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Wave Dynamics Investigation in Scope of Coastal Processes
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Application of GIS in Hydrologic Information Forecasting
Xuan Li
A Review of Landsat TM/ETM based Vegetation Indices as Applied to Wetland Ecosystems
Gema Marco Dos Santos, Ignacio Meléndez-Pastor, Jose Navarro-Pedreño
A mega-event approach to glurbanization: Insights from Expo 2010, Shanghai
Lingyue Li
A Geographical Analysis of Urban Sprawl in Abuja, Nigeria
Susan Aniekwe and Nwabueze Igu
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Journal of Geographical Research | Volume 02 | Issue 01 | January 2019
Distributed under creative commons license 4.0 DOI: https://doi.org/ 10.30564/jgr.v2i1.188
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ARTICLE
A mega-event approach to glurbanization: Insights from Expo 2010,
Shanghai
Lingyue Li*
Department of Urban Planning, College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Tongji University, Shanghai 200092, P. R.
China
ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT
Article history
Received: 25 October 2018
Accepted: 7 November 2018
Published: 5 March 2019
This paper contributes to an in-depth understanding of how the me-
ga-event contributes glurbanization of entrepreneurial city through a case
study of Expo 2010 in Shanghai. It argues that spatial-related transfor-
mation is central to mega-event approach to glurbanization yet the soft
power building is uncertain. It implies that the domestic impacts of me-
ga-events are likely to be more profound than their global influences. This
corresponds to the capitalist transformation from Fordist-Keynesianism to
neoliberalism, in which mega-events such as Olympic Games and World
Exposition have increasingly been incorporated into urban development
plan to boost urban agenda. Although the profile of world fairs is reduced
and does not have the international impacts that they used to have, Shang-
hai Expo 2010, the first Expo ever held in a developing country, is pinned
hope on as the “Turn to Save the World Expo” and is unusually ambitious
to bring opportunities in urban transformation. With a well-developed
framework of glurbanization entailed by entrepreneurial city, this research
enriches glurbanization theory by a thorough examination of Shanghai
Expo. It finds that Expo-led landscape reconfiguration, spatial restructur-
ing, and new sources provision effectively transformed Shanghai, propel-
ling glurbanization in diminutive spatial scale. Yet, it remains powerless
to impress the world as the voice of domestic propaganda is limited in
the Western mainstream media. In all, the Expo case well exemplifies the
power of mega-event approach to advancing local agenda, especially in
spatial transformation per se, as well as its constraints in (re)shaping a
global discourse.
Keywords:
Mega-events
glurbanization
Expo 2010
Shanghai
*Corresponding Author:
Lingyue Li*,
Department of Urban Planning, College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Tongji University, Shanghai 200092, P. R. China
lilingyue@tongji.edu.cn
1. Introduction
S
ince 1970s, neoliberalism has ingrained itself rhe-
torically into the hosting of mega-events [1, 2]
. In
other words, mega-events have become vanguards
of the global spread of neoliberalism and appeared as a
significant impetus in the reconstruction and reposition-
ing of ascending economies. A striking feature of world
neoliberalization is that competing cities are active to
articulate the globe to secure its most advantageous in-
sertion into the changing interscalar division of labour in
world economy, viz., glurbanization. To scholars, in-depth
understanding of neoliberalization should at best go be-
yond the extrinsically economic tsunami and conceive it a

2
path-dependent process molded by particularities of local
history and institutions [3]
. In such sense, mega-events
unavoidably involves participation of multiple levels of
governments, often in the form of entrepreneurialist ap-
proach, and neopatrimonial forms of resource allocation
[4]
. Different from post-industrial cities in North America
and Western Europe, the ongoing urban transformation of
Shanghai did not inherit the regulatory landscape or the
spatial organization of the Fordist city. As an advanced
city in socialist market economy, Shanghai’s urban land-
scape imprinted hybridity of planned and market econ-
omy. Shanghai Expo thus involves complex regime that
combines rigid planned economic system and neoliberal-
ized socialist market economy. This echoes the worldwide
evidence that mega-events herald a mixed neoliberal turn
in political-economic practice [5]
. This paper proposes that
the mega-events-led transformations in Shanghai Expo
should be understood as part of a neoliberal spatial pro-
cess committed to and an active ascending of locality to
the global arena, configured by a global-local, social-spa-
tial dynamism.
2. The conceptual Framework
2.1 Glurbanization under Entrepreneurial City
Glurbanization rests upon the premise that urban restruc-
turing led by state rescaling and its concomitant intersca-
lar strategies represents an advantageous process to rein-
force city-region status and their global competitiveness
building [6,7]
. Glurbanization originated from the literature
of urban entrepreneurialism. Urban entrepreneurialism
has been prevailing since 1970s when the active, innova-
tive role of local governments were well documented by
a number of researchers in North America and Western
Europe [8, 9-11]
. The purpose of this entrepreneurial shift of
local governance, as proclaimed by David Harvey [12]
, was
to address the widespread erosion of economic and fiscal
base of large cities in the advanced capitalist economy.
Unlike the earlier practices of managerialism that primar-
ily concerned welfare provision to urban population, such
an entrepreneurial stance strategically brought competi-
tiveness building to the heartland of local governments’
agenda and fundamentally transformed the trajectory of
urban process. In a broad sense, the shift from urban man-
agerialism to entrepreneurialism was associated with the
recession-induced transformation of capitalist dynamics:
dynamics transits from a Fordist-Keynesian regime to a
regime of "flexible accumulation" [13-17]
that revived local-
ism [18]
under technology innovation and new international
division of larbor. Though without an explicit definition
of urban entrepreneurialism, Harvey’s work [12]
generates
significant insights into this study; first, urban entrepre-
neurialism should be examined at varied scales, from mi-
cro neighbourhoods, communities, to macro metropolis,
nation state, and the like. Second, stance of central gov-
ernments and the position of local government in urban
hierarchy remain of tremendous importance to city com-
petitive edge [19]
. Third, urban "governance", involving
extensive public-private partnership, means much more
than urban "government". Indeed, under the entrepreneur-
ial “governance” discourse, a defining feature for public
government is its adventurous, outward-oriented posture,
which substitutes its traditional gatekeeper stance, to
foster local growth [20]
. Such a speculative posture charac-
terizes profit-making business firms and cities alike, viz.
entrepreneurial firm and entrepreneurial city. The analogy
entails the concept of city-level “glurbanisation” as one
form of the more general phenomenon of firm-level “glo-
calisation” [21]
.
Initially, “glocalisation” refers to the global localisation
strategy pursued by Japanese firms in comparison with the
globalisation strategies adopted by U.S. multinationals [22]
.
Then, it has been indiscriminately used to limn the polit-
ically mediated deterritorialisation and reterritorialisation
[23-25]
. Jessop and Sum problematise the usage of this term
and coined “glurbanisation” to refer to entrepreneurial
strategies. To them, the “glocalisation” concept, which
simply refers to any form of global-local interaction, has
lost its original accuracy, whereas “glurbanisation” can
more precisely capture the multiscalar articulation; first,
studies of glurbanisation should replace the crude glob-
al-local dichotomy with multiplicity of scales. Second,
glurbanisation highlights chronotropic governance that was
neglected in glocalisation. Third, extra-economic issues
should be incorporated in the analysis of entrepreneurial
competition. Fourth, glurbanization concerns more with
the problems raised by entrepreneurial activities, rather
than the advantages. Thereafter, glurbanization under en-
trepreneurial city has been empirically researched world-
wide such as in London, Guangzhou, and Australasian
Cities [26-28]
. Glurbanization can be understood as a process,
a strategy, and an objective entrepreneurial city endeavors
to achieve. It collapses the global and the local, opposes to
the hierarchical design whereby the nation-state dictates
how things work, and makes transformation possible both
from below and above [7]
. In this research, the entrepre-
neurship qualities proposed by Jessop are citied to help
identify approaches to glurbanization (see Table 1 for a
simplified version), including the reconfiguration of urban
landscape, restructuring of urban space, provision of new
sources, and reposition of urban hierarchy.

3
Table 1. Entrepreneurship at the firm and city levels and
approaches to glurbanization
Schumpeter’s entrepre-
neurial firm
Jessop and Sum’s entre-
preneurial city
Approaches to glurban-
ization
New good
New types of urban
space
Landscape reconfigu-
ration
New methods of
production
New methods of space
production Space restructuring
(for production and
consumption)
New markets for sales
New markets of urban
living
New sources of mate-
rials
New sources of supply
New sources provi-
sion
New production orga-
nization
New urban position in
urban hierarchy
Urban repositioning
Source: authors compiled from [21, pp. 2289-2290]
2.2 Mega-events, Urban Regeneration, and Spa-
tial Transformation
Mega-events have evolved different in the turn of 1970s
economic recession in capitalist society to build place
competitiveness for economic growth [29-31]
. Mega-events
such as Olympic Games and World Exposition have in-
creasingly been incorporated into urban development
plan to help urban transformation [32, 33]
. Browsing the past
events, their nature as sport events diminished whereas
their relation to cities is much fortified. This is largely
attributed to the transition of Fordist-Keynesian policy to
neoliberal economic strategy that entails a flexible way
of capital accumulation [34]
. A new urban spatial order is
required to adapt to the changes such as the restructuring
of urban form from monocentric city to polycentric me-
ga-city region, the economic transition to service industry
and leisure consumption, and the resulted decentraliza-
tion of population from central (or inner) city to suburb.
This is in line with the transition of urban renewal from
slum-clearance and infrastructure-based strategy in 1950s
to place competitiveness building in 1980s [35]
. In neolib-
eral urbanism, megaprojects with symbolic and substantial
power in economic growth are unmissable to catalyze ur-
ban agenda. The 2002 Manchester Commonwealth Games
was vigorously linked with urban regeneration strategy
[36]
; the 1998 Lisbon Expo was designed to revitalize a
rundown industrial harbourside and create a new urban
center [37]
; and the 2012 London Olympic Games reshaped
east London to revive the dilapidated area [38]
. Indeed,
more and more cities launched mega-events. Under such
circumstances, seeking the role of mega-event in urban
transformation of those cities and its related effects will
then have practical significance.
The aforementioned review suggests that spatial-relat-
ed transformation, in particular transformation intrinsic to
urban regeneration to disentangle involuted interests such
as landscape reconfiguration and urban space restructur-
ing, is central to mega-event approach to glurbanization
whereas soft power building such as repositioning global
hierarchy of host cities is uncertain. This implies that the
domestic impacts of mega-events are likely to be more
profound than their global influences.
3. Research Methodology
Case study approach, more similar to the experimen-
tal isolation paradigm than to the randomized-assign-
ment-to-treatments model, is applied in this research to
clarify the obscure understanding towards mega-event ap-
proach to glurbanization [39]
. The efforts made by Shang-
hai municipal government in the planning practice of the
World Exposition 2010 provides an important lesson, not
only because the effective delivery of the event realizes
city vision but also because the issues it confronted are
universe and thus noteworthy. Although the profile of
world fairs is reduced and does not have the interna-
tional impacts that they used to have [40]
, Shanghai Expo
2010, the first Expo ever held in a developing country,
is pinned hope on as the “Turn to Save the World Expo”
and is unusually ambitious to bring opportunities in urban
transformation. The event was strategically integrated
into the overall urban development agenda and facilitat-
ed the implementation of Shanghai master plan. By and
large, Expo 2010 propelled Shanghai urban agenda ten
years ahead of schedule. Thus, this paper goes beyond the
event’s impact on tourism [41, 42]
and focuses on the linkage
of mega-events with the urban. Specifically, it unfolds the
local context and details the pathway and effects of Expo
2010 to Shanghai’s glurbanization. The site of Expo 2010
was selected in between Nanpu and Lupu Bridge. As an
old industrial base alongside the Huangpu River, it epito-
mized China’s footprints to modernization and tracked the
labyrinthian post-industrial trajectory of Shanghai. With
event-led relocation, Shanghai municipal government
determined to strategize Expo site to promote urban re-
generation in central area and to disentangle the involuted
interests that hinder its world city path.
First-hand data have been obtained during several
field trips to Shanghai since 2009 through interviews,
observation and site reconnaissance. Method of triangula-
tion is used in data collection to reduce the likelihood of
misinterpretation [43]
. Interviewing presents a major data
collection method. Unstructured interviews are widely
used throughout the whole study, and semi-structured
interviews are conducted to get more detailed informa-
tion. In semi-structured interview, questions are pre-con-
sidered based on specific targets. An interviews outline

4
is proposed before the field trip. Sixteen people include
government officials, planners, scholars, and developers
accepted interview request. Each of the interviews was
specially prepared and rearranged according to the inter-
views outline. More interviewees (include the affected
local habitants) were consulted by means of unstructured
interviews. Participatory observation is applied to observe
activities in Expo Park and Shanghai. Site reconnaissance
is assumed to record the transformation of the city (land-
marks, public space, city image, spatial restructuring)
affected by the Expo project. Moreover, secondary data
sources such as historical archives, statistical yearbooks,
and official government reports related to Expo 2010 were
accessed.
Figure 1. Site selection of Shanghai Expo 2010:
from Chuansha to Nanpu and Lupu. Source: author
4. Unfolding Local Context for Expo 2010
As a mega-event, Shanghai Expo is a dual strategy not
only concretizing event function but also propelling urban
transformation [44, 45]
. Three major constraints impeding
structural optimization of Shanghai before the host of
Expo 2010.
4.1 Southward Extension of Huangpu River: Bot-
tleneck for Renewal and Polycentricity
Earlier initiated by municipal government, “Huangpu
Riverside Project” aims to improve the comprehensive
service quality along the waterfront line by replacing
warehouses and old industrial factories to financial trade,
eco-residence and cultural tourism. From north to south,
the “Huangpu Riverside Project” has been divided into
three sections that passes across several districts include
Baoshan, Yangpu, Hongkou, Huangpu, Luwan, Xuhui and
Pudong New Area. However, these districts have distinct
humanity environment and exhibit a characteristic of
“strong centrality (the Bund area) with two weak wings
(northern and southern extension)” (figure 2). There are
numerous industrial units located in the southern exten-
sion of Huangpu River with many shanty houses, forming
a mixed and low-quality land use that is facing with area
decline. Indeed, the south wing of Huangpu Riverside is
a scab for Shanghai’s urban expansion and polycentrici-
ty strategy. The opening and development of Pudong in
1990s was a leapfrog expansion across Huangpu River,
and the eastward breakthrough gradually expanded to
Nanpu and Yangpu Bridge within ten years. Population
growth in Liuli and Sanlin Town gradually surrounded
and oppressed manufacturers along the Huangpu River
bank. Nevertheless, further expansion to the south has
been blocked by large-scale manufacturing enterprises,
and is forced to take low-quality and leaping development
mode. The bank area in between Lupu and Nanpu Bridge
with the key units of Jiangnan Shipyard and Pudong Steel
Factory became low-value land in downtown edge that
hinders polycentricity strategy of Shanghai to construct a
strong and multi-functional city center. So, Expo becomes
an opportunity for the municipal government to renew the
south wing of Huangpu River.
Figure 2. Three sections of Huangpu Riverside Area
Source: drawn by author, 2010
4.2 Bottleneck for Economic and Industrial Tran-
sition
Manufacture industry occupies Shanghai’s industrial
structure. Since the opening and development of Pudong
New Area, proportion of added value of secondary indus-

5
try has accounted for nearly 50%, playing an irreplaceable
role in urban economic growth. Based on statistics of the
contribution rate of economic growth by three industries,
it can be found that secondary and tertiary industries alter-
nately contribute to economic growth, but the secondary
industry contributes more in average. From 1999 to 2003,
contribution rate of economic growth by secondary in-
dustry again surpassed tertiary industry. The effectiveness
of industrial adjustment is questionable. The proportion
of three industries in GDP, the tertiary industry has ac-
counted for 50% since 1999, but didn’t change much until
2003 (with ratio of 50.9%). Shanghai’s tertiary industry
or service economy has a long way to go compared to top
world cities, New York (86.7%), London (85.0%) and To-
kyo (72.7%). It needs impetus to speed up the stagnation
of economic and industrial transition. Spatial adjustment
might be an effective measure to catalyze the economic
and industrial restructuring in coming years.
4.3 Over-dense Population in Central Area: Bot-
tleneck for Suburbanization
Until the end of year 2001, Shanghai pioneers in China
with 75.3% urbanization rate. International metropolises
such as New York, Los Angeles or Chicago were under-
going suburbanization at similar stage in Shanghai. Nev-
ertheless, spatial structure in Shanghai is yet to support
suburbanization, as infrastructures, transportations, indus-
tries and public facilities in suburb fell behind. The result
is a much higher density of population in central area than
in suburb. Comparing furthermore the population density
in central area with that in Tokyo, New York and London
in the year 2004, socio-demographic structure remains un-
satifactory. in Shanghai is not as reasonable as these world
cities. Both central area population density (1.51) and
the proportion of central area population to suburb (2.82)
in Shanghai are higher than Tokyo (1.35, 2.0) and much
higher than New York (1.03, 0.73) and London (0.91, 0.65)
(table 2). The over-dense population in central area and
dispersed population in suburbs hardly support sustainable
future development of the city.
Table 2. Population comparison in central area, Shanghai,
Tokyo, New York (2004)
Location Shanghai Tokyo New York London
Population density in central
area (10,000people/km2)
1.51 1.35 1.03 0.91
Population in central area /
population outside central area
2.82 2.0 0.73 0.65
Geographical area of central
area (km2)
630 617 786 319
Source: Tokyo Statistical Yearbook 2004, Vital Statistics of New York
State 2004, Office for National Statistics 2004 (adopted ONS's definition
of inner London), Shanghai Statistical Yearbook 2005
5. Shanghai Expo 2010: A Mega-event Ap-
proach to Glubanization
5.1 Landscape Reconfiguration: Urban Beautifi-
cation and Shaping a Polycentric Urban Form
News of bid winning from Monte Carlo, Monaco em-
powered Shanghai municipal government with political
power. The derelict industrial area will be refreshed to
tidy up Shanghai’s world city pathway. As a strategic
planning tool, Shanghai Expo is representative to clean up
the messy waterfront site, replacing with modern well-de-
signed urban space. A stylish entrepreneurial fabric favor-
ing capital accumulation took shape on the edge of inner
expressway. With remarkable group of landmarks, care-
fully designed with graceful architectural style and public
spaces, it is eye-catching and leaves precious legacies
assimilating World Fair cultural into the local.
Figure 3. The panorama of Expo site in 2004 and 2015
Source: Xinhua News Agency
With the delivery of Expo project, a polycentric ur-
ban form comes out. In master plan of Shanghai (1999-
2020), spatial layout of “multi-axis, multi-layer and multi-
core” is proposed but insufficiently achieved. The reasons
concealed are the intricate interests in downtown area
which is ill-connected to suburbs. A strong urban core is
a prerequisite for polycentricty for which Expo contrib-
utes. The effection would be the accomplishment of the
rapid transit system construction in Shanghai metropolis.
After Pudong New Area jumping across Huangpu River,
the Expo site further expands southward along the River
to squeeze out low value-added land in downtown edge,
facilitate the formation of a multi-functional city center to
buttress the polycentricity strategy.
Metro is the most important urban rapid transporation
system in Shanhgai. The earliest metro lines 1, 2 and 3
and the maglev line formed the inital “cross + ring” (“申”)
structure before 1993. After Shanghai obtained the oppor-
tunity of Expo, metro network construction gained speed

6
and accomplished 410km in 2010. Four lines and three
extension lines operated beforehand, over half of which
was facilitated by Expo 2010. The direct impacts are the
facilitated development of suburban new towns which,
first suggested in 1959, help to decentralize population
and upgrade industries in central city. The catalytic role of
Expo 2010 in new town development is complied through
TOD model which improved accessibility to central
Shanghai. Songjiang, Jiading-Anting and Lingang as three
strategically superiorial new towns benefit from it, espe-
cially the first two.
Table 3. Operation records for Shanghai Metro until June
30, 2010; (shadow for Expo facilitated ones)
No. Operation records
1
1995.04.10: Jinjiang Park to Shanghai Raiway Station;
1997.07.01/2004.12.28/2007.12.29: Fujin Rd. to Xinzhuang
2
1999.10.20-2006.12.30: Zhangjiang Hi-tech Park to Song Hong
Rd.;
2010.02.24/2010.03.16/2010.04.08: Xujing Dong to Pudong
International Airport
3
2000.12.26/2006.12.18: Shanghai South Rail to North Jiangyang
Rd.
5 2003.11.25: Xinzhuang to Minhang Development Zone
4 2005.12.31: “C” trial operation; 2007.12.29: link operations
6 2007.12.29: Gangcheng Rd. to South Lingyan Rd.
8 2007.12.29/2009.07.05: Shiguang Rd. to Pujiang Expo Home
9
2007.12.29/2009.12.31: Songjiang New Town to Middle Yang-
gao Rd.
7 2009.12.05: Shanghai University to Huamu Rd.
11
2009.12.31/2010.03.29: North Jiading to Jiangsu Rd. / Anting to
Jiading New Town (branch)
10 2010.04.10: Xin Jiangwan Cheng to Hangzhong Rd.
13 2010.05.01-2010.10.31: Temporary open three stations
Source: www.shmetro.com; edited by author
5.2 Spatial Restructuring: Upgrading Industries,
Decentralizing Population, and Enhancing Cul-
tural Value
Expo 2010 benefitted economic transitioin from manu-
facturing to service and leisure consumption in Shanghai
in three spatial layers: (1) urban area in inner expressway
targeting tertiary industry; (2) area between inner and
outer expressway planned for high-tech, high value-added
and non-polluted industry; (3) area outside outer express-
way encompassing three types of industries. The “tertiary
– secondary – hybrid” structure spreads from the city cen-
ter to outskirts. City center is entrusted to “suppress the
secondary industry and develop the tertiary industry”. Yet,
the great many rundown manufacturies hindered the for-
mation. The proportion of tertiary industry in all, though
has reached 50% of total GDP since 1999, had almost un-
changed until 2003 before the event launched. Relocation
of industries prepares Expo for economic and industrial
upgrading. Sewed up Pudong and Puxi, Expo was the last
valuable piece of land in downtown area. Both Puxi and
Pudong area are occupied by mix-use of residential hous-
ing, industries and warehouses, which accounted 62% of
total land. They recorded China’s footprints to modern-
ization as well imprinted a tough post-industrial trajectory
of Shanghai. The Expo did a favor to pull manufacturing
off the stage in city center and resume land through the
“effective mega-event weapon” in the negotiation of in-
dustrial restructrcturing. Post-Expo industrial planning
contributes furthermore to the economic transition. Three
adjacent neighborhoods in Pudong are integrated to build
a “world-class civic center”, which prioritized headquar-
ters economy, commerce and trade, creative industries
and advanced services. The legacy plan of Expo encom-
passed five functional zones from A to E. While Zone A
and B are start up zones for convention, exhibitioin and
business, Zone C is Houtan expansion district reserved for
retail, trade and offices. Zone D and E in Puxi are foster-
ing Shanghai to be a cultural and eco-living metropolis[35]
.
The effects are obstrue: the contribution rate of economic
growth by tertiary industry increased significantly.
Population decentralization represents another benefi-
ciary impacts brought about by Expo 2010. Central Shang-
hai was once overly populated for which the Expo event
helps for defibering. Social displacements are unavoidable
as over 18,000 households were facing relocation. People
who were affected most were those low-income group.
Such a massive social relocation was supported by a qual-
ity urban planning and design. High-standard residences
are maintained after field survey conducted during 2003
and 2004. For the theme “Better City, Better Life”, a plan-
ning approach of “add, subtract, multiply and divide (+
– × ÷)” is adopted to community rehabilitation. The dem-
olition is mild, respect local social network to cater safety,
employment for low income, entertainment, equality,
justice and fraternity. This gained support from neighbor-
hoods and establish a good image of local government.

7
Figure 4. Pujiang Expo Home and Sanlin Expo Home;
Source: shanghai.gov.cn; edited by author
In a pro-growth society, engaging politics with cul-
tural system is not easy even though “cultural value” has
explained the importance of culture to politicians. Expo
2010 enhanced cultural value in two aspects: preserving
visible cultural heritage and promoting invisible local
culture. In Shanghai, Xintiandi is a well-known example
exemplifying the power of cultural heritage in leisure
consumption and capital accumulation, and later is widely
imitated. As intangible and non-renewable resources, ur-
ban cultural heritages are irreplaceable assets to buttress
urban competitiveness building. In Expo Park, 20,000
square meters of historic buildings are preserved and more
than 400,000 square meters old industrial architectures are
reconstructed. The urban best and practice area (UBPA)
in sub-district E, involving considerable reutilization of
industrial heritage, is now a model for human-scale street
regeneration. Shanghai, the birthplace of modern industry
in China, accommodated great many industrial legacies.
The big-span and high interior skeleton are invaluable for
creative and art industries. Similar practices can be found
in New York and Ruhr. As a world renowned mega-event,
Expo 2010’s promotional effects cannot be underesti-
mated. A well-illustrated example would be the Huang-
pu-based Sanmin Culture which was diffused through
public forums initiated by Expo.
5.3 New Sources Provision: Bringing Fund, Hu-
man Capital, and Technologies
Expo 2010 contributes to new sources provision mainly
in three aspects: funds, human capital, and technologies.
Government funding support and inward investment at-
traction comprised two main sources of fund facilitated by
Expo 2010. Though central government did not directly
finance the event, its preferential policy and commitments
prioritize the event in gaining funds from public domain.
Funds for Expo include 7.15 billion RMB from the gov-
ernment (around 40% of total budget), 8 billion RMB
bonds approved by central government to issue propped up
by land banding and repaid by future development (around
44% of total budget), and 2.85 billion RMB supplemented
by diverse finance channels. A considerable amount of
fund gained from contracts signed with banksi
and private
firms. In April 2004, Industrial and Commercial Bank of
China, Pudong Development Bank and Shanghai Bank
provided a total loan of 5.5 billion RMB to Shanghai
Expo Land Holding Co. Ltd. Han Zheng, the Mayor of
Shanghai when the event held, officially stated that plan-
ning, management, and operation of Expo are open pro-
cess calling for private capital to join. The Expo 2010 also
facilitated inward investment attraction. After the low ebb
from late nineties to early 21st century, Shanghai’s FDI
has been on the rise since bid winning and entrained a
small climax from 2006 to 2008 during the official large-
scale publicity of the event (figure 7). Prominent increase
of foreign investment can be found from January to Oc-
tober during the host year 2010: 1) the singed contracted
foreign capital surpassed 12.68 billion U.S. dollars (in-
creasing 15.93% over 2009 in the same period) in which

8
the tertiary industrial sector has absorbed 10.432 billion
U.S. dollars (accounting for 82.3% of the total contracted
foreign capital); 2) the actual FDI was 9.12 billion U.S.
dollars (increasing 4.00% over 2009 in the same period).
Expo 2010 plays a great role in inward investment attrac-
tion: 20 foreign-funded projects were signed in Oct. 14th
with 1.23 billion U.S. dollars investment; 292 regional
headquarters of MNCs were identified, 208 foreign in-
vestment enterprises and 315 foreign-funded R&D centers
were approved at the end of September 2010. Shanghai
kept to be a dynamic foreign funded city in mainland Chi-
na. The fixed asset investment kept increasing and went
astonishingly high in 2009 approaching the Expo feast
(figure 8). Self-financing was the main contributor yet the
state budget was limited, imprinting the asymmetric path-
way of economic decentralization and political centraliza-
tion in central-local relations.
Figure 5. FDI and TFEE (1 billion US dollars)
Source: http://www.stats-sh.gov.cn; author edited
Figure 6. Fixed asset investment
Source: http://www.stats-sh.gov.cn; author edited
The contribution of Expo 2010 to human capital attrac-
tion revealed in infrastructural industry, third-party service
industry and Expo-related jobs. A statistical report from
ChinaHR illustrated a 43% increase of employment index
before Expo over the year 2009. Construction of Expo
Park necessitates a new round of human capital upgrad-
ing. More than 70% of relational industrial firms anticipat-
ed professional architects, designers and engineers. The
ability to pay more guaranteed the attraction of qualified
employees and enriched human resource supply in Shang-
hai. Tourism industry initiated by Expo imposed demand
on human capital in service sector. High-qualified human
capital familiar with international practices, adapted to
cultural diversity and excellent in language is favored by
transnational corporations, e.g. Eastern Airlines, Shanghai
No.1 Department Store, and Shanghai First Foot Chain
Development Co. LTD. The event also offered many
short-term positions of service-sector jobs, such as the
safety inspector, interpreter, Expo VIP supervisor, recep-
tionist, Expo hotline officer etc. More than ten thousand
jobs are generated and ease the employment tension in job
market. All these recruitments are competitive to play a
role in post-Expo service industrial upgrading.
Technology has greatly remolded our city since indus-
trial revolution. As a product born industrial revolution of
Great British, World Exposition is a significant media for
technology improvement. “Expos and technology 1851-
2000” in appendix I lists the technologies launched and
popularized in the previous Expos over the past centuries
(Roche, 2000). Almost every session of Expo gave birth
to a new type of technology that would rewrite urban
progress agenda, e.g. the birth of telephone in 1876 Phila-
delphia Expo, mass production cars in 1915 San Francisco
Expo, the promotion of English phrase of “IT” in 2000
Hannover Expo. Shanghai Expo 2010, the first one la-
beled with eco-low-carbon idea, tried to adopt many new
technologies for energy saving. It fostered and encouraged
intelligent green technology as innovative source of sup-
ply for Shanghai’s future urban development. There are
five technology highlights in the creation of Expo Park:
the construction energy saving, new energy automobile,
4G communication, RFID (radio frequency identifica-
tion), and intelligent transportation. Moreover, a series
of eco-friendly technology such as integration of solar
buildings, semiconductor lighting, water (ground) source
heat pump, natural ventilation were applied in area of “four
pavilions along the central axis”. In UBPA, the “Shanghai
Eco-Home” saved more than 60% energy and reduced
140 tons of annual carbon dioxide emissions. The new
energy automobile (include hybrid, pure electric and fuel
cell vehicles) achieved “zero emission” of transportation
in the Expo Park. In order to guarantee traffic operation,
several fixed and mobile hydrogen refueling stations and
maintenance bases for fuel cell vehicles were constructed.
The Expo Park also used TD-LTE technology, a pioneer
attempt worldwide, to complete the coverage of 4G com-
munication test network by Shanghai Mobile. The RFID
technology was used in the organization and management
of Expo Park to improve the efficiency of passenger traf-
fic. The intelligent transportation can ensure a timely up-
date of traffic information, which is an effective measure
for traffic efficiency during peak hours. The R&D invest-
ment of new technology for Expo Park is more than 0.7
billion RMB from central and the municipal government.

9
5.4 Urban repositioning: An eye catching me-
ga-event in question
Figure 7. Media coverage from 1996-2010
Source: WNC; analyzed by author
Figure 8. Number of reports from Asian and European
countries
Source: WNC, 2002-2010; analyzed by author
6. Conclusion
Globalization and neoliberalization co-contribute to the
transformation of urban order from traditional manu-
facture to financial and service economy, from labor in-
tensive activity to cultural and leisure consumption, and
from monocentric city to polycentric mega-city region.
Such transformation of urban space enables city to better
adapt to capital accumulation in post-Fordism era. How-
ever, implementation of the urban transformation strategy
is not easy as it is a huge project which requires policy
packages, fund resources, manpower, and may involve a
series of interest issues and power struggles. Thus, though
mega-events seem attractive, strategy integration is a
challenge and has to overcome difficulties. For how to
integrate mega-events into urban transformation, Shang-
hai Expo at least has following implications for urban
planning. Site selection for the event is the primary and
key step to determine in what way and to what extent the
event can contribute to the urban transformation. In the
case of Shanghai, site selection of the Expo 2010 aims
to revitalize the rundown riverside area to strengthen a
polycentric urban form. The subsequent industrial and res-
idential relocations would never accomplish without the
opportunity of Expo 2010. The Shanghai case shows that
the Expo 2010 promoted urban transformation by assist-
ing polycentricity strategy, by facilitating the transition to
a leisure consumption and service economy, and by fos-
tering population decentralization from central city. Expo
2010 accelerated government’s objectives in a number of
ways: the mature of rapid transit system in central city, the
retreat of manufactures and the decentralization of low-in-
come population, all enable the municipal government to
build a polycentric urban system supported by new towns.
To implement such a large-scale project, Shanghai en-
countered numerous challenges. Problems are observed in
Expo 2010 as market economy in Shanghai is immature
and decentralization is asymmetric[46]
. In the Expo 2010,
the legacy of central-planned economy and land own-
ership impact on the mega-event strategy. On one hand,
government managed to force most of the enterprises and
residents to move without much negotiation since the land
is ultimately owned by government. On the other hand,
state owned enterprises with political capital hinder nego-
tiation for them to surrender land ownership. Thus, polit-
ical added value of mega-events did Shanghai municipal
government a great favor to accomplish all the relocation.
In all, mega-event project is effective to transform cities.
While mega-events are often criticized to be unsustainable
as they lead to massive social relocation and redundant in-
frastructure construction, these issues are not unsolvable.
What urban planners need to concern is how to best utilize
the advantages of mega-event strategy and to make it in
consistent with the city’s overall development objective.
Funding project: This work is supported by the Na-
tional Natural Science Foundation of China (Grant No.
5180839) and Shanghai Pujiang Program (Grant No.
17PJC084)
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12
ARTICLE
A Geographical Analysis of Urban Sprawl in Abuja, Nigeria
Susan Aniekwe and Nwabueze Igu*
Department of Geography and Meteorology, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra state, Nigeria
Article history
Received: 24 December 2018
Accepted: 25 February 2019
Urban sprawl is a challenge of the century across the globe; however its
greatest impact is felt more in developing countries mainly due to its poor
planning and ever increasing population. To ascertain how this affects a
notable African city, Abuja, a questionnaire design was employed to elicit
resident’s perception on the causes and effects of sprawl in the city. A
principal component analysis was performed to simplify the relationship
between large bodies of variables involved. This was able to collapse the
14 variables representing the causes of sprawl extracted from the response
of the respondents and 9 variables representing the effects of sprawl on
the environment and on the residents into significant and orthogonal com-
ponents that explained the variables in the observed data. Among the nine
factors that loaded highly on the components, population was the major
factor discovered to be responsible for the sprawl. The analysis further
showed the main effects of the sprawl on the city as: loss of biodiversity,
high dependency on car, traffic congestion, land degradation, alteration of
microclimate, destruction of aesthetics, increasing crime wave, pollution
and waste management problems. Adhering to the guidelines on urban
development for the city will help the residents not to be prone to the ef-
fects of urban sprawl and help to maintain good environmental standards
and less spending on maintenance on the part of the government.
Keywords:
Biodiversity loss
Land use change
Migration
Tropical areas
Sustainable development
Urban
1. Introduction
U
rban population have been growing at alarming
rates globally so much so that by 2030 urban
population will increase to nearly five billion;
with the land cover increasing by 1.2 million km2
and
nearly tripling the global urban land area [1]
. This growth
across urban areas have put pressures on the land and
social systems found across urban areas such that some
of them are being stretched above their limits and others
are deteriorating. On the other hand, the land use of such
locations are being modified to accommodate the growth
in population and the consequent expansion of buildings
which are being built in isolated tracts and scattered and
separated by vacant lands [2]
. This kind of haphazard and
leapfrog growth have continued to grow in magnitude es-
pecially because most people cannot afford the rising cost
of rent inside the cities and so prefers to live in the sub-
urbs with lower costs. With increasing desire and quest to
move to urban areas (especially among the younger gen-
eration), the trend is likely to continue in many locations
across developing countries like Nigeria.
Urban sprawl is a remarkable characteristic of urban
development pattern, which has emerged as a dominant
mode of growth worldwide [3]
. This challenge has been
compounded by the ever growing population figures expe-
Nwabueze Igu
Department of Geography and Meteorology, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra state, Nigeria
Email: nwabuezeigu@gmail.com

13
Distributed under creative commons license 4.0
rienced across most of the developing countries and have
reduced their land for vital activities such as agriculture
and recreation functions. While most developed coun-
tries have adopted policies and strategies to handle such
overarching issues, developing nations such as in Africa
appear to have lesser capacity to cope with the potential
effects of urban expansion and city growth, and so is
mostly overwhelmed with the magnitude of such impacts
that accrue from such occurrences.
With much population growth and expansion experi-
enced in Abuja, the capital city of Nigeria, much of the land
are increasingly being replaced by offices and expensive
housing units; hence forcing many of the residents who
cannot afford such rising costs to seek residence in the
suburbs. On the other hand, there has been an acceleration
in the rate of land consumption by constructions and other
developments within the locality, without due consideration
of interrelated factors such as transport, employment, health
and liveable factors. This rapid rate of urbanization and
uncontrolled population growth coupled with increases in
social, economic and political status of residents of this city
has led to competition for land for various uses. Such com-
petition for available land has contributed to urban sprawl
and changes in urban land use especially at the fringes over
the years. Consequently, the effects are beginning to pose
environmental challenges in many settlements across the
region and so are calling for concerted action.
The ongoing sprawling in the locality affects planning
by militating against healthy infrastructure planning since
new developments are scattered over space in the direc-
tion of the surrounding rural areas. In a bid to address
such concerns which is a global concern, diverse strate-
gies have been put forward for mitigating the problem of
urban sprawl, however much of such strategies have only
proffered solutions in the short run. Since urban sprawl is
dynamic, addressing it will require conscious and regular
monitoring that can be achieved through the measurement
of its numerical magnitude and spread over time. To fur-
ther address this, specific factors responsible for the oc-
currence of sprawl in urban areas needs to be determined
and updated within short time spans. With this in mind,
this study intends to elucidate the patterns of urban sprawl
in Abuja. Specifically, it will identify the factors triggering
its development in the area, determine the varying contri-
butions of these factors and show the effects it constitutes
on the environment.
2. Conceptual Framework
2.1 Concept of Sprawl
The concept of sprawl have been defined and discussed by
some key authors who shed light on the inherent process-
es and patterns associated with it. Ayeni [4]
viewed urban
growth as “axial growth”, that spreads from the centre in
the direction of communication lines. As a follow-up on
that, Okewole [5]
viewed sprawl in the context of forces
that stimulate sprawl growth. He argued that with regards
to urban sprawl, the ‘centrifugal forces are seen in the op-
posite direction of the centripetal forces’. He observed that
centripetal forces keeps some notable functions towards
the centre of the city and equally pull other functions to-
wards it as well. However, centrifugal forces instead radi-
ates from one location of the city to another, especially in
those areas surrounding the city that are seen to be rural.
Blanchard and Volchenkov [6]
, in defining urban sprawl
as a concept, applied the simple trade-off models to dual
graphs in a bid to forecast how urban sprawl could affect
the land use of local spaces. Since it is already established
that physical distances contributes much in shaping land
use trends, developments accruing from low density
sprawl will likely take more spaces than the convention-
al developments seen in urban areas. Therefore, sprawl
is conceived as spatial expansion of urban development
towards the peripheral areas of the city and beyond. It
should be borne in mind that sprawl needs to be viewed
space-time context, not only as the expansion of lands
classified as urban zones in a territory, but also the rate at
which the urban milieu grows with reference to popula-
tion [7]
.
Though there may be variations in thought as regards
what an urban sprawl means, it is generally accepted that
it is normally characterized by suburban patterns of devel-
opment and a density that is mostly low, as could be seen
in most cities [8]
. Furthermore, sprawl is mostly domiciled
in the fringes of urban zones, where the cost of low and
so could easily accommodate much development and the
regulations are not as strict as in locations nearer to estab-
lished urban territories [9]
. Such dispersion of urban land
uses in the rural milieu contributes to haphazard develop-
ment [10]
and is characteristic of much of the urban areas in
many parts of Nigeria.
3. Materials and Methods
3.1 Study Area
Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (F.C.T), is located
north of the confluence of the Rivers Niger and Benue. It
is the capital of Nigeria, a country located in the West Af-
rican region of Africa, and lies between latitudes 8°25’26”
and 9°20’18” north of the equator, and longitudes 6°44’58”
and 7°39’45” east of the Greenwich Meridian. Geograph-
DOI: https://doi.org/ 10.30564/jgr.v2i1.344

14
ically located in the centre of the country, it has a land
mass of approximately 7,353km2
. This territory is made up
of six local councils comprising the Federal Capital City
(F.C.C) and five Local Government Areas namely: Abaji,
Abuja Municipal Area Council (A.M.A.C), Gwagwalada,
Kuje, Bwari and Kwali.
Figure 1. Map of Nigeria showing Abuja
After the 1991 census, the city of Abuja was reported
as having a population of 371,674 and by 2006 census,
it rose to 1,406,239 [11]
. The Nigerian Population Com-
mission equally projected its population to reach about
2,238,753 by 2011 [11]
; becoming one of the leading cities
in Nigeria with reference to population. As of 2015, the
city still experienced annual growth rates of between 30-
35%, and is thus seen as one of the leading cities in Africa
and the world. Abuja has experienced much influx of
people and this unprecedented increase has resulted to the
development of satellite towns and smaller settlements to
accommodate this increased populace. With its projected
population of 3,564,126 persons, the metropolitan area of
Abuja is seen as the fourth largest in Nigeria, behind La-
gos, Kano and Ibadan. Much of the natural scenery of the
city is threatened by urban sprawl which has turned the
landscapes into modified ecosystems.
3.2 Data Collection
The population for the study comprised of inhabitants of
Abuja Municipal Area Council, which comprises of four
phases. Purposive non-probability sampling method was
used due to the fact that the aspect of the population to be
sampled was based on individuals living in these districts
within the Abuja Municipal. Thus, the twenty eight (28)
districts identified were purposively selected.
Based on the 1991 and 2006 population census, ob-
tained from the Annual Abstract of Statistics published by
NBS [11]
, growth rate of the study area was determined to
be 2.42%. The estimated 2011 population of Abuja munic-
ipal by the National Population Commission is 1,235,877
and was used to estimate population figures for 2018
which is not available using the equation below:
Where t is number of years, Pt: Population after t years,
Po: Population at the start, r: annual growth rate.
The 2018 population of AMAC using the formula was
estimated to be 1,461,062.
In order to determine the sample size of this popula-
tion, Taro Yamane [12]
formula was employed. This is giv-
en by the equation below:
Where, n is sample size; N is estimated 2018 popula-
tion of Abuja Municipal Area Council; e is the level of
significance or limit of tolerable error (0.05).
The sample size was calculated was 398 and this guid-
ed the questionnaire distribution.
Using stratified random sampling technique, each of
these districts was treated as strata in order to produce a
more representative data set for analysis. Given that no
data was available on the population of each district; the
questionnaires were distributed based on equal propor-
tions.
The major statistical technique employed was Princi-
pal Component Analysis and Correlation Analysis. Cor-
relation analysis was used to establish the relationships
between the various factors perceived to be the triggers of
urban sprawl. The Principal Component Analysis (PCA)
was used to collapse the variables indicating these caus-
ative factors of urban sprawl into significant and orthog-
onal components. The PCA are usually used as a result
of the severe auto-correlations noticed in the most geo-
graphic data. The largest amount of variation in the data
set is called an ‘eigen vector’ and is regarded as the first
principal component. Furthermore, a ‘varimax rotation’ is
employed for interpretation of the components and eigen
values greater than 1.00 are usually extracted and consid-
ered for interpretation [13]
. This statistical analysis was
eventually performed in SPSS version 20
The questionnaires were distributed with the aid of
four field assistants who assisted in the distribution and
collection of the questionnaire. From the questionnaire
administered, collected and analyzed, the results obtained
are presented as follows:
Table 1. Factors Causing Urban Sprawl in Abuja Munici-
pal Area Council
Factors Responsible for Sprawl Yes No No response Total
Population growth 398 - - 398

15
Economic growth 362 33 3 398
Physical geography 345 53 - 398
Industrialization 193 203 2 398
Failure to enforce planning policies 349 40 9 398
Living and Property cost 364 31 3 398
Lack of Affordable Housing 358 40 - 398
Poor housing delivery 370 37 1 398
Lack of planning policies 120 235 43 398
Lack of political wills 346 48 4 398
Property Tax 301 38 59 398
Country living desire 376 - 22 398
Independent decision 319 44 35 398
Expectation of land appreciation 374 17 7 398
Furthermore, table 2 shows the response of the respon-
dents on what they perceived as effects of sprawl devel-
opment in Abuja. The respondents agreed that the case of
urban sprawl development have affected some parts of the
districts. Among these perceived effects of sprawl devel-
opment, traffic congestion ranked highest and this is fol-
lowed by waste management problems as well as loss of
biodiversity which cover vegetation loss, loss of land for
agricultural purposes and plant species. They also agreed
that the problem of high dependency on car contributed
to worsening traffic congestion issues especially moving
into central districts like Maitama and Asokoro from the
suburbs in the morning hours and leaving for the suburbs
at close of work. They equally agreed that sprawl is de-
stroying the aesthetic conditions of Abuja. They observed
that the development of new settlements at the country-
side which is heavily characterized by poor planning and
independent decision, led to poor aesthetics and repulsive
scenery. This is a common feature of Karu district of Abu-
ja. There is also the challenge of pollution especially from
poor waste disposal activities, open incineration of wastes
and pollution of water sources. The respondents acknowl-
edged that though crime levels are generally low but there
are increasing traces of crimes within some districts of
Abuja.
Table 2. Effects of Urban Sprawl in Abuja
Effects of Sprawl Yes No No response Total
Loss of biodiversity 359 36 3 398
High dependency on car 333 65 - 398
Traffic congestion 387 - 11 398
Land degradation 301 57 40 398
Alteration of microclimate 289 101 8 398
Destruction of aesthetics 344 49 5 398
Increased crime wave 127 233 38 398
Pollution 347 34 17 398
Waste management problems 376 22 - 398
4. Correlation and Principal Component
Analysis
Having presented the various factors causing sprawl in
Abuja as well as the effects of sprawl as perceived by the
respondents, effort was made to examine the nature of
the relationships among the various identified factors and
effects of sprawl. The result are presented in tables below.
These various factors were properly coded to ensure easy
handling of data for PCA analysis (Table 3). Correlation
analysis was conducted to examine the relationship be-
tween the factors responsible from sprawl growth as well
as the relationships between the various effects of this on
the environment and residents of the study area. The re-
sult of the correlation analysis on the factors of sprawl is
shown in table 4.
Table 3. Coding and Labeling of the 14 Factors Associat-
ed with Urban Sprawl in Abuja
S/N Variable Description Variable Code
1 Population growth X1
2 Economic growth X2
3 Physical geography X3
4 Industrialization X4
5 Failure to enforce planning policies X5
6 Living and Property cost X6
7 Lack of Affordable Housing X7
8 Poor housing delivery X8
9 Lack of planning policies X9
10 Lack of political wills X10
11 Property Tax X11
12 Country living desire X12
13 Independent decision X13
14 Expectation of land appreciation X14
Table 4 reveals a high association between some vari-
ables which indicates the presence of serial auto-correla-
tion as many of the factors provided show strong and sig-
nificant positive correlation with each order. For example,
X1 is strongly and positively correlated with X2, X3, X5,
X7,X8 and X12. Furthermore, X3 is very highly correlated
with X5and X8. With these very serious auto-correlations
that characterize the data, another statistic was employed
to properly explain the data. This was subjected to Prin-
cipal Component Analysis (PCA). This is a powerful
multivariate statistical analytical technique which is often

16
employed in geographical examinations to simplify the
relationship between large bodies of variables. The PCA
analysis was able to collapse the 14 variables into signif-
icant and orthogonal components that explained the vari-
ables in the observed data. When PCA was transformed,
the primacy of three components manifested (Table 5)
Table 5. Varimax Rotated Component Matrix of the Vari-
ables
Variable
Components
I II III
X1 Population growth .740 .393 .482
X2 Economic growth .525 .421 .549
X3 Physical geography .754 .209 .255
X4 Industrialization .742 .099 .110
X5 Failure to enforce planning policies .789 .309 .361
X6 Living and Property cost .425 -.045 .656
X7 Lack of Affordable Housing .586 .347 .618
X8 Poor housing delivery .821 .471 .113
X9 Lack of planning policies .151 .719 -.215
X10 Lack of political wills .777 -.324 -.188
X11 Property Tax -.080 -.020 .748
X12 Country living desire .691 .496 .148
X13 Independent decision .167 .798 .358
X14 Expectation of land appreciation .695 .343 .173
Eigen value 5.382 2.449 2.388
% of variance explained 38.443 17.491 17.051
Cumulative % explained 38.443 55.934 72.991
The varimax rotation was employed in order to maxi-
mize the covariance loadings on each component so as to
achieve as many high and as many low loadings as possi-
ble while maintaining the orthogonality (i.e. the uncorrela-
tion) of the original components. From table 5, it is clear
that the three components explained 73% of the variance
while all the three components had eigen values greater
than 1.00. The variables with the highest loadings on each
of the components were picked and shown in tables 6-8
with their corresponding variables.
Table 6. Variables with high loadings on Component I
VARIABLE VARIABLE NAME LOADINGS
X1 Population 0.740
X3 Physical geography 0.754
X4 Industrialization 0.742
X5 Failure to enforce planning policies 0.789
X8 Poor housing delivery 0.821
X10 Lack of political wills 0.777
Table 7. Variables with high loadings on Component II
X9 Lack of planning policies 0.719
X13 Independent decision 0.798
Table 8. Variables with high loadings on Component III
X11 Property Tax 0.748
In addition, the perceived effects of sprawl (table 9) by
the respondents were subjected to correlation analysis to
determine their association or relationship.
Table 9. Coding and Labeling of the 9 Effects of Urban
Sprawl
S/N Variable Description Variable Code
1 Loss of biodiversity Y1
2 High dependency on car Y2
3 Traffic congestion Y3
Table 4. Correlation Matrix of Perceived Factors of Urban Sprawl in Abuja
X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X8 X9 X10 X11 X12 X13 X14
X1 1
X2 .832 1
X3 .794 .632 1
X4 .561 .359 .518 1
X5 .906 .690 .733 .596 1
X6 .545 .476 .502 .496 .502 1
X7 .880 .838 .613 .477 .856 .522 1
X8 .845 .656 .725 .602 .860 .394 .705 1
X9 .260 .202 .222 .237 .315 .006 .103 .444 1
X10 .339 .243 .335 .466 .417 .153 .224 .466 .036 1
X11 .286 .271 .064 .092 .223 .335 .312 .050 .094 -.017 1
X12 .812 .660 .626 .558 .691 .397 .627 .754 .418 .425 .072 1
X13 .561 .610 .298 .336 .422 .308 .606 .535 .357 -.161 .140 .588 1
X14 .707 .566 .624 .577 .693 .320 .647 .821 .119 .261 -.002 .518 .504 1

17
4 Land degradation Y4
5 Alteration of microclimate Y5
6 Destruction of aesthetics Y6
7 Increased crime wave Y7
8 Pollution Y8
9 Waste management problems Y9
The matrix of the correlation coefficients is shown in
table 10. This reveals a high association amongst all the
variables as well as a serious auto-correlation as all of the
coefficients provided show strong and significant positive
correlation with each order. With these very serious au-
to-correlations that characterize the data, it was subjected
to correlation results to PCA.
Table 10. Correlation Matrix of Effects of Urban Sprawl
Y1 Y2 Y3 Y4 Y5 Y6 Y7 Y8 Y9
Y1 1
Y2 0.999 1
Y3 0.999 0.999 1
Y4 0.999 0.999 0.999 1
Y5 0.999 0.998 0.998 0.999 1
Y6 0.999 0.999 0.999 0.999 0.999 1
Y7 0.994 0.993 0.993 0.993 0.994 0.994 1
Y8 0.999 0.999 0.999 0.999 0.999 0.999 0.993 1
Y9 1.000 0.999 0.999 0.999 0.999 1.000 0.994 0.999 1
The PCA simplified the relationship between large bod-
ies of variables and was able to collapse the 9 variables
into only one component. Consequently, the PCA was
unable to rotate the solution. The implication of a single
component loading is that all the variables on effects of
sprawl are highly loaded on component one and the ef-
fects as perceived by the respondents are all dominant in
the study area across the various districts. As such, they
explained 99.8% of the variations of the consequences of
sprawl experienced in the study area (Table 11).
Table 11. Component Matrix for Effects of Sprawl
VARIABLES Component I
Y1 Loss of biodiversity 1.000
Y2 High dependency on car 0.999
Y3 Traffic congestion 0.999
Y4 Land degradation 0.999
Y5 Alteration of microclimate 0.999
Y6 Destruction of aesthetics 1.000
Y7 Increased crime wave 0.995
Y8 Pollution 0.999
Y9 Waste management problems 1.000
Eigen value 8.982
% of variance explained 99.801
Cumulative % explained 99.801
5. Discussion
This study underscores the various factors perceived by
the respondents that are contributing to the occurrence
of sprawl in Abuja Municipal Area Council and how the
sprawl is propagated through effects on the environment
and on the respondents. The findings from the survey
revealed that the major events which characterized the ex-
istence of sprawl in the study were mainly the rapid con-
version of agricultural land to urban use as it ranked the
highest, followed by automobile dependency and scattered
developments, while developments along the road ranked
lowest. Of the factors that are perceived to be responsible
for sprawl, population was unanimously agreed by the
respondents to be a triggering factor. This was followed
by increasing property and living cost, property tax, lack
of affordable housing, failure of enforcing planning po-
lices and lack of political will. The increasing population
of the Federal Capital City, Abuja was clearly captured
in a number of studies [14-16]
. These studies observed that
population exerts much pressure on natural resources and
as result, much of the available land is lost and converted
into built-up areas.
More so, the respondents agreed that the perceived ef-
fects of sprawl development are mainly traffic congestion
followed by loss of biodiversity. They also agreed that
there is the problem of high dependency on car which has
led to worsening traffic congestion issues as well as pol-
lution. These effects have equally been identified by other
works [17]
, who adds that such also leads to much of the
loss of biodiversity, vegetation and agricultural land, and
a leading cause of the changes in the micro-climate and
land degradation.
While many factors contributed to the sprawling effect
on the city, nine of them (as seen in components 1, 2 and 3;
table 6-8), nine of them (table 9) had major contributions
towards the sprawling growth of the city. In their study of
cities, Harvey and Clark [18]
asserted that (uncoordinated)
independence decision (which is one of the factors that
loaded highly in the study area) leads to poor, haphaz-
ard and irregular development, especially if a city lacks
a master plan. However, in the case of Abuja, where a
master plan exists, the lack of political will and failure to
enforce these policies on the part of government as per-
ceived by the respondents, ultimately leads to the same
impact as opined by Harvey and Clark [18]
. With the effects
of sprawl based on the PCA analysis, loading highly on a
single component, it meant that the highlighted effects are

18
evident in most parts of the study area.
6. Discussion
In conclusion, the growing demand for better life is likely
to lead to further influx of people into the study area and
continued expansion of the city with attendant sprawl
growth and effects. Thus the role of both development
authority and enforcement of planning policies, or re-eval-
uation of the existing plan in maintaining this rapidly ex-
panding city becomes increasingly important. This study
shows that sprawl growth is evident in the study area and
suggests that adherence to the stipulated policies will help
to curb the influence of urban sprawl and its effects in the
region.
References
[ 1 ] Seto, K. C., Guneralp, B. and Hutyra, L. R. (2012).
Global forecasts of urban expansion to 2030 and
direct impacts on biodiversity and carbon pools. Pro-
ceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 109
(40): 16083-16088.
[ 2 ] Lata, K. M., Sandra, R., Badrinath, K. V. S. (2001).
Measuring urban sprawl, a case study of Hydrabad.
GIS Dev. 5.
[ 3 ] Leichenko, R. and Solecki, W. (2005). Exporting the
American Dream: The globalization of Suburban
consumption landscapes. Regional Studies 39(2):
241-253.
[ 4 ] Ayeni, B. (1979). Concepts and techniques in urban
analysis. Croom Helm, London. 372pp.
[ 5 ] Okewole, E.A. (2002), Controlling urban sprawl in
developing countries through effective urban gover-
nance. A seminar paper: Department of Urban and
Regional Planning, O.A.U., Ile-Ife.
[ 6 ] Blanchard, P. and Volchenkov, D. (2008). Intelligi-
bility and first passage times in complex urban net-
works. Proceedings of the Royal Society 464: 2153-
2167.
[ 7 ] USEPA. (2001). Why should we be concerned about
sprawl? The Environmental Protection Agency.
[ 8 ] Ewing, R., Pendall, R. and Chen, D. (2003). Measur-
ing sprawl and its transportation impacts. Transporta-
tion Research Record 1831, 175–183.
[ 9 ] Galster, G., Henson, R., Ratcliffe, M. R., Wolman,
H., Coleman, S., and Freihage, J. (2001) Wrestling
Sprawl on the Ground: Defining and Measuring an
Elusive Concept, Housing Policy Debate, Vol. 12.
[10] Olujimi, J. (2009). Evolving a Planning Strategy for
Managing Urban Sprawl in Nigeria. Journal of Hu-
man Ecology, Vol. 25, No. 3:201-208.
[11] National Bureau of Statistics (2012) Annual Abstract
of Statistics. Federal Republic of Nigeria, www.nige-
rianstat.gov.ng.
[12] Yamane, T. (1967). Statistics: An Introductory Analy-
sis, 2nd
Ed., New York: Harper and Row.
[13] Anyadike, R.N.C. (2009). Statistical Methods for the
Social and Envireonmental Sciences. Ibadan: Spec-
trum Books, Ltd.
[14] Ifatimehin, O. and Ufuah, M.E (2006). “An Analysis
of Urban Expansion and Loss of Vegetation Cover in
Lokoja, Using GIS Techniques”. Zaria Geogr. 17(1):
28-36.
[15] Ifatimehin, O.O and Musa S.D (2008). Application
of Geoinformatic Technology in Evaluating Urban
Agriculture and Urban poverty in Lokoja. Niger. J.
Geogr. Environ. 1: 21-23.
[16] Ujoh, F., Kwabe, I.D. and Ifatimehin, O.O. (2008).
“Remote Sensing and GIS for Estimating Urban
Expansion and Agricultural Land Loss in Makurdi,
Nigeria”. Paper Presented at the International Con-
ference of the Arts and Humanities, University of
Abuja, Nigeria.
[17] Desanker, P.V., Frost, P.G.H., Justice, C.O. and
Scholes, R.J. (1997). Framework for a Terrestrial
Transect Study of Land Use and Land cover Change
in Ecosystem of Central Africa.
[18] Harvey, R. O. and Clark, W. A. V. (1965). The nature
and economics of urban sprawl. University of
Wisconsin press, 41(1): 1-9.

19
REVIEW
Wave Dynamics Investigation in Scope of Coastal Processes
Levent Yilmaz*
Nisantasi University, 1453 Neocampus, Maslak, Istanbul, Turkey
Article history
Received: 12 December 2018
Accepted: 26 February 2019
In this research it is established a classification system by which to
characterize atmospheric conditions, specifically those related to winter
extra tropical storms and fair weather. Numerous classification schemes
have been proposed to categorize atmospheric conditions in a variety of
environments-however, since meteorological processes are inherently
complicated, these are of necessity based on criteria that suit a particular
purpose. The system employed in this project was ultimately designed to
differentiate between: 1. fair weather and storm conditions; 2. different
phases of extratropical storms; 3. extratropical storms of different intensi-
ties and synoptic types.
Keywords:
Coastal
1. Introduction
I
t is useful to establish a classification system by which
to characterize atmospheric conditions, specifically
those related to winter extra tropical storms and fair
weather. Numerous classification schemes have been pro-
posed to categorize atmospheric conditions in a variety of
environments-however, since meteorological processes
are inherently complicated, these are of necessity based
on criteria that suit a particular purpose. The system em-
ployed in this project was ultimately designed to differ-
entiate between: 1. fair weather and storm conditions; 2.
different phases of extratropical storms; 3. extratropical
storms of different intensities and synoptic types. As
such, it draws upon several classification systems sug-
gested in the literature, as well as criteria specific to the
research, and employs both hourly wind velocity data and
daily national weather maps [1,2]
.
2. Wave Dynamics and Wind Waves
2.1 Wave Dynamics and Classifying Waves
The transfer of energy from water particle to water par-
ticle in the circular paths, or orbits, transmits wave en-
ergy across the ocean surface and causes the waveform
to move. This kind of wave is known as an orbital wave
which is a wave in that particles of the medium (water)
move in closed circles as the wave passes. Orbital sea
waves occur at the boundary between two media, between
air and water and between layers of water of different
densities. These waves are a type of progressive wave,
because the waveform moves forward. Sea waves have
distinct parts. The wave crest is the highest part of the
wave above average water level; the wave trough is the
valley between wave crests below average water level.
Wave height is the vertical distance between a wave crest
and the adjacent trough, while wavelength is the horizon-
tal distance between two successive wave crests. The time
it takes for two successive wave crests or troughs to pass
a fixed point, usually measured in seconds, is known as
the wave period. Wave frequency is the number of waves
Levent Yilmaz
Nisantasi University, 1453 Neocampus, Maslak, Istanbul, Turkey
Email: levent.yilmaz@nisantasi.edu.tr

20
passing a fixed point per second. Frequency is the inverse
of period. The circular motion of water particles at the
surface of a wave continues underwater. Water particles
move diminishes rapidly with depth. For all practical
purposes, wave motion in deep-water waves is negligible
below a depth of one-half the wavelength. Since most
sea waves have moderate wavelengths, the circular dis-
turbance of the ocean that propagates these waves affects
only the uppermost layer of water [3-6]
.
Sea waves are classified by the disturbing force that
creates them, the extent to which the disturbing force con-
tinues to influence the waves once they are formed, the
restoring force that tries to flatten them, and their wave-
length [7]
.
Energy that causes sea waves to form is called a dis-
turbing force. Wind blowing across the sea surface pro-
vides the disturbing force for wind waves. Arrival of a
storm surge or seismic sea wave in an enclosed harbour
or bay, or a sudden change in atmospheric pressure is the
disturbing force for the resonant rocking of water known
as a seiche. Landslides, volcanic eruptions, and faulting of
the seafloor associated with earthquakes are the disturb-
ing forces for seismic sea waves which is also known as
tsunami. The disturbing forces for tides are changes in the
direction of gravitational forces among the Earth, moon,
and sun, combined with Earth’s rotation [8-11]
.
A wave that is formed and then propagates across the
sea surface without the further influence of the force that
formed it is known as a free wave. When wind waves
move away from the storm that created them, or when the
storm ceases, they continue without the injection of addi-
tional wind energy. Likewise, the tsunami waves caused
by submerged landslides or earthquakes continue to move
across the ocean surface long after the movement of the
landslide or earthquake has stopped [12]
.
Restoring force is the dominant force trying to return
the water surface to flatness after a wave has formed in
it. If the restoring force of a wave were quickly and fully
successful, a disturbed sea surface would immediately be-
come smooth, and the energy of the embryo wave would
be dissipated as heat. Waves continue after they form
because the restoring force overcompensates and causes
oscillation. There are also capillary waves and gravity
waves. The capillary waves are the first waves to form
when the wind blows. These small ripples are important in
transferring energy from air to water to drive sea currents.
Since the circular motion of water molecules in a wave
is nearly friction free, gravity waves can travel across
thousands of miles of ocean surface without disappearing,
eventually to break on a distant shore[13]
.
Wavelength is a direct measure of wave size. There
is the relation between disturbing and restoring forces,
period, and the relative amount of energy present in the
ocean’s surface for each wave type. More energy is stored
in wind waves than in any of the other wave types[14]
.
Figure. 1 The Distribution of wind power [16]
Figure 2. The distribution of wind velocity occurrence
(Weibull-Probability Distribution)
Figure 3. Results for Signal Processing Toolbox of Water
Level at 7. month at Gulf of Mexico[16]

21
Water Level 6.month
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1
1
23
45
67
89
111
133
155
177
199
221
243
265
287
309
331
353
375
397
419
441
463
485
507
529
551
573
595
617
639
661
683
705
Series1
Figure 4. Results for Signal Processing Toolbox of Water
Level at 6. month at Gulf of Mexico[16]
3. Result for the Coastal Processes
The Earth’s climate has changed with time, as has its at-
mospheric composition, its seawater chemistry, the size
and positions of its continents, and its life-forms. The
story of the Earth is the story of change and chance; its
history is written in the rocks, the water, and the genes of
the millions of organisms that have evolved on land and
in sea. Change is now progressing at an unnatural rate,
and these human-induced changes are imposing stress on
natural systems. In the last century the human beings have
developed the physical, chemical, and biological process-
es to destroy the world ocean and the atmosphere. We
need to act to moderate the negative effects of the destroy-
ing environmental. This is the reason for investigation the
coastal processes like hydro dynamical forces and atmo-
spheric circulations and other processes involving the sea
physics.
4. Conclusion
As researcher it is needed also some new innovation about
Earth Structure and Plate Tectonics, Sediments, Sea Phys-
ics, Atmospheric Circulation ,Wave Dynamics and Wind
Waves, Hydrodynamic Forces, Offshore and Onshore
Structures, Tsunami, Seiches, and Tides, Coasts, Simula-
tion Theory, Modelling and Experimental Tests and Envi-
ronmental Concerns
Appendix
Data for Coastal Processes as an Example
North-
ing
Easting
Eleva-
tion
De-
scrip-
tion
North-
ing
Easting
Eleva-
tion
De-
scrip-
tion
North-
ing
Easting
Eleva-
tion
De-
scrip-
tion
North-
ing
Easting
Eleva-
tion
De-
scrip-
tion
North-
ing
Easting
Eleva-
tion
De-
scrip-
tion
North-
ing
Easting
Eleva-
tion
De-
scrip-
tion
North-
ing
Easting
Eleva-
tion
De-
scrip-
tion
5000 5000 100 BM 5000 5000
100,
0079
BM 5000 5000
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MON 5000 5000 100, 15 START 5000 5000
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5000,
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5000,
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4999,
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5000,
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5000,
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GROUND
4961,
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4962,
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5000,
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4965,
934
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C5 4998, 9
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L5
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215
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100,
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C6
4988,
607
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822
100,
336
C6

Journal of Geographical Research | Vol.2, Iss.1

Journal of Geographical Research | Vol.2, Iss.1

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