenov (40) - Interview conducted on 04/01/2015
Adriyan: Why you left Bulgaria?
Vlado: ‘’The main reason for me to leave my hometown and country was to provide better
future, not for me, but for my children. I was struggling in Bulgaria; the salaries back home
are ridiculous. If it wasn’t for that, I would probably stay there.’’
Adriyan: Why you chose UK?
Vlado: ‘’From all of the European countries, I think, Great Britain and particularly London is
the best place for my children to develop and one day, to study in University. As we all
know, English Universities are amongst the best in the world. My children and my wife are
everything for me, so I decided to provide them better living conditions, than the ones in
Bulgaria.’’
Adriyan: What did you work in Bulgaria before coming to the UK?
Vlado: ‘’I loved my job! I was working in a furniture factory, designing and constructing all
kind of home furniture.’’
Adriyan: When did you arrive in the UK?
Vlado: ‘’I came to the UK, two years ago.’’
Adriyan: What was your first job here?
Vlado: ‘’My first job was as a painter and labourer, which I am still practising today. At first,
I started working illegally with no documents, but with the time, I managed to issue my
National Insurance Number and later CSCS card. I also have everything that is needed for

- 42 -
legally working in the UK. It takes time in the beginning, but eventually you are getting
where you want.’’
Adriyan: Do you pay your taxes?
Vlado: ‘’Yes I do. I think, there is no possibility for me not to pay my taxes. I earn enough
money, it is not a problem for me to pay my taxes. As I said, I am completely legal in this
country and I want to stay as one.’’
Adriyan: Do you claim any kind of benefits?
Vlado: ‘’I claim benefits for my children. I am taking 600 pounds per month for them, which
helps me a lot and I am thankful that the country is allowing me to get an extra income. My
wife and I live well, not because of the benefits but because we work hard. Those 600
pounds, allows us to save a bit, for the future of my daughter and son.’’
Adriyan: Do you prefer to live in the UK or Bulgaria?
Vlado: ‘’Honestly, I prefer to live in Bulgaria. I love everything about Bulgaria, but the
incomes there are too low, which pushed me away. In Bulgaria, I was earning 400 pounds
per-month as a specialist and here, I earn four times more as a labourer. Maybe one day,
when my children have their jobs and education, I will be able to relax and grow old in my
home town.’
Adriyan: Language barrier? Have you improved your English since you came to the
UK?
Vlado: ‘’Yes, I have improved my English, but it’s very hard for me. I have never been a guy,
who likes writing and reading. Moreover, I work mostly with Bulgarian nationals and do not
practise it often. Sometimes, we have problems at home, as my children (14 and 8) are trying

- 43 -
to have a conversation with me in English and I have no clue what they are talking about (I
think they do that on purpose).’’
Adriyan: On a scale of 1 to 10, your English skills, when you first came to the UK and
now?
Vlado: ‘’At the beginning- 1; Now- 3.’’
Kaloian Ivanov (24) – Interview conducted on 02/01/2015
Kaloian: ‘’ The main reason for me to leave my country was that I was feeling bored there. I
could not find the appropriate job and that was frustrating. I was also struggling to find
enough funds to support myself. There is no opportunities for further development in
Bulgaria and that is the main reason for most Bulgarians to leave the country.’’
Adriyan: What was the main reason for you to choose UK?
Kaloian: ‘’I am feeling free here. It is not my home but it is a place where I can
professionally develop. I also have many friends in the UK, so probably that was the main
reason for me to choose this country.’’
Kaloian: ‘’I have been here for five months.’’
Adriyan: What was your first job in the UK?
Kaloian: ‘’I started working as a waiter on various events. My friends helped me to find a job
at first.’’

- 44 -
Adriyan: What are you working at the moment?
Kaloian: ‘’I decided that I have to change my job. The catering position was only part time
and I needed more money to support myself. I am currently working in the construction
industry as a labourer. However, my main goal is to become a manager of a construction site.
But I guess, everything takes time. I hope that one day I will become manager and will be
able to provide better future for my children and family.’’
Adriyan: Do you pay taxes?
Kaloian: ‘’Yes, I am paying my taxes as a self-employed and I have all the needed documents
to reside legally in the UK.’’
Kaloian: ‘’No, and I am not planning to. The job that I currently have provides me enough
financial support. I have always been working hard and I do not need anyone to support me.
Plus, the main aim for me, when came to the UK was to find a better paid job than the one in
Bulgaria and I succeeded.’’
Kaloian: ‘’I definitely prefer to live in the UK. The main reason for that is I have professional
realisation here. I am working as a labourer now, but one day, I am sure that everything will
change (if I work hard enough). As far as for Bulgaria, I cannot imagine myself living there
anymore. It is just that our government and politicians are so corruptive and self-centred. I
would love to go back occasionally there to visit friends and family. I also miss the
mountains and the fresh air but I guess our system pushed me away and made me to reside in
the UK.’’

- 45 -
Adriyan: On a scale of 1 to 10, your English skills, when you first came to the UK, in
comparison to now?
Kaloian: At the beginning- 1, Now-3;
Ivailo Kostadinov (42) - Interview conducted on 03/01/2015
Ivailo: ‘’Because there is no prosperity in Bulgaria. The salaries in Bulgaria are not enough
to live a normal life. A Locksmith in the UK receives between 12-14 pounds per hour and in
Bulgaria, he gets 3 pounds per hour. It is the thing that my job is appreciated here and the
money in Bulgaria is just not enough for providing a quality life to my family and me.’’
Adriyan: What was the main reason for you to choose UK?
Ivailo: ‘’The main reason for me to come to the UK was to find happiness and financial
freedom. To do the things that I do best but on a fair price. I have never been happy in
Bulgaria because of the working conditions and that is why I chose to seek happiness, here in
the UK. I do not want to say that I do not love my country, but there is no chance for success
there, unless you have connections. I hate the government and the state, but I love my
motherland and roots, nothing can compare with the nature that we have back in Bulgaria, it
is just amazing. ‘’
Ivailo: ‘’ I have been here since 15 of June 2013 – Two years’’
Adriyan: What was your first job?

- 46 -
Ivailo: ‘’My first job when I came to the UK was as a windows fixer. I issued a CSCS card,
passed the test, which allowed me to work legally in the construction sector and helped me
with finding a job faster. As a windows fixer, I worked for a Bulgarian man, who had his own
construction company. ‘’
Adriyan: What are you working at the moment?
Ivailo: ‘’I am still working in the construction sector and in fact, in every part of it. I have all
the tools needed and this allows me to work almost everything from bricklaying to glazing.
From Monday to Friday, I am working in a Window glazing company and on the weekends, I
am creating figures from wood and selling them. In fact, most of them cost around 300
pounds, a piece. This price is accurate for the time that I put into my work. If it were in
Bulgaria, I would not receive more than 50 pounds for the wooden art.’’
Ivailo: ‘’Yes, I do pay taxes and in fact I can show you (he showed me statements).
Everyone, who holds a National Insurance Number or have business here in the UK helps to
the economy. If it’s not for Eastern Europeans, there would be a huge gap of the amount of
people, who work in the construction sector, which would reflect on the infrastructure.’’
Ivailo: ‘’No. I do not need benefits. I have a full time job, so that is enough for me to support
my family and myself.’’
Ivailo: ‘’England for sure is my place, because here, people appreciate you and the work that
you do. In comparison, my salary in Bulgaria was 330 pounds per month and in the UK, I am

- 47 -
earning 2800 pounds per month. That is why I prefer to live here and seek professional
development. I would definitely go back to Bulgaria one day, but only when I am financially
free. I certainly do not consider England as my home, but is an alternative way of securing
my future.’’
comparison to now?
Ivailo: ‘’At first, it was hard for me to learn the language, but eventually I learned it on a
basic level. This perfectly allows me to communicate with non-Bulgarian speakers. At the
beginning- 2; Now- 6.’’
Ahmed Tuncay (24) - Interview conducted on 05/01/2015
Ahmed: ‘’The main reason for me to leave Bulgaria was my girlfriend. Her parents are
living in London and we decided that we want to be closer to them. However, the economic
situation in Bulgaria is also a reason for us to emigrate. There is just not enough jobs on the
labour market for us, and even if there is, they are low paid.’’
Adriyan: What was the reason for you to choose UK?
Ahmed: ‘’My girlfriend is the reason I came. I think that was one of the wisest decisions I
have ever made. I am feeling appreciated here.’’
Ahmed: ‘’I arrived three years ago.’’

- 48 -
Adriyan: What was your first job?
Ahmed: ‘’My first job here was as an appliance engineer in a small shop. We are repairing
all kind of domestic appliances.’’
Adriyan: What is your occupation at the moment?
Ahmed: ‘’I am still working in the same shop.’’
Ahmed: ‘’Yes, I do pay my taxes.’’
Ahmed: ‘’I do not need benefits. I earn enough money to support my girlfriend and myself.
However, if I really need help I will certainly ask for it. The thing is that I am paying my
taxes like everyone else in this country. I can claim benefits but it is not something that I
consider to do. The most important thing when you arrive in a different country is to try
adapting yourself in the best possible way. The newcomers should consider learning the
language and appreciate the culture, rather than claiming benefits.’’
Ahmed: ‘’London is my new home and is the place where I earn my living. Those facts are
crucial for my surviving as a human being. However, I love Bulgaria and I use every possible
way to visit. I guess we can say that Bulgaria is my holiday destination and England is the
place where I earn money, so I can afford long holidays in Bulgaria.’’
comparison to now?

- 49 -
Ahmed: ‘’I have to speak with minimum 15 customers per day so I had to learn the
language very quickly. I think I am improving every day and soon will be able to say that I
speak it on a level above the average.’’
Ahmed: ‘’At the beginning – 3; Now- 7’’
Ivan Satkov (22) - Interview conducted on 06/01/2015
Ivan: ‘’My story is probably a bit different from anyone else’s. I came to the UK with the
main goal to pursue a Bachelor degree. I was accepted in an English University prior to my
arriving in the UK. However, after two weeks of student life, my father died and I was no
longer capable of supporting myself. I ended my education and moved to London.’’
Ivan: ‘’I chose England because of the education. It is the best possible that you can get.’’
Ivan: ‘’I arrived in the UK two years ago.’’
Ivan: ‘’My first job after withdrawing from University was as a parcel delivery driver. The
money was good but I did not like the working environment. I wanted to work with as many
as possible English speaking individuals, so I can improve my language skills every day. The

- 50 -
delivery job was mainly associated with working with people from my country of origin,
which was the reason for me to leave it.’’
Adriyan: What is your occupation at the moment?
Ivan: ‘’I am currently working in McDonalds. This is an opportunity for me to speak the
language and at the same time to have a free time to learn and explore new possibilities. I
love gym culture and exercising and I am currently doing all the needed to become a personal
fitness trainer. My job at McDonalds is just a way for me to make some money until I find
the right job for me.’’
Ivan: ‘’Yes, as everyone else.’’
Ivan: ‘’No, I do not think I will go further, if I rely on benefits. I have enough money to
support myself. I hope that I will be able to continue my education in a few years’ time.’’
Ivan: ‘’I adore Bulgaria. Everything is amazing there, apart from the politicians and the
economic system. I was working 14 hours a day in a restaurant as a chef and the money were
still not enough for me. I would definitely choose England because I can develop my
professional skills. However, Bulgaria will always be my home and I will always consider
myself as a part of it.’’
comparison to now?

- 51 -
Ivan: ‘’I studied English for 12 years in Bulgaria, so I had a bit of a knowledge. However, it
is completely different experience when you actually come to the country and face the locals.
At the beginning- 5, Now- 8.’’
Georgi Hristov (25) - Interview conducted on 06/01/2015
Georgi: ‘’I left my country for economic reasons. I also wanted to see how other people live
and learn more about their traditions and culture.’’
Georgi: ‘’I already had a friend, who owns a car wash company. He offered me job and a
place to live, so I decided to accept.’’
Georgi: ‘’Almost a year and a half ago.’’
Georgi: ‘’As I said, I worked in a car wash. However, I am still working in the same car wash
with the only difference that I get more money that I used to.’’
Georgi: ‘’No, I let my boss doing the documentation. I hope he is paying everything
needed.’’

- 52 -
Georgi: ‘’No, my salary is big enough to support myself. I do not have anyone to support so
what I earn is for me.’’
Georgi: ‘’No doubt, I would definitely choose Bulgaria but with the salary from the UK. If
there is any kind of possibility for me to work for more money in Bulgaria, I would go back.
Unfortunately, this is not an option and I have to stay here until I save enough.’’
comparison to now?
Georgi: ‘’I am trying to pick up some words constantly but it is too hard for me. In the
beginning – 1, Now- 2.’’
Kristian Kirilov (27) - Interview conducted on 09/01/2015
Kristian: ‘’I left Bulgaria because of the economic hardship there. I wanted to develop my
skills and meet new people. The situation in the country is just not allowing me to stay. I had
to emigrate if I wanted career.’’
Kristian: ‘’I chose UK, and more particularly London because of the possibilities. I have to
say that London is the best choice for me. Since, I came everything is going according to the
plan. London is one of those places that allows you to dream big. If you want to have a
successful career here, you have to work hard and eventually it will pay off.’’

- 53 -
Kristian: ‘’Three years and eight months.’’
Kristian: ‘’I was cleaning houses. I guess I had to start from somewhere.’’
Adriyan: What do you work now?
Kristian: ‘’I am currently working as a catering assistant in the most prestigious places in
London. I usually meet many important people during working and constantly trying to
improve myself. I hope one day I will become one of them and will have the opportunity to
grow my own business in the recruiting sector. I would like to help people form my country,
who want to reside in the UK.’’
Kristian: ‘’I have all the needed documents and yes, I am paying taxes.’’
Kristian: ‘’No, I do not feel the need of claiming benefits. I am old enough to support myself
and do not need anyone to help me financially. If I have a problem, I will try to deal with it in
my own way. Benefits are for the people in need and I am certainly not one of them.’’
Kristian: ‘’100% UK. I cannot imagine myself living anywhere else. Surely, not in Bulgaria.
London is my home and I love this place sincerely. I love the underground and love the
crowded spaces. I feel alive here. However, I travel to Bulgaria once a year just to visit my
friends and family.’’

- 54 -
comparison to now?
Kristian: ‘’It was very hard for me to learn the language. I never studied English in school
and everything I knew was from watching films. However, I am a keen learner and using
every free minute to improve my language skills. At the beginning- 1, Now- 8.’’
Petar Iordanov (23) - Interviews conducted on 10/01/2015
Petar: ‘’My life in Bulgaria was hard. Lack of job opportunities and further development is
the main reason for me and my wife to emigrate.’’
Petar: ‘’The main reason for us was that we had many friends that already live in London. We
decided that the UK would give us the best opportunity to pursue our dreams. I have always
wanted to be a photographer but it is almost impossible to earn a living in Bulgaria from this
job.’’
Petar: ‘’We came three and a half years ago.’’
Petar: ‘’I was giving leaflets on a part-time basis.’’
Adriyan: What do you work now?

- 55 -
Petar: ‘’I am currently working in the Construction sector. However, the job is just something
to support my wife and me. I also work as a part-time photographer. I hope that one day I will
be able to earn all of my money through capturing other people’s best moments.’’
Petar: ‘’Yes, as everyone else.’’
Petar: ‘’No, I strongly believe that benefits are not something that can make you happy. If
you actually go out and work your ass off, then you will be able to feel the actual joy of
money. If I am in a condition that does not allow me to work, then I might reconsider.’’
Petar: ‘’Definitely here. It is just London gives me the possibility of working the job I have
always wanted to do. I am sure that in a few years’ time, I will be able to completely support
myself from photography. Moreover, we all know what the situation in Bulgaria is. I can
honestly say that I feel nostalgic every day but the economy and the corruption in Bulgaria
just restrict me from returning.’’
comparison to now?
Petar: ‘’Let me put it this way: At the beginning, I was watching English films and did not
understand anything. Now, I am laughing and crying. At the beginning: 2, now: 6.’’
Maya Ivanova (27) - E-mail interview conducted on 11/01/2015

- 56 -
Maya: ‘’It happened by chance- suddenly and unexpected. I just got back from Germany and
a friend of mine said: ‘’Common let’s go and try in London" - I said when?’’
Adriyan: Why you chose to settle in the UK? (Particularly in the UK)?
Maya: ‘’I have always wanted to visit London. It seemed so magical on TV, so when I had
the opportunity, I packed my bags and came here.’’
Adriyan: What was your occupation in Bulgaria? (What was your job in Bulgaria
before coming to the UK)?
Maya: ‘’I was a full time student and worked part time as a waitress.’’
Maya: ‘’Four and a half years ago.’’
Maya: ‘’My first and last job was in the cleaning business. I have my own small cleaning
company, which gives me enough financial support.’’
Maya: ‘’I did not the first year, but since then, yes.’’
Maya: ‘’No. I earn more than enough as a self-employed.’’
Adriyan: Do you prefer to live in the UK or Bulgaria and why?
Maya: ‘’I can live anywhere as far as I have food on the table. I can be happy everywhere.
Back home not only the financial situation is bad but also the people are changed for bad, and

- 57 -
that is the main reason I do not want to live there. If I have to choose between these two
countries, I would definitely go for the UK.’’
Adriyan: Language Barrier? Have you improved your English since you came to the
UK?
Maya: ‘’I think so and I hope so.’’
Adriyan: On a scale of 1 to 10, your English skills in comparison to your early days in
the UK?
Maya: ‘’At the beginning-2, Now-6, 5’’
Emil Todorov (26) – Interview conducted on 14/01/2015
Emil: ‘’It was difficult for me to imagine my future: work aspects, kids, normal family. All of
that seemed like a dream, something that does not even get close to reality. Hence,
disappointment and depression came with every passing year. At one point, I decided to give
up and seek development abroad.’’
Adriyan: Why you chose to settle in the UK?
Emil: ‘’My mom used to travel a lot; she was the adventurist in our family. Eventually one of
her traveling destinations ended up to be the UK. She liked it and decided to reside
permanently in London. Things went well the first couple of months and I eventually joined
my family. They already had jobs, so it was not too hard for me to find one.’’
Adriyan: What was your occupation in Bulgaria?

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