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![Rishikesh 35
LD, for example, would end up spending three months of his seven in India
attending meditation courses. Indeed, for almost all of the informants who
explicitly indicated this type of motivation, their period of ‘study’ was long,
generally of no less than a month. For BA, this was a fifth visit to Rishikesh
from his home in Germany in the last three years, and one of his longest at one
and a half months, all of which was to be spent staying at Sachadam Ashram
and studying with his guru, Maharaji.2
BA explained that his regular visits
were done to ‘refine’ his spiritual practice and gain further inspiration for life
at home. He went specifically to study with Maharaji, whose teaching he first
encountered through a disciple in Bremen, an experience so overwhelming
that he felt he had to go to Rishikesh to see and hear them in person.
SR, 22 from Wales, was one of many who came to India for diverse reasons,
within which spirituality was at the core. A Vipassana meditator, SR’s trip to
India was to include a visit to Bodh Gaya and other places associated with the
life of the Buddha.
I was just giving it the chance to inspire my practice of Dharma, but I didn’t
know whether it would or not. A lot of my Dharma friends had reported
being inspired by going, so I thought, well I’ll go and see how it affects my
mind.
Immersed in his motivations was a bubbling curiosity and willingness to try
new things, but others saw a black humour in the whole affair of personal spir-
ituality. PT held a similar view about the ‘air’ in Rishikesh. He was spending
one month in Rishikesh ‘soaking up the wisdom’. He noted that he was not
looking for anything in particular, as most spiritual messages were essentially
the same to him, but he did enjoy listening to the different ways they were put.
With a dry, sardonic touch in referring to his quest to find ways to free himself
from the cycle of birth and death, PT replied to the question ‘What did you
hope to experience or “get out of it”?’ with ‘These “activities” are the [reason
I] came for this visit. “Get out of it?” I hope to get out of it!’
This period of intensive practice contrasts with life at home, where work
monopolizes the majority of the individual’s time and the social import. By tak-
ing time for a concentrated period of spiritual practice tourists are asserting for
themselves their happiness and well-being as being of primary importance and
meaning. In their day-long satsang and yoga sessions spiritual tourists are assert-
ing that the secular Western habit of ignoring spiritual life and well-being prac-
tices is wrong. Further, it asserts that spirituality is a personal practice with skills
to be acquired by the practitioner. It thereby transcends, for tourists, the notion
that spirituality, and by extension religion, is a matter only of faith. Simple belief
is not sufficient for spiritual tourists in Rishikesh. Only experience is valid, thus
by engaging with an intensive period of spiritual experience they are elevating
their own spiritual practice to a more cognitively defensible position.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/25111477-250512060834-a3452844/75/Spiritual-Tourism-Travel-And-Religious-Practice-In-Western-Society-Alex-Norman-50-2048.jpg)
![Rishikesh 37
travel’, but takes place within a socially and historically established tradition,
or is identified as one by the participants themselves.
The Variety of Spiritual Activities, or Spiritual Choice
That India is rich in religious traditions and techniques is certainly a drawcard
for many spiritual tourists. Locations such as Rishikesh often function as a form
of ‘spiritual supermarket’ where tourists are able to ‘try before they buy’. As we
saw with KS earlier, she had heard that Rishikesh was ‘a good place’ to go to find
a yoga and meditation practice. Similarly, PD said that ‘I don’t have to come back
here, I like to come back here . . . The teachings [are] all over, so you can get
[them] anywhere if that’s what you want.’ In Rishikesh, she said, ‘Many teachers
guide you in to your own teacher, your own guru.’ What PD especially liked was
that she could combine the teachings of two teachers each day to ‘see through
the text, through the religion to find the source behind the words’. This is a com-
mon conception of personal spirituality among spiritual tourists in India. It is
an understanding that individual spirituality requires an individuated and inter-
pretive practice. Many informants stated that their spirituality was essentially a
collection of ideas and practices gathered as seemed appropriate.
For still others, the variety of spiritual practices on offer in India became an
important feature during their journey. SR stated that he did not really know
why he chose to go to Rishikesh, ‘More of a break than a purpose’, he said.
‘I wasn’t expecting to find anything . . . but I really have found a lot of bril-
liant things here.’ He had discovered a new religious movement (NRM) that
complemented his Vipassana practice and was about to undertake a 12-day
course with them. He saw first-hand the effects on others that he desired to
achieve. Speaking to them in the cafés and restaurants around town he con-
stantly heard about a particular teacher. But the benefits were from their own
experience, which SR thought of as the key.
The fact that a part of me felt confronted by it showed me that I had some
attachments . . . to the Vipassana story, the way that ‘my tradition’ teaches
this. Before coming into contact with Candice I didn’t really realize I had
much attachment. So that was really valuable to see.
Having such a variety of teachers to choose from meant that SR was able to dis-
cover aspects of his own practice that were unexpected. He notes that,
to me it’s like . . . at the moment, and in a month I may be completely dis-
interested again, or even more interested . . . but at the moment she’s a
Vipassana teacher. She . . . sees truth exactly how it is and relaxes with it, and
talks to others about doing that, and why it’s a good idea, and how they can](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/25111477-250512060834-a3452844/75/Spiritual-Tourism-Travel-And-Religious-Practice-In-Western-Society-Alex-Norman-52-2048.jpg)
![Spiritual Tourism
38
practice [it] . . . But the way that she transmits the message is in a way that
seems more direct to me.
SR was another who had done a pilgrimage around the Buddhist circuit.
Coming to Rishikesh he felt he had done ‘the pilgrimaging that I needed
to do’. However, like KS he had come to Rishikesh without any specific prac-
tice in mind (apart from his own Vipassana meditation which is not taught
in Rishikesh); ‘I don’t really know why I came to Rishikesh . . . I wanted to go
somewhere with clean air’ (he noted that the air around Bodh Gaya was very
dirty and caused him some health problems). Some of his time in Rishikesh
was approached as ‘more of a break than a purpose’. He had found that some
of the teachings in his meditation practice were contradictory and was taking
some time to attempt to reconcile the dissonance he found in them.
The thing with meditation is that . . . it’s all just a practical joke (laughs). For
instance it’s called a practice! You are doing something and that is exactly
what the teaching says is what you are not supposed to be doing.
He felt this confused a lot of people who might otherwise gain great benefit
from the practice.
But LD, like others, had been surprised by some other practices and teach-
ings he stumbled across in India. In particular, he found that these other
teachings shed new light on his regular practice:
. . . it was interesting for me to go to all these talks and things because I
didn’t really expect to do that, but I just kind of got drawn in to it. And that’s
been really beneficial. It’s been really good to just be open to that and to do
something unexpected. It’s been really nice. Definitely equally as beneficial
as doing a Vipassana course.
In LD’s words there is a relaxed openness to other spiritual practices or teach-
ings common amongst spiritual tourists, even among those who have chosen
a specific path (i.e. with a particular guru or with Vipassana, and so on). The
exploration of the self or of the problems that plague them and cause unhappi-
ness or dissatisfaction leads many spiritual tourists to gather spiritual sources
together like a collage. Traditions are chosen in as far as they are seen to fit
with whatever it is the tourist is seeking or trying to solve. For most this is an
open-ended search that is largely unrestricted in terms of religious traditions
or continuity.4
Even some of those who are quite happily established with a
certain teacher or tradition often visit the teachings of others or try out differ-
ent practices.
By valuing choice in spiritual practice, tourists in Rishikesh are reinforcing
the movement away from notions of truth as exclusive. Again, the second-order](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/25111477-250512060834-a3452844/75/Spiritual-Tourism-Travel-And-Religious-Practice-In-Western-Society-Alex-Norman-53-2048.jpg)
Spiritual Tourism Travel And Religious Practice In Western Society Alex Norman
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- 7. Continuum Advances inReligious Studies Series Editors:James Cox, Peggy Morgan Continuum Advances in Religious Studies: The Appropriation of Native American Spirituality, Suzanne Owen Conceptions of the Afterlife in Early Civilizations, Gregory Shushan Contemporary Western Ethnography and the Definition of Religion, M. D. Stringer Cultural Blending in Korean Death Rites, Chang-Won Park The Globalization of Hesychasm and the Jesus Prayer, Christopher D. L. Johnson The Innateness of Myth, Ritske Rensma Levinas, Messianism and Parody, Terence Holden A New Paradigm of Spirituality and Religion, MaryCatherine Burgess Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging, Arkotong Longkumer Religion and the Discourse on Modernity, Paul François-Tremlett Religion as a Conversation Starter, Ina Merdjanova and Patrice Brodeur Spirit Possession and Trance, Edited by Bettina Schmidt and Lucy Huskinson Theology and Religious Studies in Higher Education, D. L. Bird and Simon G. Smith
- 8. Spiritual Tourism Travel andReligious Practice in Western Society Alex Norman
- 9. Continuum International PublishingGroup The Tower Building 80 Maiden Lane 11 York Road Suite 704 London SE1 7NX New York NY 10038 www.continuumbooks.com © Alex Norman, 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permis- sion in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. EISBN: 978-1-4411-2308-4 Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. Typeset by Newgen Imaging Systems Pvt Ltd, Chennai, India Printed and bound in Great Britain
- 10. Contents Preface vii Chapter 1:Approaching Spiritual Tourism 1 Part I: Finding Spiritual Tourism in the Field Chapter 2: Rishikesh: The Spiritual Marketplace 27 Chapter 3: The Camino de Santiago: The Spiritual Workplace 47 Part II: Travel and Religion Chapter 4: A History of the Idea of Travel 69 Chapter 5: Theories of Leisured Travel 91 Chapter 6: Contemporary Forms of Religious Life 112 Part III: Understanding Spiritual Tourism in Context Chapter 7: India in the Mind of the Spiritual Tourist 139 Chapter 8: The Camino de Santiago in the Mind of the Spiritual Tourist 160 Chapter 9: Conclusions: Reading Spiritual Tourism 183 Appendices 209 Bibliography 213 Index 231
- 12. Preface The research forthis book officially began in February 2006, but its origins as a topic of study in my mind are far older. Most of my earliest memories are of travel or movement of one kind or another. From a young age I remember being fascinated by the vastness of the world and all the people in it. By the time I travelled as an adult, now by myself, I came to realize that there was something confronting, existentially, about the process of touring other lands and cultures to one’s own, particularly in areas that were or seemed far away from home. I began to wonder why people spoke of ‘finding themselves’ when they travelled; why travel was seen as something that was good for young men and women to ‘get out of their system’; and as I experienced more and more interactions with other travellers, why people seemed as much to be looking at themselves when they travelled as much as they were looking at the world around them. Sometimes more so. As an Antipodean I think I probably also inherited the all-or-nothing approach to travel many of us have that is driven by the tyrannies of distance and economics. When I travelled, I travelled for long periods, thus my chances for reflection on these phenomena were many. My diaries from those times drip with questions, musings and theories about what it means to travel. Of all the places that drew my attention as a traveller, those of a religious nature attracted me the most and often. Whether it was watching busloads of pensioners wander around Salisbury Cathedral or chatting with backpack- ers on meditation courses in Bangkok, I had a sense that religious practice, travel, and self examination were a combination well suited to each other both socially and historically. What struck me was the consistency with which the context of religious practice was used by tourists not only as part of the travel experience, but also as a means for self-examination or progression by people who otherwise had apparently nothing to do with the tradition in question. They were secular, out of institutional jurisdiction, and yet some might have been mistaken otherwise. Why this was happening and what elements of the tourists’ lives contributed to it intrigued me. As a born listener I was lucky enough to begin to gather some answers, but I knew that what I wanted was to study these phenomena. Eventually this knowledge led me to the University of Sydney, which I chose for its Department of Studies in Religion. There I found others who shared my interests in religions, and an atmosphere that supported combining that with an investigation of tourism.
- 13. Preface viii Fieldwork for thisproject was conducted in 2007 following clearance from the University of Sydney Human Research Ethics Committee. The research was assisted financially by the Royston George Booker Scholarship, the Australian PostgraduateAward(APA),andtheUniversityofSydneyPostgraduateResearch Support Scheme (PRSS). Informants were interviewed, given questionnaires, and conversed with informally. Some were also contacted later via email or in person for follow-up interviews. This book sees the light of day thanks to the support, encouragement and assistance of many friends, family, colleagues, informants and strangers who helped me on that journey. Such a large and lengthy project inevitably involves the participation of many, from key players involved from beginning to end, to random encounters in cafés with people whose names are forgotten in min- utes. Ideas emerge from strange places, help is given in unexpected ways, and sustenance is received from unlikely sources. This strikes me as the nature of the pursuit of knowledge. I certainly hope that is the case, as it makes for an exciting and fascinating experience. To begin, this PhD could never have come to be were it not for the people who contributed themselves and their experiences to its content. There are many of you, hundreds in fact, and I hope you feel this book places you and your stories accurately. That you would share intimately with me, a complete stranger, the soaring highs and devastating lows of your lives as well as the entirety of what lies between staggers me every time I think of it. Your passion for being and becoming better people, both individually and socially will always be an inspiration to me. For your generos- ity and openness I can only offer my heartfelt thanks. To the various members of the Department of Studies in Religion at the University of Sydney who have come and gone over the years I would like to express my gratitude. It is a department that has not only encouraged me to pursue my subject, but has challenged me to produce my best work and, importantly, to ensure that I strive to make a contribution to the academy. Their patience with me, first as an undergraduate, then as a postgraduate and member of staff has allowed me to find my voice. Similarly, the many students I have had the privilege to be a teacher for have challenged my assumptions and caused me to really think about how we approach the study of religious phenomena. You are also to thank for this work. I would also like to give a shout out to the Confraternity of St James for their advice, support and study space, and to Sideways Café where so many of the ideas found herein were born over cups of coffee and plates of poached eggs, and made comfortable by warm service. My supervision for the project was of inestimable value. For this, Dr Christopher Hartney and Associate Professor Carole Cusack deserve special mentions, and perhaps the gazetting of a new medal in the Australian Honours System for the amount of drafts they had to read. To Chris I would like to express very deep thanks for encouraging me to see the value of my
- 14. Preface ix own researchand what I have to say about it, and for providing many avenues of thought I would not have considered. His irreverence, wisdom and love of knowledge are infectious and have helped carry me through the creation of this work, and in particular have driven me to be more creative than I might have been. To Carole I owe much. Not only has she been an excellent mentor, but many of the ideas in this book were first floated in conversation in the office we share. In particular, her advice on modern conceptions of spirituality has allowed me to approach this topic in a far more nuanced and subtle way than I would otherwise have been able. But there is something more. Just as Simon Pegg’s character, Tim Bisley, in the TV series Spaced points out that the entire plot of the three original Star Wars movies can be attributed to the actions of the gunner on the star destroyer at the beginning of the first film (for not firing on the escape pod containing C-3PO and R2D2), so to can this book be traced to a single email sent by Carole in mid-2005. That email simply suggested I come in for a chat about some research assistance work, and the possibility of starting a PhD. I was sceptical, yet Carole insisted that not only was this a subject worth exploring, but that it was something I was capable of. What has transpired since is thanks to her and that fateful email for which I am so very grateful. The greatest outcome of this project has been my own discovery of my passions in life – the study of travel and religions, and the sharing of that know- ledge through the written word and spoken. That is a mighty gift and one I fear I may never be able to pay back. I can only hope to pay it forward. There are also many, many friends who deserve credit here, and without whom I simply would not have made it to this point. So many have showed interest and enthusiasm that has kept me sane. Thanks must go to Lachlan Dewar for being a friend when I needed one and for saving my arse (literally) when I was so ill in Rishikesh. To Simon Theobald and Venetia Robertson, two loyal and indefatigable friends who I had the pleasure of teaching, and who will no doubt go on to great things. To Jessica Lanan for inspiring me with curiosity, art and story telling, and for sharing a love of social intricacy and lemon gingees. To Elisha McIntyre for hugs and for a love of things weird. To Joh Petsche for many breakfasts at which I was able to express many problems. To Kristian Miller-Karlsen for reminding me that strength and honour can be good things, but that they must be earned. To Rob Talbot, who shares a love of light and who reminds me what a thoroughly good person is really like. To Annabel Carr, partly for one depressed day telling me to “cheer the fuck up,” but mostly for being a loyal, loving and dear friend with whom I feel I can share anything. To Milli Howson and Dave Brown for interest and support that goes well beyond the duty of normal friends, and who have never failed to produce a tremendously bad horror film at precisely the moment it is needed. And finally to Chelsea and Ian and Seb Pirodon for being so supportive and caring, for simply being there, and for cooking so well and providing such good wine and company.
- 15. Preface x The readers ofmy various drafts, some of whom have been mentioned above, also deserve thanks. They include Erica Wald of the London School of Economics, David Pecotic (also for his many interesting web-links with which to procrastinate), Nicky Forster, Vicky Thorn and Andrew Wearring at my very own department. Nor can I forget the group of religiophiles at the University of Sydney that make up Mysterium Magnum – our subject-focused student body that is always a source of amusement and insight. I would also like to thank Royston George Booker, a retired army officer, for establishing the scholarship that assisted with my fieldwork costs, which I was awarded in 2007. My family also deserves a special mention for their unfailing support. To Sam, Emma and the kids for looking after us in London, likewise to Maggie and Neil. To Paul for many counselling sessions and for unfailing support. To Ros and Des for support and fine food, wine, and company, and for provid- ing what must be one of the world’s great writing locations. To Grammie for inspiring me to be my best, particularly with words. To my three brothers; Pip for being a steadfast counsellor, Christo for encouraging me with vision, and Andy for being blood, which is a most powerful source of strength. Finally, to my mother, Anthea, for being a rock of wisdom and emotional nourishment in times light and dark, and to my father, Michael, for instilling in me the values of truth, of seeing the beauty of the mind, and love, and to both of them for supporting and encouraging me always. The greatest thanks must go to my wife, partner in life, love, and mischief, Abi. Her love and support for me through four years of hard work that often took me half a planet away is amazing. Without her I know I would not have been able to finish this project. She is a friend, a confidant, and someone who helps me to pick myself up each time I fall. Her talent as a thinker and as a human being continually amazes me. To you who dances inside my chest, eternal thanks. Alex Norman November 2010
- 16. Chapter 1 Approaching SpiritualTourism Travel has long had an intersection with religious practice. Pilgrimage is the most obvious example of this, where religious doctrine, practice and travel all coincide. There are, however, many more instances of this juncture between religion and travel, ranging from voyeuristic tourism to pious sightseeing, each of which could make for fascinating reflections on the place and state of religion in modern society. This book is concerned with what I am calling ‘spiritual tourism’; tourism characterized by an intentional search for spiritual benefit that coincides with religious practices. This type of tourism has seen a great deal of popular attention since the 1960s, most recently with the pub- lication of Elizabeth Gilbert’s Eat, Pray, Love (2006), in which the protagonist makes a journey to India to seek spiritual healing after getting divorced. In fact, so infused within the popular cultural discourse of the West has spiritual tourism become, that rarely was I asked to explain what I meant when talking about my research. Going on holiday to ‘connect with myself’, ‘to find myself’ or simply ‘to think about my life’ are not uncommon refrains in the modern West, yet such journeys often take place with some form of reference to reli- gious practice or to philosophy. Indeed, much is on offer to such spiritual tourists, such as the opportunity to meditate, practice yoga, sit contemplatively atop mountains, visit sacred sights or to stay in sweat lodges, wellness retreats or even monasteries. Spiritual tourism has proliferated in recent times, find- ing homes in many previously ‘secular’ places, as well as religious ones. As the varieties of the religious experience have increased, so too have the touristic, and the points at which they cross offer diverse insights to the nature of both phenomena in the Western world. What makes spiritual tourists unique among this dappled congregation is their lack of traditional religiosity. These tourists typically travel to desti- nations at which they participate in religious practices or traditions without necessary affiliation, and who, in many cases, have little or no everyday con- nection with the practices or traditions in which they are taking part. For example, in countries like Thailand and India, tourists can be found spend- ing time on yoga or meditation retreats without necessarily calling themselves Buddhists or Hindus. Likewise, in Europe every year many tourists take part
- 17. Spiritual Tourism 2 in thepilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela in Spain, or visit the monastic republic of Mount Athos in Greece without having any Christian beliefs. That tourists are participating in these types of activities raises a number of questions about the phenomena. To begin we must discover what, exactly, such spiritual tourists do. Whether they simply ‘visit’ religious practices, much like one might attempt some rock-climbing or other novel activities, or whether they travel specifically to participate in them can begin to inform us of the role the practice is seen to have in their everyday lives. Further, at whatever levels tourists engage with religious practices while travelling, the factors that have contributed to them arriving there elucidate how they are conceived to work and be worthwhile. Following from this we can address third order questions that speak more broadly about trends in society. What this form of tourism says about the role of travel in modern Western society is of interest here, as it throws light on the place of spiritual practice in modern Western society. While various intersections of religion and tourism have seen significant scholarly attention few have examined what is being referred to here as spir- itual tourism using qualitative empirical data gathered specifically for the research. Sharpley and Sundaram’s (2005) article on ashram tourism in Auroville, India, is similar to this book both in terms of its approach and its concentration on qualitative reports from tourists. However, while it makes an invaluable contribution to the understanding of spiritual tourism in India, it does not locate the empirical data within religious studies frameworks, nor does is it extrapolate from the data any commentary on the nature of spiritual tourism. Similarly, Sarah Strauss’ (1997) work orients yoga within Western alternative cultures from a religious studies and historiographical perspective, yet while it was informed by extended field research in Rishikesh, it makes lit- tle comment on the phenomena of spiritual tourism so prevalent in the town. Further, while both these works make some headway in the search for answers about what Western tourists do when travelling for spiritual reasons, they do not answer why this is the case, nor do they delve into the tourist’s reports of motivation for making such journeys. In Western Europe the field is similarly sparse, despite some sites that see high numbers of spiritual tourists. Of these, a number stand out for their ‘attractiveness’, or ‘pull’ factors (Dann 1977) in the final decision making of a range of spiritual tourists. For example, the ancient ruin of Delphi, in Greece, features largely in literature for spiritual tourists, as do sites such as Stonehenge and Avebury (Digance 2003), and Glastonbury (Digance and Cusack 2002), in the United Kingdom. The most notable site in Western Europe, however, and perhaps the most patronized by spiritual tourists, is the Camino de Santiago de Compostela, which sees over 100,000 pilgrims walk its various routes each year. Nancy Frey’s (1998) seminal work on the modern revived Camino, Pilgrim Stories, is a landmark ethnography, and arguably one of the finest examples of participant-centred field research in tourism studies. In general terms it
- 18. Approaching Spiritual Tourism3 maps the participant experience of the Camino with care and in much detail. Despite its excellent ethnography, however, it lacks theoretical and method- ological precision, and makes little attempt to reflect and comment on the implications the data have for the study of modern spirituality and religious practice. Other researchers, such as Slavin (2003) and Herrero (2008) have also examined the pilgrim experience of Camino pilgrims. While these stud- ies are more thorough than Frey’s methodologically speaking, particularly Herrero’s, neither fully succeeds in marking the key motivational and experi- ential points of the pilgrim experience in the modern religious landscape. Other forms of spiritual tourism are often closely philosophically linked to the New Age, though often this is played down in the promotional litera- ture surrounding it. New Age spiritual tourism is acknowledged as a growing market, especially in terms of pilgrimage and ‘personal growth’ motivated practices (Attix 2002). Likewise, so-called wellness tourism has also seen an increase in popularity over the past 20 years, though scholars have tended to be more interested in the economic and statistical analyses of the phenom- enon, rather than visitors’ experiences (Smith and Kelly 2006). Lastly, other less obviously ‘spiritual’ forms of tourism are now starting to see scholarly interest with regard to their function and effect on the participants. Examples such as 4WD (four-wheel drive) tourism (Narayanan and Macbeth 2009) and fly-fishing adventures (Snyder 2007) can be understood as having spiritual significance for participants, providing them with a sense of meaning or access to the ‘sacred’, however that may be defined. While, as Collins-Kreiner (2010, 446–8) notes, these types of studies have begun to move towards examina- tions of the experiential aspects of the traveller, and away from discussions on general sociocultural elements, they are still few in number and in need of theoretical and methodological critique from a religious studies perspective in order to locate them properly. Book Outline What makes the subject intriguing is the relative lack of scholarly attention spir- itual tourism has, to date, garnered. While a small number of researchers have made contributions to our understanding of some forms of spiritual tourism, few have attempted to do so from a contemporary religious studies perspec- tive. Additionally, despite the relationship between tourism, religious practice and spirituality having a long history within popular tourism literature, it has largely been limited to conceptual studies lacking in empirical field-based research. This is particularly the case with regard to the spiritual dimensions of tourism. This book provides some content to these gaps in the research, and approaches the subject of tourism through the little used lens of religious stud- ies theory. It employs qualitative results from field-based research in concert
- 19. Spiritual Tourism 4 with thesemethodologies in order to answer a core research question; why do Western tourists engage in practices understood as and intended for spiritual benefit? This book looks at two instances of ‘spiritual tourism’ through the lens of religious studies theories as a means of exploring the phenomena deeply, and places them within methodological paradigms concerned with individual meaning and identity practice in contemporary spiritual life. Part I contains, to borrow from Clifford Geertz, thick descriptions of spiritual tourism in the two case study locations: Rishikesh, India, and on the Camino de Santiago, in Spain. It approaches the subject by beginning with a close description and examination of the two case studies. Based on field research in the form of par- ticipant observation, semi-structured interviews and questionnaire responses a discussion is begun to understand the social and psychological processes that draw tourists to the locations. From these thick descriptions this work moves outwards, discussing the social and cultural contexts that inform tour- ists’ choices and in which contemporary spiritual practice now takes place. Part II thus looks at the placement of tourism in popular culture, and at the- ories concerned with understanding tourism and contemporary spirituality. It is a move from ethnography to sociology, so to speak, that investigates the cul- tural movements that have been woven around the two fields (travel and reli- gion). The last two chapters of Part II argue that travel is now seen as available to function as a mode of self-examination, and that the paradigm of modern Western spirituality is a context in which just such a project might take place. From here the book moves back towards the particular by locating the frames of meaning within which the practice of spiritual tourism takes place. It will begin by reflecting on what the case study examples communicate about religious practice and travel more broadly. This discussion is informed by the notion that as the context of spiritual tourism changes, so too will its mean- ing. It also understands that the individual is a part of the context we must examine. In the final analysis the argument returns to the two case studies to demonstrate how they reflect different sets of meaning for tourists. The book will conclude by arguing that the practice of spiritual tourism reflects not only the cultural frameworks with which tourists understand religious practice in a secular manner, but that the core issues informing the way iden- tity and meaning are constructed for the everyday are done through a proc- ess of self-examination that takes place away from it. Spiritual tourism is thus understood as a tool in the larger project of the self; one that is made all the more poignant and meaningful for the individual by the actioning of it within a context that involves significant economic and temporal outlay, and within a context regarded as culturally suitable for it. The first chapter examines spiritual tourism in India; a country famed for its range of spiritual practices and traditions that tourists can engage with at a variety of levels, concentrating on the town of Rishikesh. Rishikesh itself
- 20. Approaching Spiritual Tourism5 can be said to be a ‘spiritual marketplace’, so diverse and readily available for both locals and tourists alike is the choice of practices and teachings there. The town was made internationally famous by The Beatles’ visit to the ashram of Maharishi Mahesh Yogi in 1968, and since then thousands of Westerners have travelled there to do likewise. Western tourists from diverse backgrounds tend to visit the town for its famed ashrams and yoga courses, as well as for the satsangs, or lectures, from spiritual masters on existential and philosophical topics. Fieldwork was conducted in Rishikesh, and the explanation of tour- ist culture and behaviour, as well as results from semi-structured interviews and questionnaires form the basis of a thick description of spiritual tourism that is returned to later in the book to contribute to the argument concern- ing the role of spiritual tourism in the West. Spiritual tourists in Rishikesh overwhelmingly report that their decision to travel to the town and engage in the religious practices offered there was motivated by a larger project of self- improvement and healing. How we are to understand this result is the focus of the later chapters of this book. Secondly, this book looks at the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela, in north-western Spain, a Catholic route now almost as frequently trodden by non-Catholics as Catholics. While ostensibly anchored in the traditions of one religious institution, this book will show that the diversity of Western tourists who participate in the pilgrimage is just as great as that found in Rishikesh. The pilgrimage’s thousand year history contributes to its standing as a practice with transformative potential. However, over the past 20 years it has rapidly gained in popularity and patronage. Tourists participate in the pilgrimage as pilgrims – walkers (or less often cyclists) who make their way to the city of Santiago de Compostela. Typical distances walked by informants ranged from 500km to 800km, though many pilgrims walk much greater distances. Fieldwork was con- ducted as a participant-observer along the Camino, with semi-structured inter- views and questionnaires being gathered to contribute to the thick description of spiritual tourism there. While walking, pilgrims encounter a range of physi- cal and emotional obstacles, and often engage in deep thought and conversa- tion with their fellow pilgrims about the content of their daily lives at home. Most Camino spiritual tourists cite the motivation to make the pilgrimage as a desire for reflection, self-examination and self-improvement. This result forms the second empirical contribution to the argument that spiritual tourism is conceived by a small number of tourists as a significant opportunity for self- evaluation, self-improvement and spiritual healing. Locations Theselocationswerechosenfortheirprominenceintouristliteratureandtheir popularity online as places at which ‘spiritual’ projects could be undertaken.
- 21. Spiritual Tourism 6 In arichly religious country as India one is spoiled for fieldwork locations. Indeed, it is here that the supposedly niche market of spiritual tourism is shown in fact to be well established, thriving and hugely popular. Of course, the result is that the researcher has a host of suitable locations from to choose field bases. There are quite literally thousands of locations where one can join a yoga course, attend a meditation retreat, or study Hindu or Buddhist phil- osophy. The handful of particularly popular sites often included on tourist’s itineraries includes Varanasi, Rishikesh, McLeod Ganj, Goa, Bodh Gaya and surrounds, all of which have well-established spiritual tourism infrastructure and commodities. Numerous other smaller locations also offer activities for the spiritually inclined. Choosing which locations to base one’s research in thus becomes as much a random choice as a result of analysis. For this project the researcher based his choices on a reading of guidebook material to see which sites were most lauded, and watching the chatter on internet forums where tourists would share information on their favoured spiritual locations. In addition, a certain intangible factor was added in the form of popular culture. That is, the question of which sites (and persons) tended to feature in media which might influence tourists’ choices. This included watching televi- sion travel shows (both televised and web-based), examining and monitoring travel periodicals, and collecting advertising material, including a notable advertisement by the Incredible India (2008) campaign. It was found that in all three cases the most favoured sites were Varanasi, McLeod Ganj and Rishikesh. Varanasi was rejected as a fieldwork location for three reasons; cost, broader (non-spiritual) popularity and lack of concentration of spiritual activities (based on advice from other researchers) which would make the finding of informants more difficult. Rishikesh and Dharamsala offered access to high concentrations of the types of tourists the project was concerned with. Both locations are almost exclusively travelled to by Westerners for some sort of engagement with religions or spiritual activities. However, it was decided that a concentrated study of a single site would be more useful than a briefer study of multiple locations. Dharamsala was ruled out, despite field research having taken place there, to make the argument simpler even though it yielded an almost identical set of data. For these reasons, mainly expedient, Rishikesh was selected as the primary field research location for the Indian component of this book. The Camino de Santiago was chosen primarily because of its prominence as a Western religious practice that is open to participation by anyone, regard- less of religious beliefs or lack thereof. The pilgrimage routes to Santiago de Compostela, particularly the Camino Francés route in northern Spain, have seen a marked revival of interest over the last century. Over the past 20 years the number of people walking the route annually has risen from 2,905 to 114,026, and it continues to grow each year (Pilgrims Office of Santiago de
- 22. Approaching Spiritual Tourism7 Compostela). Part of the reason for this increase is undoubtedly the recent profusion of literature on the pilgrimage in popular culture, mostly in the form of travelogues and memoirs from authors who have walked the pilgrim- age. These books tend to be filled with images of deep psychological explor- ation and mystical encounters, and an investigation of a number of internet web forums for walkers past, present and future quickly provided evidence that the routes now widely hold this reputation. Of the many routes available, the Camino Francés was chosen as the fieldwork location for its popularity, with the overwhelming majority of Camino pilgrims choosing this route, for a variety of reasons including ease, infrastructure, and simply being known about, over the others. This, it was reasoned, would yield a high ratio of spiritual tourist informants who would yield a wide range of reasons and motivations for mak- ing the journey. It was also a location in which it was felt the researcher could easily blend in to gain confidence with informants without necessarily taking part in any of the activities (and instead would work). The combination of these two locations was chosen to test whether any contrast or significant differences existed between the way spiritual tour- ism was approached and enacted within ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ practices, locations and traditions. Other locations in both hemispheres were also considered as possibilities and rejected (though future study of them is planned). Thailand offers tourists many opportunities to practise Buddhist meditation and is host to a number of luxury wellness retreats, but its opportunities for spiritual tourists are largely limited to those drawn from Theravada Buddhism. It was rejected for this first study in favour of India both because of the latter’s greater range of spiritual ‘activities’ on offer (Hindu, Buddhist, Ayurvedic, New Age, Kabbalaistic, healing, wellness, etc.) and because of the access to towns in which spiritual tourists would be concentrated, rather than being limited to specific sites such as is largely the case in Thailand. Other countries in the area, such as Vietnam, Laos, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Malaysia, Indonesia and Japan offer even less opportunities for finding such concentrated centres of spiritual tourist activity. Each, how- ever, is worthy of future study on this topic, and it is hoped that this can be undertaken in the near future. With regard to Western religious traditions that spiritual tourists might engage with, the case is just as complex. While the United States and Canada are both undoubtedly Western, the continent they lie on was ruled out as a field-research location very early on in the research process. The rationale behind this stems from this project’s desire (discussed below) to investigate whether any significant contrast exists between Eastern and Western prac- tices in the eyes of spiritual tourists. North America, while hosting many spir- itual tourist centres (such as Sedona, Arizona amongst others), is home to a mix of Eastern and Western practices. Western Europe, in contrast, is the originator of most Western religious traditions. In addition to the numerous
- 23. Spiritual Tourism 8 routes thatform the Camino de Santiago, Europe also hosts religious sites such as Mount Athos and Meteora, in Greece, the Vatican and Assisi, in Italy, Lourdes, in France, Glastonbury in the United Kingdom, as well as many others with a long history of attracting tourists from around the world. The Camino was chosen as the primary field research location for the Western component for many of the same reasons as Rishikesh was – it offers a high number of spiritual tourists in a concentrated area. Other locations listed above, likewise attract spiritual tourists, but from a qualitative point of view they are diluted by the large number of ‘normal’ tourists who also travel to them. With the exceptions of Mount Athos, Glastonbury and Lourdes each of the other major sites in Europe that might attract spiritual tourists also attracts many other types, thus making the gathering of data on spiritual tourists a much lengthier and more laborious task. Mount Athos was rejected immediately as it only allows male visitors, and this project seeks data from both sexes. Glastonbury was investigated with a short research trip while attending a conference, but it was decided that the town would better suit long-stay field research, rather than the few weeks it was anticipated were available for this project. The Camino was chosen because it was anticipated to attract a high ratio of spiritual tourists, and would provide an environ- ment in which finding them to interview would be simpler, as the researcher would, as in India, blend in. Central Research Questions Before continuing, the central research questions of this book are worth stat- ing here again; the core question of the project is, Why do Western spiritual tour- ists go to Rishikesh and the Camino de Santiago? This, however, needs expanding before it can begin to be answered, and to start it is worth contextualizing once more. In short, Western tourists go to India and to Spain. While there, some undertake spiritual activities – in India, meditation, yoga and satsang in Rishikesh (among other locations) and in Spain the Camino de Santiago amongst others – despite often not being a member or believer of the religious tradition that hosts them. What causes them to make the decision to undertake such trips is the focus here. Further questions arise from this initial set of facts. With a cursory investigation of the literature available in popular culture it can be seen that many go to these locations as part of projects of self-discovery or self-investigation, as shall be discussed later. When this is the case, what causes spiritual tourists to choose these locations as the ‘right’ places to carry out that project? The presence of a project implies a desired outcome, even if largely open ended. There is a suggestion of movement or progression therein. Thus a secondary question concerns what sort of impact or effect spiritual tourists see their trips as having in the course of their everyday lives. A further second
- 24. Approaching Spiritual Tourism9 order question relates to the wider cultural processes of Western society that have contributed to informing tourists’ choice. What social conditions are pre- sent that make such journeys worthwhile for potential spiritual tourists? The third order, or tertiary questions, relate to what these phenomena tell us about the role and position of both tourism and spirituality in the modern Western context. What is ‘spirituality’ understood to be in the West in the context of spiritual tourism? This question is asked with the information that some members of Western society, particularly those we find engaged in New Age activities, tend to refer to their practices and themselves as ‘spiritual as opposed to religious’ (e.g. Bouma 2006, 12). From this question, and concen- trating for a moment on the notion of spiritual tourist journeys being part of individual spiritual projects; what is the function and role of spirituality in the West? Is it understood as an individual project? Does it take place at the cost of community, or does it contribute? How do the tourists themselves understand this; do they understand it as a positive thing for community or a negative one? The answer to this last question may seem a predictable ‘positively!’, but if that is the case then it must be predicated on assumptions about what ‘spirituality’ constitutes for spiritual tourists. Or, if it is indeed predictable, presumably it then proves a hypothesis that was predicted. Both are positive outcomes for this book. At face value it could appear that what is observed at yoga retreats or along the Camino are simply tourists who find their way to religious and spiritual practices while on holiday by chance or out of curiosity. In fact the opposite is true; spiritual tourists, for the most part, make their destination choices after deliberation and research. It must be emphasized that tourists are spe- cifically choosing these destinations as part of a response to their motiv- ations for travel and their expectations about what the journey will yield. The possibility of going to spiritual destinations is learned, both as a concept of a thing to do when on holiday (that it presents certain types of opportunities for experience), and about specific locations and traditions or practices they can take part in there (that they present particular experiences, or are often associated with certain types of experience). As will be discussed in Chapter 9, tourists travel to destinations closely associated with religious traditions and practices driven by a desire for certain types of holiday encounters. Participating in the traditions or practices at the destinations, regardless of having any connection to the tradition beforehand, offers just the experi- ence they desire. Further, as shall be examined, most spiritual tourists feel that the problems of their lives are likely to find some solution, relief or answer in the tradi- tions or practices offered at the destination. This cognitive understanding also informs the decision to travel and the type of destination chosen. While there they take part in the traditions and practices either as part of the trad- ition or as consumers of the practices offered. It is often the case that some
- 25. Spiritual Tourism 10 of thetourists have practised the types of spiritual activities offered them at home, but some have not. In particular, the participation in practices or tradi- tions is seen to offer a certain type or flavour of experience, or indeed a state of being, that is not available at home. This might range from simply being able to concentrate more fully or feeling that the time is efficacious because it has been set apart from everyday life, to learning material not available at home or undertaking a practice only offered at that location. It also relates to the ‘liminality’ of the travel experience. While engaged in these practices many tourists feel that the experience will be beneficial, that the solutions to the problems of their home lives they sought have, or will be found. Many also profess that they will take home the practices or lessons learned while on holiday. In the case of Rishikesh we find that, by various methods during their course of their everyday lives, tourists gain knowledge of the destinations in India and what is offered there experientially. Those interested in yoga, meditation, Eastern religious philosophy and some forms of New Age spiritual belief and practice travel there in their holiday time. Often these tourists express a desire to learn new practices or refine ones already known. They also articulate the desire to spend time learning/practising as driven by a desire for healing or self-improvement. While there tourists take part in the traditions and practices offered at the locations they visit. This might include staying at an ashram, attending a yoga or meditation course, serving on a meditation retreat, listen- ing to lectures by spiritual masters, or a range of other spiritual practices. The rich religious diversity spread through the country means that, while there, many seek out a number of locations at which such experiences may be avail- able (e.g. in ashrams or temples). Many tourists also take the opportunity to explore spiritual practices or teachings they are not familiar with. The time in India participating in these practices is, for the most part, spoken of as time spent working on the self, improving the individual tourist for the good of the global community. On the Camino de Santiago we see similar issues at play. Tourists gain knowledge of the Camino and what the experience is like, and set out to begin the pilgrimage and thereby become pilgrims (self-referencing) desir- ing time to think, time to quieten the mind through walking, or as a time that breaks two periods in their life (e.g. between jobs, divorced or when retiring). Many pilgrims also report that they desire a change in themselves, usually emotionally. This desire and the social space of the Camino require that the pilgrims continue walking to maintain legitimacy and not lose face. After some days or weeks continuing a sense of achievement and physical purity is felt by walkers, and reports of the types of experiences they had read about begin to emerge. A sense of having lived a deep experience and a feeling that certain behavioural or social structures have been broken is then reported.
- 26. Approaching Spiritual Tourism11 Approach and Methodology Each case studied here requires a different approach, yet both contain common thematic elements that link them as social phenomena. Taking a cue from MacCannell (1976), this book is informed by the idea that what is required in the study of spiritual tourism is an holistic approach. In particular, the subject is approached with the following three rules in mind: • That observation be detailed and from ‘on the ground’. • That descriptions are clear and insightful for both academic and subject minds. • That observation always precedes social theory. This is a project that requires an examination of the sacred in contemporary Western life, and, in particular, how it is created and functions in the context of travel. This book takes as its inspiration Demerath’s statement that charting the sacred involves an exploration of inner space that is every bit as challenging as the astronomer’s exploration of a continually expanding outer space. And yet we are not exactly starting at ground zero. No scholars are better equipped for the task than social scientists of religion. (Demerath 2000, 4) As such this book begins in what feels like a relatively unorthodox manner, with fieldwork observations first, and with a foundational understanding that the varieties of sacred experience are many and continue to unfold before us. To begin, it is worth including here the hypotheses that were used to set this research project in motion. The first, informed by previous textual research, was an assertion that, generally speaking, spiritual tourism seemed to involve a mix of pilgrimage, rites of passage, spiritual sightseeing, spiritual voyeurism, secular spirituality, religiosity, identity practices, ‘seekerism’ and the search for meaning. The second hypothesis was that spiritual tourists would be using the transient nature of travel to explore ideas of spirituality in ways they did not at home. The third was that there would be a high level of willingness among spiritual tourists to engage in experimentation with whatever spirit- ual practices were on offer, correlated with a lack of faith or belief specific in any particular tradition. It was proposed that this would be an example of the ‘spiritual supermarket’ in the case of Rishikesh where tourists would pick and choose between practices as they saw fit according to their circumstances. It was also proposed that there would be a ‘spiritual voyeur’ group (probably a minority) who would be engaged in ‘tasting’ as many different spiritual prac- tices as possible in a non-committal, voyeuristic way. In the case of the Camino it was proposed that a strongly New Age oriented demographic would be
- 27. Spiritual Tourism 12 found, largelyinformed by popular accounts of the walk from Paulo Coelho (The Pilgrimage) and Shirley MacLaine (The Camino). Many of these hypotheses were, as it turned out, proved incorrect, pleasingly, and the final chapter of this work provides the summary of the findings of the project. The subjects of this study are Western tourists, as what it comments on are Western paradigms of travel and spirituality. Of these, only those who have, or claim to have participated in religious/spiritual activities (such as courses, retreats, pilgrimages) while travelling are the subjects. In the same way that tourists are not bound to one place or time, neither is the scope of the project. It is a ‘multi-sited’ ethnography in the sense that it draws from different loca- tions to posit common thematic outcomes (Marcus 1995). Taking a lead from the tourists themselves, much of the motivational framing of such journeys is to be found in travel writing, guide books and online communities. Thus the other sources included in this study include travel books, blogs (both by and for travellers), internet and other traveller communities, as well as government promotion of the locations concerned. These are all brought together to form a ‘collage’ of the spiritual tourist experience. In both field-research locations qualitative data was gathered from inform- ants through semi-structured interviews that were recorded, questionnaires and through non-recorded interviews in certain cases, as well as through infor- mal conversation and observation. For this research project, potential inform- ants were identified by the following criteria: • They must have been present at the field-research location while the researcher was. • They must have specifically stated that they were or had engaged in reli- gious or spiritual activities, or were at the location as part of a project of spiritual betterment. As soon as these the conditions of these criteria were known the researcher identified himself and the objectives of the project, and a formal request was made for either an interview to be recorded or a questionnaire to be filled out. Informants were thus self-selecting in so far as they had decided to travel to either Rishikesh or the Camino and to engage in the practices offered there. The researcher sought qualitative data from any tourist who met the above cri- teria who would consent to it being included in the research. Where any imbal- ance in age or sex distribution occurred that seemed contrary to the observed distribution, an attempt was made to address this. However, as can be seen in Appendix B, the collection of informants is not split 50/50 between the sexes, nor does the age range reflect a perfect bell curve. This reflects the reality observed in the field as best as the researcher was able to achieve. The research questions identified revolved around the issues of why the tourist was at the location, what types of ‘spiritual’ activities they were doing,
- 28. Approaching Spiritual Tourism13 what had caused them to go there, and what they hoped to get out of the experience. These questions were intended to highlight the reasons spiritual tourists undertake their journeys and what effect they intend them to have. The study was not an investigation of the incidence of spiritual tourism in the broader touristic context. The data thus collected was analysed for similar- ities in content. Key words and common phrases were identified and gathered into a simple spreadsheet listing their incidence. Common themes in stated objectives, motivation for travel to the location, feelings about life at home and hopes for everyday life once returned form the core of evidence of to support the theoretical outcomes of this project. These were gathered under thematic headings that form the subheadings of Chapters 2 and 3 in order to separate what appeared to be common reasons. In some cases there is significant over- lap between these subheadings, and where this is the case it is discussed. This book deliberately seeks to highlight the ‘of the moment’ aspect of the search for spiritual meaning or betterment in the context of tourism (hence ‘spiritual tourism’). A longitudinal research project on the same topic that delves into the long term impacts of spiritual tourism, while warranted, is well beyond the scope of such a book. Few studies have been conducted involv- ing empirical research of the spiritual tourist experience. Most of them have largely been limited to conceptual studies without any empirical or longitudi- nal data to draw upon for their conclusions. Any thorough longitudinal analy- sis must be driven by meta-analysis of data from focused field research, such as this book provides. Further, the ‘of the moment’ nature of this book contrib- utes significantly to our understanding of how the spirituality/meaning project is enacted, what factors contribute to bring people to the point at which that project takes place, and, importantly, how they conceive of these actions in the context of their everyday lives when removed from them. It is a very close examination of what is potentially a much larger project in the course of a person’s life. A study that straddles two fields, such as the present one, requires a multifac- eted theoretical foundation. Spiritual tourism is a point at which tourism and religion/spirituality meet. Therefore, it seems appropriate for the theoretical analysis to take its lead from the phenomena itself and employ the theories of both Tourism Studies and Religious Studies as the very minimum require- ment. While neither area deals directly with the problem at hand, using the two together allows a useful picture to be drawn than that made from a more singular approach. Further, in the same way that spiritual tourism reflects other issues and problems in less obvious ways, it is also appropriate to have the analysis remain open to theories drawn from other seemingly unrelated areas. In outlining the nature of the problem above numerous issues and questions were raised that broadly fall into the two camps of ‘religion’ and ‘tourism’, yet many also fall into the scope of such areas as identity theory, consumer- ism, cultural theory and the history of ideas. In addition, tourism business
- 29. Spiritual Tourism 14 research, marketingphilosophy and statistical analysis can also play a role in the course of answering this problem. The principal means of addressing the complexities of this phenomenon will be through the prisms of tourism and religion. In order to form a picture of how tourism has come to occupy the roles and functions it does, a brief dis- cussion will be given on the ways travel has been conceived and written of in popular culture. Travel writing, in particular, will be looked at as both primary source and artefact in the study of tourism. The history of travel and tourism will also be discussed, looking in particular at how travel has changed over time. Finally, a detailed discussion and critical analysis of the competing theo- ries concerning tourism and travel will be given. Such authors as MacCannell and Cohen have already been mentioned, yet critical to understanding the present study is an understanding of tourism that places it as malleable to the tourist’s desired outcomes, and filled with potential for the examination of existential questions. What is also of critical importance for this project is understanding the function and outlook that is encompassed by the paradigm of Western secu- lar spirituality. Despite arguments about secularization and the attenuation of religion in contemporary Western society, examining ‘the spiritual’ reveals it to be flexible and able to just as easily appropriate religious practices as secular. Specifically, contemporary spirituality is understood as a product of secularization and postmodernity. Paul Heelas’ notion of self-spirituality (1996: 18–20) is employed here to understand the focus of the practice of spir- itual tourism. Similarly, N. J. Demerath’s (2000) four-point typology of sacred experience, removed from the substantive coupling with religious tradition lends weight to the notion that spiritual practice may be undertaken secularly, even within a religious context. Here, the sacred is understood to be attain- able in any human form; secular, religious or otherwise. Familiarity with these conceptual frameworks is essential for gaining a critical understanding of the present activity at the intersection of religion and tourism. Field study is necessary in this circumstance. Indeed, any thesis which seeks to give answers to matters of philosophy, world view, motivation or belief in the lives of others must enquire of the primary subject – the Human. Only then can any meaningful conclusions be drawn as to the common themes and possi- ble connections to be found. It is, in essence, an anthropological, or more spe- cifically, an ethnographic approach to what is a human problem. Therefore, answering the problem set out above requires an investigation amongst such spiritual tourists, listening to their words, reading their writings and consider- ing their thoughts as expressed. There is a richness of description and data in ethnography that is difficult to come by any other way apart from field gathered qualitative data. Graburn (2002, 19–21) leaves nothing to the imagination when he notes that such field- work is arguably among the most difficult, problematic and the easiest to get
- 30. Approaching Spiritual Tourism15 wrong, possibly even yielding false or misleading results. The problem lies in the transitoriness of the phenomena studied. Following a group on a pilgrim- age can allow a story to be written. Likewise, a study of tourist business at a particular site can show how the host/guest relationship works. Yet, a study of tourists doing ‘touristy things’ that attempts to find what motivations and benefits (perceived or otherwise) come from the adventure proves difficult, for it relies almost entirely on a combination of subjective, first-person accounts, and the researcher’s interpretation of them. Further, to attempt to extrapolate from the findings an addition to social theory on a separate topic (in this case ‘the religious/spiritual’) is indeed a challenge, methodologically speaking. In other words, such a venture will rest on the effectiveness of the methodology behind the fieldwork. The way the classical anthropologists such as Malinowski overcame this was to spend long periods in the field; even several years. Field-based research such as this is fundamental to understanding how and why people do the things they do. Yet it is no easy endeavour, nor is it a meth- odologically simple one. Apart from the financial and logistical problems fac- ing the field-researcher, many questions of scope and slant must be addressed before a single informant has been approached. More so, as subjects, tourists pose many problems to the researcher. Unlike typical ethnographic projects in fixed locations, tourists are not bound to one place or time. Likewise, their motivations and conceptions of what the travel time means tend to evolve with time, often continuing to change long after they have returned home. As such, this study demands a methodology that can encompass variability in space and time, sometimes fleeting contact with informants, sometimes longer-term contact with informants, and take into account any differences in religious context thrown into the mix. It is thus a somewhat unorthodox approach. The central project was to apply a phenomenological approach to the study of spiritual tourism, and to investigate what spiritual tourists said about their reasons for undertaking such a trip, and what sort of impact or effect they conceived it having in the course of their daily lives. From there, theoreti- cal speculation can be made concerning what these statements might actually mean, both in individual and broader societal contexts. As such, the research involved the collection of testimonies from spiritual tourists would form a col- lage of reasons for being there and conceptions about what it would mean in the course of their everyday lives, once home. The selection of informants was random, and consisted of anyone I could talk to who was a Western tourist (with the very loose definition of Western including ‘Westernized’ countries such as Japan or Israel). Some non-Western tourists were interviewed, particu- larly in India, but these were not included in the sample group. Many more tourists were asked for interviews or to fill in questionnaires than consented and appear in this book. For some this was a matter of a feeling of ‘intrusion’, for others it was an objection to a perceived broad and hegemonic academic project to maintain control over the terms upon which the Western spiritual
- 31. Spiritual Tourism 16 milieu takesplace (essentially a conspiracy theory). Others simply did not feel like being questioned, or were convinced they had nothing useful to offer to the project, despite my assurances that I wanted to interview all tourists regardless of activity or motivation. As this book is primarily concerned with the experience of spirituality in travel it largely focuses on interview and questionnaire material collected while ‘on the road’ and does not follow the tourists as they return to their homes. This is, of course, a limiting factor on at least three fronts. First, it requires access to spiritual tourists in the spiritual tourism context, so to speak. Any study that seeks, as does this one, to examine the vicissitudes of mood and opinion of people undertaking a certain experience must rely on evidence col- lected then and there. Time and distance (both spatial and emotional) being the great filters of memory that they are, an attempt to find what individuals think and feel within a certain timeframe must have as its primary source of evidence information taken while it was occurring. Secondly, it gives little indi- cation of how the experience continues to inform aspects of the tourists’ lives after their return home. Thirdly, the information gathered will be subject to whatever level of hyped over-enthusiasm for the experience the tourists may be having. However, this in turn, provides insight into the ways spiritual tourists make their choices and see their spiritual journey within the context in which it occurs. This study is at a very specific, and some may argue extreme, end of the tour- ist spectrum. It maps the spiritual dimensions of tourists’ ontic and emotional journeys with the goal of highlighting what spiritual tourism means to tourists when they are touring, and also reflects on the nature of spirituality in the West using, as Dann (2002) implores us to do, the analogy of the tourist as a meta- phor of the social world. Thus their spiritual actions as travellers become for the observer a metaphor of their spiritual desires, deficits and actions at home. In addition to these conceptual limitations a period of fieldwork has numerous physical and circumstantial limitations that must be conceded. Perhaps the most obvious is that of time, and one of its limiters, money. All studies are time limited to some extent. However, studies involving the following of tourists in a distant country face constraints that often make fieldwork trips short. A sig- nificant contributor is the simple factor of finance, even in a country as ‘cheap’ as India. In this instance the fieldwork trip was limited by the depth to which my credit card could be plumbed. Yet there are other constraints that must also be discussed as their emotional effects on the researcher can be signifi- cant. Most notable of these are the researcher’s relationships, particularly this researcher’s marital one. Time away from a life partner is difficult at the best of times, but in this case I was embarking on my first ‘professional’ journey to a country renowned for its confronting and challenging nature to travellers, to which I had never before been. Thus I had to overcome fear of the unknown, nerves, fear of failure and physical separation from a partner to whom one
- 32. Approaching Spiritual Tourism17 usually turns for advice and support at such challenging times before a single informant has been approached. When finally potential informants are found the researcher must overcome one’s own sense of shyness before engaging in a dance of politeness, and at times flattery, in order to get permission to gain information from people who are total strangers. Given the nature of touring and in particular the nature of spiritual tourism the times at which research can take place are limited to those when the informants have ‘nothing better to do’. I was acutely aware that the people I was approaching were investing their time and money to travel to a distant land to study or participate in certain activities that would often take up much of their day. This typically resulted in interviews and ques- tionnaires taking place in cafes and restaurants at those times when inform- ants were otherwise unoccupied; the yoga hall, meditation session, teaching class being an entirely inappropriate place and time to start asking questions. This presents an issue of politeness; people may simply not want to be both- ered with questions while they eat or relax between sessions. Indeed, this was found to be limiting, as, understandably, on occasion people simply wanted to be left alone or left to speak with their friends. However, for the most part this researcher often found that there existed a sense of ‘togetherness’ or communitas (as championed by the great Victor Turner) among Western tour- ists in India, and that most people were not only willing to contribute to such research, but often expressed thanks at being able to talk through some of the personal issues they had been grappling with privately. Nevertheless, issues of shyness and politeness were limiting factors, and the researcher admits that there were many occasions when he was unable to either approach or find any willing participants. Definitions To make sense of spiritual tourists some boundaries in terms of scope and inclu- sion must be drawn out, and some working definitions prescribed. To begin, some brief definitions themselves give some indications as to the breadth of the study, through which a further explanation of the rationale behind inclu- sion and exclusion of sources is found. A ‘spiritual tourist’, for the purposes of this study, is conceived as a tourist who undertakes a spiritual practice or seeks spiritual progression in the course of their travels, usually with the intention of gaining ‘spiritual benefit’. This loose definition clearly relies upon some fur- ther sub-definitions, particularly that of spiritual practice and progression of which, for working purposes, a brief discussion is given here and it is returned to in far greater detail in Chapter 6. ‘Spirituality’ and ‘religion’ are problematic terms within the study of reli- gion. Individuals often speak of being very ‘religious’ people, or very ‘spiritual’
- 33. Spiritual Tourism 18 people. Similarly,we can often observe that people speak of believing in a ‘religion’ or having a ‘spirituality’. Confusingly, those who consider themselves ‘religious’ often speak of the ‘spiritual’ aspects of their beliefs and practices, and of their spirituality. Within other circles, usually those classing themselves as ‘not religious’, and particularly those influenced by the postmodern critique of Western society, the terms have come to be regarded in contradistinction to one another. These anecdotal features are, however, of some use, academi- cally, for they infer a distinction between the two terms. Modern spirituality is not necessarily separate from religion, but it is changed from its past iteration. Whereas in the past spirituality was likely at least as much governed by and directed towards the strictures of the individual community, the same does not widely hold true today. It is now much more explicitly self-governed and often self-oriented. Voas and Bruce may be right in contesting the claims of Heelas, Woodhead et al. about the popularity of the New Age, but the same cannot be said for the predominant character of modern spirituality. Even in cases where the spirituality is framed by a religious community, its operation is now largely individual. ‘Spiritual’, in the term spiritual tourism, thus modifies the term tourism to refer to those acts that relate to the tourist’s spirituality. Spiritual tourism implies an individual project, even if it takes place within the larger frame- works of a religious tradition. In using this term, the intent is to deliberately, and from the beginning, place the focus of attention directly upon the expe- riences and the intentions of the tourists themselves. While most studies of tourism phenomena have concentrated on their impact on host societies, this study understands the increasing importance, now recognized within the field of tourism studies, of placing an emphasis on the individual experience in travel. Studies in phenomena of tourism have, in general terms, moved from examinations of ‘external’ or sociocultural elements to investigations of the ‘inner experience’ of the individual traveller (Collins-Kreiner 2010, 446–8). This has been coincident with a changing understanding of pilgrimage from a general phenomenon examined in terms of cultures and societies, to an indi- vidual and thus pluralistic one. Tourism is defined by the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) as; ‘The activities of persons travelling to and staying in places outside their usual environment for not more than one consecutive year for leisure, business and other purposes,’ going beyond conventional definitions that link it to holidaying. Tourism can also refer to the service industry that gathers around and to cater to these activities, though this is not a necessary condition for tourism on an individual scale (according to the above defi- nition) to take place. From this definition a few preliminary points require highlighting. First, tourism must necessarily involve the combination of three factors: (1) discretionary income to spend on non-essential items or activities (see Pancevski 2010),1 (2) time in which to travel and do the said activities, and
- 34. Approaching Spiritual Tourism19 (3) the desire or obligation to make the journey and to return home. The last point on this list includes obligation in order to ensure ‘compulsory’ forms of travel, such as some pilgrimage traditions or filial duties are also included. In more conventional, or popular, usage, tourism is understood to be con- nected with leisure and recreation. This, of course, brings to mind the issue of whether tourism is voluntary. While acknowledging tourism as voluntary, we must also question the extent to which some instances of religious tourism and pilgrimage might be obligatory within the cultures from which the tour- ists emerge. In cases where religious obligation, for example, requires a person to make a journey, describing it as voluntary seems inaccurate, or at least not sufficiently accurate. Many instances of obligatory pilgrimage, such as we can observe with Muslims visiting Mecca, are also instances in which the traveller is going of their own volition. In those instances where this is not the case, per- haps a term such as ‘involuntary tourism’ is the most appropriate appellation. For the most part, tourism is a voluntary journey away from an individual’s usual environment. Its conditions of discretionary income (or instances where an ‘other’ pays the costs) and time with which to make the journey tend to link tourism with notions of leisure and recreation. With this in mind, the notion of tourists as ‘leisured travellers’ is used for the purposes of this book, in combination with the UNWTO definition offered above. Spiritual tourists are defined by the type of activities they undertake, and by their intent. These require of the tourist a degree of leisure. Though it is entirely possible that a spiritual tourist’s journey could be for business, for the time in which they are engaging in an activity such as meditation or walking a pilgrimage they are presumed to be ‘at leisure’,2 or not engaged in business. Following from numerous studies that link destination/activity choice with tourist categories (Cohen 1972; Noy 2004; Uriely et al. 2002), it is argued that the decisive char- acteristics that distinguish spiritual tourists from the wider tourist ‘pool’ are the intent with which they approach the act of travel, the destinations they choose to visit and their typical activities while travelling. Of these the first is overwhelmingly important, as the category ‘spiritual’ requires a certain mind- set geared towards processes of self-realization, psychological health and well- being. Without it the touristic act becomes something different. Similarly, some other distinctions must be drawn between spiritual tour- ists and what we might call ‘religious tourists’. For example, just as Indians who might visit the Theosophical Society headquarters in Madras are best not thought of as ‘New Age’ (at least in general), so too are those Hindus visiting towns like Rishikesh best not thought of as spiritual tourists. As Heelas (1996, 122–3) notes, the Western notion of the New Age is developing in India, but it takes a decidedly local form, and the term itself remains firmly grounded in the cultural forms and processes of the West. It thus follows that for Hindu tourists a visit to Rishikesh is indeed a religious tour – a journey out of the ordinary to engage in spiritual practices and learning in concentrated forms, but in a
- 35. Spiritual Tourism 20 specifically religiouslyinstitutional sense. The difference here comes back to the placement of intent on the part of the traveller; spiritual progression in a secular context versus a religious one. Similarly for the Camino, devoutly Catholic pilgrims also ought not be classified as spiritual tourists because their journey is taking place within a religious framework to which they belong and participate in. The term ‘spiritual tourist’ invokes a notion of freedom from any constraining aspects of religious traditions in order to practise or learn, even if it is familiar and offered at home. In other words, spiritual tourism is characterized by the secular way tourists approach spiritual practices. Loosely defined as thus, a spiritual tourist is one who includes an activity, such as yoga, meditation, following a pilgrimage, prayer or time for self-reflection in their travel itinerary for the purposes of ‘spiritual betterment’, such as cre- ating personal meaning, in a secular way. The term ‘spiritual’ is here deployed to indicate the unstructured, individualized way in which they approach these activities, which they see as concerned with meaning, identity, morality and transcendence. The fascination for spiritual tourists lies in the ‘feeling out’ of the boundaries of the self in ways that are expressed as beyond, or add- itional to, those possible at home. The portrayal of travel often reflects this notion, with self-discovery a regular and dominant theme, and one that is a companion to religiosity or spirituality. Indeed, the argument that tourism is a ‘secularized’ form of religious pilgrimage or, in fact, one and the same has some sway in this sense (Graburn 1989), as it may be that tourists are increas- ingly using the time/space of travel to investigate meaning and identity in ways they find they are unable to in their normal lives. Yet the central issue of ‘self- discovery’ remains key, and, in the investigation of spiritual tourists, serves as a central point with which to orient the investigation. The case of the Camino is worth pausing on here. Spiritual tourism may seem like a problematic designation for what has been, and continues to be referred to as a religious pilgrimage. Those who undertake the practice con- tinuing to refer to themselves as pilgrims also calls into question the spirit- ual tourist appellation. The number of pilgrims who are not Catholic, do not believe the legends concerning St James, have no interest in the theological outcomes of making the pilgrimage, and do not in any way participate in the peripheral religious rituals along the path must cause us to question the schol- arly use of the term ‘pilgrim’ in reference to them. What they are doing is cer- tainly pilgrimage-like, insofar as they are mechanically identical, but we must have some way of distinguishing them from pilgrims proper (Catholic and participating in the institutionally approved ways). ‘Secular pilgrims’ carries an unwanted connotation of being without spiritual motivation, as we see in reference to secular pilgrimages to ANZAC Cove (Scates 2006) and Graceland (Rigby 2001). A further logical alternative, ‘spiritual pilgrims’, is a possibility, but does not acknowledge that the same type of journey can take place out- side of the pilgrimage context. Insofar as ‘spiritual’ infers a direction towards
- 36. Approaching Spiritual Tourism21 the self in modes that are outside institutional influence, we can see that a separate term is needed. Thus applying the term ‘spiritual tourist’ works to not only separate these pilgrims from explicitly religious ones, but also to indicate to us that theirs is a journey oriented towards such issues as self-exploration and personal meaning in a secular sense. It also retains an indicator towards the notion of travel in its leisured form, which this almost universally is, and brings with it other connotations of tourism such as relaxation and recreation, both of which are also applicable here, as we shall see. Flying into the Face of the Self This is a study of the present, rather than of the past, and is ‘of the moment’ rather than longitudinal. While history and cultural critique rightly have their place in the academy, the focus of this project is upon tourists who travel past and through religious streams now. As such this book is a snapshot of a certain facet of contemporary travel culture in the West. Yet it is also a departure point for broader theoretical speculation. The problem presented here is a com- pelling one; what motivates people to visit, participate and even subscribe (if temporarily) to a religious tradition they do not necessarily have a connection with, while they are travelling? There are a number of questions bound up in this central problem, and from these many tangential subjects must be taken into account in order to properly approach what is a complex and transient phenomena. Broadly speaking, this subject lies across the seemingly unrelated kingdoms of Religious Studies and Tourism Studies. As is increasingly seen to be the case in the Humanities, elements of other fields must be brought in to give structure and allow deeper critical comment to be made. Moreover, given the immanent focus of the book, examination of the problem must include primary sources, in this case the tourists themselves. It is imperative to understand how travel functions for the tourist, which to begin with shall be simply defined as a leisured traveller. Taking a cue from Wadsworth (1975), who noted that changes in cultural attitudes would be reflected in social changes in leisure pursuits, and that examining leisure would thus increase knowledge of the society, this book looks at spiritual tour- ism as a leisure practice. Travel has become a significant part of contempo- rary Western leisure experience, and numerous authors have looked at why people use their leisure time to travel, and what benefits they hope to gain from the experiences (e.g. Cohen 1979; Dann 1981). The pressing question for this study is not whether travel is necessarily a practice for self-exploration or not, but to what extent it can be, and what the circumstances are in which such themes might be raised. Overwhelming evidence suggests that broadly observed, leisured travel is not the universally Romantic pioneering journey of self-exploration that travel writers and culture critics argue (e.g. Boorstin
- 37. Spiritual Tourism 22 1963; Turnerand Ash 1975). In the case of spiritual tourism, however, what is found is that in fact it is. Below the surface there is much to be found in these ‘spiritual tourists’. The desire to view ‘the other’ is a deeply ingrained part of tourism. Indeed, tourism could be said to be principally about seeing and experiencing things ‘other’; culture, food and drink, language and, let us not forget, religion. Yet there is something quite compelling about that desire that demands examination. In his classic text, The Tourist, Dean MacCannell (1976) argued that the desire to see the ‘real lives’ of others in tourism was a critical point of departure for any examination of contemporary Western life. The ‘fascination’, he posited, was born of the ‘modern disruption of real life’ which itself was indicative of the redefinition of the categories ‘truth’ and ‘reality’ in modern life. While MacCannell fails to take account of the long history of such fascination, his thesis remains influential. Given so many questions concerning travel and tourism relate to issues of self-exploration, identity and ontology, it is no surprise that questions relating to more explicit religious themes have been asked along side them. The most prominent of these is the ever-present question of the tourist as pilgrim, on a journey in search of some deeper meaning or sense of self. If it is the case that the context of travel lends itself to such spiritual and pseudo-spiritual pursuits then correlations ought to be looked for in numbers of tourists visit- ing religious sites in such a manner. Religions, as social formations, typically include processes for such inner examinations. They would thus appear to lend themselves to such touristic journeys, and the extent to which religious/ spiritual themes are a concern for travellers in choosing destinations will thus demonstrate the way the religious provides an ‘Other’ for them, both experi- entially and existentially. In terms of the practices offered to tourists visiting religious sites, there is a question concerning whether it matters to them that what is offered is ‘tradi- tional’ or even indigenous or not. This question has a dual significance. First, returning to MacCannell, he poses another argument concerning the presen- tation of culture to tourists on demand. His concept of ‘staged authenticity’, describing the theatrical revealing of back, or hidden, aspects of culture, may have some significance in these situations. There are questions for the present book relating to this notion concerning the presentation of religious tradi- tions to tourists. Secondly, in terms of tourists’ experience of the religious tradition, and their motivations and desired outcomes, the particular appeal of the practice offered is also of interest as most are available at home. Various issues may be at play here. Tourists may be looking for traditional methods of spiritual advancement, choosing what is fashionable, or looking for ‘proven’ methods to satisfy their needs. Furthermore, exactly what these needs are that draw them to places like Rishikesh and the Camino sheds light on both travel and spirituality as subjects.
- 38. Approaching Spiritual Tourism23 Of the problems spiritual tourists themselves seek to address we must also ask some questions, particularly of the gains that can be had from participating in such exercises. Admittedly, to the casual observer the subject of this book may seem like a trivial one. That people travel to observe and sometimes drink of the local traditions and cultural practices might seem like such an assumed aspect of the tourist experience, so mundanely common that deeper analysis simply is not required. It is what the examination of such tourists’ motiva- tions, perceived benefits and feelings concerning the journey can contribute to the understanding of religion, tourism and spirituality, and by extension, society in general that is of interest. This, of course, leads to further questions concerning what sorts of issues about religious/spiritual experience appeal to these tourists. Tourists’ accounts of the circumstances in their daily lives that have led them to choose to travel for these reasons are also critical. These stories will not only tell us about the role of contemporary spirituality, but about the role of tourism in the Western world. All of the practices found, for example, in Rishikesh, are available in most Western cities. Why tourists spend so much money to travel half-way around the world to participate in practices available to them at home is thus important to understanding the phenomena. Finally, that the nominally secular realm of travel is being used for, or becomes a point for tourists to embark upon spiritual exploration calls for analysis of what it says about religion/spirituality in contemporary, everyday life. If, as the likes of Steve Bruce (2002) tell us, ‘God is dead’ and the Western world is in a secularizing, even de-spiritualizing mode, what is to be made of tourists visiting religious sites and having spiritual experiences? This book provides an answer to that question. Notes 1 According to a recent ruling by Antonio Tajani, the European Union commis- sioner for enterprise and industry, the EU considers tourism a human right. Whether this holds remains to be seen. 2 However, many of the spiritual tourists interviewed for this project would con- test that term, in addition to the label ‘tourist’.
- 40. Part I Finding SpiritualTourism in the Field Long before anyone had even thought of round-the-world airfares, the first travellers – pilgrims – were leaving the confines of their villages to walk their way to god. From red-eyed kids on Kho Pha Ngan to dread-headed saddhus on the Great Trunk Road, there’s still no shortage of travellers looking for the path to enlightenment. Whether the question is ‘how do I score a good spot in heaven?’ or ‘why don’t my parents under- stand me?’, the answers are out there on the road. Lonely Planet website, 2006 Spiritual tourism, as it is examined in this book, provides a unique view of spir- ituality and cultures of travel in the West. The activities of spiritual tourists reflect the social and cultural forces they operate within and seek to depart from, for whatever reasons. Their behaviours and in particular the contents of their activ- ities tell us about what they want from their journeys. Certain themes stand out in both examples. The first is the concentration on the self, and the articulation of this focus within the bounds of community. The project of the self, within spiritual tourism, is specifically articulated as critical to personal happiness and well-being. The second is the focus on religious practice, which is, of course, the focus of these journeys, though here in a secular way. The third is the way in which tourism here operates as part of a critique of the culture of everyday Western life. The following two chapters look at spiritual tourism in two locations – Rishikesh, in India, and the Camino de Santiago, in north-western Spain. These two locations were chosen to provide a contrast between Eastern and Western practices and traditions, and because they were popular. The style of this research is best classified as participant-observer research. In both cases the majority of interviews were conducted in public spaces, such as cafés or res- taurants, due to the lack of private space, and the nature of being a traveller on the road. Throughout both chapters informants will be referred to using their initials, and where provided their age, sex, nationality and occupation will also be indicated. A list of informants is supplied in the Appendix A.
- 42. Chapter 2 Rishikesh: TheSpiritual Marketplace For the spiritual tourist India offers a rich variety of traditions and experi- ences. Indeed, it is often quite apparent that spiritual activities are among the strongest draw-cards for a number of destinations within the country. The peaceful town of Rishikesh is a standout example. Lying nestled in the first valleys of the Himalayas on the banks of the Ganges River, Rishikesh is an oasis of peace and clean air to tourists fresh from the bustling grime of Delhi or the chaotic madness of Varanasi. Upon arriving at the upper end of town, where most tourists go, it is immediately clear that yoga, meditation and spiritual/philosophical lectures (satsangs) are the central attractions. The bulk of the English language advertising plastered on light poles and walls offers either accommodation and food, or some kind of spiritual course or experience. These can range from Ayurvedic medicine courses and treat- ments, yoga classes and retreats, meditations sessions, advertisements for lectures by specific teachers such as Sri Sri Ravi Shankar or Shanti Mayi, to the more nebulous practices of chakra healing, crystal treatments and aura readings. As a tourist destination, Rishikesh has a cultural face that is a caricature of Hinduism – sadhus wander the streets covered in ash and/or dressed in spec- tacular costumes, offering their services to passing tourists; hundreds of tiny shops peddle clothing, trinkets and spiritual paraphernalia (prasad, prayer beads, small statues of Shiva) in cramped alleyways and busy streets between temples, ashrams and shrines; the sweet scent of incense wafts through the air almost, but not quite, masking the cacophony of odours from the rubbish, sewers and cows wandering nonchalantly from temple to temple. Over all of this tabla-driven devotional music plays, the piercing nasal voices of the female singers audible from some distance. The cumulative effect is not unlike the areas one finds away from the stages at large music festivals, with a permanent carnival feel. Away from the shops the town is leafy and quiet; the perfect set- ting for meditation and concentrated spiritual learning. Travellers congregate in small groups here and there, talking about the various teachers or tech- niques they have tried, making recommendations or giving warnings. Others come and go, ‘shopping’ for an ashram or yoga course.
- 43. Spiritual Tourism 28 In Rishikesh Iarrived in Rishikesh by taxi from Haridwar, some 30km to the south, in mid-February 2007. It was early afternoon, and after settling in to my hotel and making some notes on the signage around town I headed out to get my bearings. While the cold winter had finished the hot season was yet to begin, and the air had a gentle crispness to it that was pleasantly refreshing. Many obviously felt the weather likewise suitable for an outing. Small monkeys lazed in groups by the road while Western tourists and Indian pilgrims passed, occasionally tossing them a piece of fruit or some prasad. Hawkers joked with each other, making the odd sales pitch to passersby. The mood was light and relaxed, but for a young academic fresh from Sydney, it was still an Indian-style social and sensory onslaught that could only be dealt with in brief plunges. Ducking back into the doorway of my hotel for some respite, I noticed a young tourist emerging from her hotel nearby, dressed in loose, flowing green pants, a white shirt and a deep blue shawl speckled with a few sequins. She clutched a small map and a piece of paper upon which she had compiled a list of nearby ashrams. As she passed the door I stood in we exchanged a smile and a nod, as travellers sometimes do. She set off down the hill, away from the Lakshman Julha footbridge towards Ram Julha, focused curiosity written on her face. A few hundred metres later she came upon her first goal, Sant Seva Ashram, and disappeared inside. After a few minutes she came out and con- tinued down the road, setting a quick pace. Five minutes later she stopped and consulted her map, frowning with frustration. She asked two passing tourists to point out where her next objective was and then moved on, eventually disap- pearing down a side road. I sat by the road as she walked away, making notes on what had just transpired; other tourists passed chatting, some nodding at me, as they did to other Western tourists, as if we shared some secret bond. But later, as I walked away, I noticed that many treated me with a studied indiffer- ence, quickly finding interest in the contents of a shop or rummaging in their bag if I made to approach. Still, I kept my eye out for willing-looking Western tourists, steeling myself that I might pounce upon them for an interview. Most, it seemed were cos- seted in cafés and restaurants, talking. It seemed as though many spent the whole day there. Later that evening I ran into the girl in the blue shawl again and struck up a conversation with her. I asked what she was looking for ear- lier that day. In a heavy Spanish accent she answered that she was ‘looking at which ashram I could stay in for some nights’. ‘Why? Do you want to do a yoga course?,’ I asked. She nodded and said, ‘I’m not so sure which one, so I look around today to see which is which.’ As she wandered off I noticed again her clothes – mostly of a flowing variety – and looking around the restaurant saw that others were similarly attired. The clothing aesthetic was quite standard among spiritual tourists in Rishikesh – loose, flowing pants and shirt, a jumper
- 44. Rishikesh 29 and/or shawlfor warmth and juttis or sandals. I, bedecked with heavy walking boots, jeans, a t-shirt and a hoodie, stood out like the proverbial sore thumb. Indeed, some days later one informant revealed that, after first seeing me shortly after I arrived, he thought I might have come to Rishikesh by mistake. I decided not to clothe myself likewise, but I did decide to act on the established anthropological principle, ‘when in Rome’, and to spend the following days in a café or restaurant in order to catch tourists where they seemed to spend most of their time. Watching Spiritual Tourism Surface Despite the idle appearance, daily life for spiritual tourists in Rishikesh is typ- ically quite busy. Days are filled with spiritual practices interspersed with relax- ation time sitting in cafés and restaurants chatting with others. Some choose to spend their time there adhering to the stricter schedules of ashrams, with the content of their days more rigidly set out. Most spiritual tourists alternate between satsang and yoga or meditation classes. Satsang sessions are typically held in small halls or conference rooms in hotels, attracting anywhere from a dozen to a hundred listeners. They run for one to two hours, though some- times stretch longer. For the most part they are like lectures followed by short question and answer sessions. Yoga sessions may be on a drop-in basis or part of a longer course. In general they are around one and a half hours long, but might include a meditation session towards the end that sometimes stretches them out to two hours. A spiritual tourist in Rishikesh might fill their day with an early morning yoga class followed by breakfast in a café. Some personal time (for emails or reading) might follow before a late morning satsang then lunch. The afternoon might then consist of another yoga class or satsang followed by dinner and more social or personal time. My own informants averaged between four and six hours of spiritual practice most days. A few, usually those on courses, averaged up to ten hours per day, though they were exceptions. This work-like organization of time is more than an attempt to pack the most into a short holiday. It is a deliberate break from and critique of the per- ceived obsession in everyday Western culture with not focusing on issues of the self, favouring instead work-life or material wealth. Interestingly, amid this very consciously performed rebellion, satsang, yoga classes, meditation sessions and the other such practices are all taken seriously and are viewed as ‘work’, albeit spiritual work or self-work. Even time not directly engaged in spiritual practice is viewed as part of the practice of ‘being’ in Rishikesh, as the town often takes on a mythical character seen to aid seekers of truth and enlight- enment. The seriousness of the endeavour results in a certain distrust, or, as I found, indifference to those not identified as being so engaged. As there is not much else to do in Rishikesh apart from spiritually oriented practice, there are
- 45. Spiritual Tourism 30 few so-called‘tourists’ (referring to the pejorative ‘sightseer’). Those that do arrive thus standout – they tend to dress differently, they do not attend classes and, most importantly, they are unknown quantities to those around them. Being serious about spiritual practice is a quality displayed by either action or discussion. Despite some short and interesting interviews, my status had not changed. I remained unknown to those around me: my subjects. My questions had been answered, but the responses were always simple and facile, with the interviewee keen to make a getaway. On my third morning in Rishikesh I made my way to my usual morning haunt – a café overlooking the Lakshman Juhla bridge – and sat down to eat some banana porridge and wait for a likely looking informant. Frustrated at my lack of progress, when two males sat down dressed in standard spiritual tourist attire, I decided to put the voice recorder away and simply have a conversation. I told them what I was doing, why, what had led me to study it, and what I hoped it might tell us about the world we live in – the naïve dreams of a Humanities student. Immediately they volunteered themselves as interview subjects and asked if I would like to come with them later to a satsang. With this introduction of myself I unknow- ingly broke down the barrier that had been preventing me gaining intim- ate access to spiritual tourists’ thoughts and feelings. Immediately a whole social network was opened up to me. Strangers became friends, even if only through associative power, and this effect snowballed. Soon I found cafés full of friendly, familiar people, more than willing to talk about exactly why they were there and what they were doing, just as they did with their other friends there. The next morning I sat in the same café and noticed exactly what I had noticed each previous morning. Twenty to thirty spiritual tourists engaged in earnest conversation about the events of the previous day, the day ahead, their own spiritual and emotional challenges, and the various teachers cur- rently giving satsang in town. On this morning, however, I was able to see what the social realm of spiritual tourism in Rishikesh revealed about its practice. Clifford Geertz (1972) noted that much of Bali surfaces in the cockfight, in that it provides a meta-social commentary on the human collective. In the same way, much of the culture of spiritual tourism in Rishikesh emerges in the ‘play’ that occurs in the cafés and restaurants that dot the banks of the Ganges. Sometimes light-hearted or teasing, sometimes heavy-hearted, the batting back and forth of life stories and encounters with teachers and techniques demonstrate the way religious practices are used as mirrors for the examin- ation of the self by spiritual tourists. In the gentle, often therapeutic discus- sions that flow over tables, the richness of meaning in the tourist’s journey is played out as they relate to the person opposite them their woes, their joys and their desires for the time spent practising and learning in Rishikesh. Over steaming cups of chai and vegetarian ‘sizzlers’, the emotional landscape the
- 46. Rishikesh 31 spiritual touristnegotiates is mapped and re-shaped in discussion with other participants in their transient, yet liminally bonded community. What they do is yoga and satsang, chosen as practices to better the self, but what it means is revealed in the social practice of conversing and connecting with other simi- larly oriented Western tourists. The lack of participation by, and interaction with, Indian practitioners speaks volumes. Spiritual tourism in Rishikesh is a distinctly and exclusively Western practice done in part to better the self, and in part as a mode of cultural criticism of the life practices of the West. On Yoga, Satsang and Café Conversations This deeply rooted critique of the West is evident at every turn. Even a quick sip of tea in a single café is enough to inform one of the types of reasons people have for going to Rishikesh. Subjects taboo at the stereotypical Western dining table – religion, and to a lesser degree politics – are the focus, and approached with care and openness. Satsang is a carefully negotiated practice, both individually and socially. It is openly acknowledged that the teacher– student match is one that must be experimented with. As a result most spiritual tourists in Rishikesh attend satsang with a number of teachers before settling on one or two that are seen to answer their specific problems. Certain ailments or themes for personal projects are often linked to certain teachers, but the match is openly spoken of as very personal and unpredictable. The criticism of teachers is only ever made in such terms, lest the spiritual tourist be seen to be suggesting something other than relative-style truth. As with all other forms of spiritual practice in Rishikesh, personal experience is the only valid form of authority, and then only applicable to the individual concerned. Yoga is explicitly spoken of in terms that separate it from the purely physical practice of home. Even among sympathetically minded travellers, a spiritual tourist’s relating of a yoga session in Rishikesh is almost always spoken of in ways that understand a connection between mind and body, and that serve to open the individual to deeper emotional experience. Choosing an ashram at which to practise is thus much the same as choosing the right tool for a job; it must suit the mission profile. Likewise, meditation is understood as a tool of personal agency used to explore the more confronting and problematic components of the self. It is seen as the explorative aspect of spiritual practice; one takes what one has learnt and applies it in meditation. Again, what mat- ters is not so much the philosophical content of what is taught, but that the techniques function for the individual in their personal project, be it psycho- logical, behavioural or perceptual. The mode in which tourists approach this practice is secular, postmodern and Western. Thus in practice it is not a cri- tique of Western society as a whole, but a critique of certain aspects of it, such as consumerism, a philosophy of happiness perceived to be faulty, the distrust
- 47. Spiritual Tourism 32 of holisticwell-being practices, Christianity and secularism of the form that removes meaning from daily life practices such as work and play. Participating wholeheartedly in the spiritual practices and teachings offered around the town identify one as separate from the calculated indifference of the everyday world of the West. But more importantly, for spiritual tourists it forms part of individual projects of self-improvement and healing, the primary motives for their travel. The Explicit Project of the Self The Spanish woman I met on my first afternoon was fairly typical of those coming to Rishikesh. In the globalized, multicultural Western world from which these tourists emerge, all of the types of spiritual activities that are available in Rishikesh are certainly accessible at home. So we must ask what causes spiritual tourists go to a place like Rishikesh when there is nothing particularly new there. Further, what this says about religion and spirituality in contemporary life is also crucial to understanding this phenomena. By looking at how tourists come to be in Rishikesh we can find answers to these questions and to the role tourism can play in contemporary Western life. Coming from a religious studies point of view to understand how the spirit- ual tourism phenomena works for tourists, what are required are qualitative, self-reflexive categories in terms of spiritual motives. These will reveal the roles spiritual tourism, and thereby spirituality, plays in contemporary life. My research has led me to argue that there are five basic modes of motivation that take spiritual tourists to Rishikesh. Each tourist may have any one or all of them as important, with most (over 90 per cent) indicating at least two of these reasons. These are: going to the source; intensified or concentrated learning; the variety of practices and teachings; and making a pilgrimage or thanksgiving journey. All spiritual tourists, who were interviewed, given questionnaires or simply conversed with, indicated that at some level per- sonal healing or self-improvement was the primary motive for their journey to Rishikesh. The stories spiritual tourists tell over tabletops in Rishikesh shed light on these issues right away. For DB, a 48-year-old Information Technology engin- eer from the United Kingdom, coming to India was also a chance to explore a land he had ‘always had an interest’ in, and that brought him ‘. . . to India for that reason’. Yet his interest was fertilized by spiritual inclinations and desires, and he qualified his questionnaire response above with an insight to the personal dimension of his journey: ‘I just want more peace and harmony and insight into my true nature.’ DB was in Rishikesh for only a week or so, before he pushed on to the Himalayas proper on his Enfield motorbike. But while his search for this, along with his more regular touristic inclinations, might
- 48. Rishikesh 33 take himall over India (he had already spent one month attending satsangs with Dolano in Pune and attended a ten-day Goenka meditation retreat),1 for others the pursuit was best done in Rishikesh itself. PD, a middle-aged Norwegian woman, expressed the thoughts of many when she noted that Rishikesh is a ‘powerful centre for finding your own truth’. She summed up her desire to come to Rishikesh as a ‘passion for being free, for being what I believe is the natural state for everyone’. In Rishikesh she felt she was able to gain direct access to the types of teachings that encouraged that passion and taught the techniques she associated with it. She noted that it was ‘much easier’ for her to do this in Rishikesh as opposed to home, and as a result this was her fourth visit to the town. For many others Rishikesh was an opportunity to simply dedicate some time to spiritual development. TS from Germany noted that for many Westerners a place like Rishikesh offered something that had been lost at home: ‘We forgot our spirituality, that’s why so many come here.’ Like many others she had been raised as a Christian but became disillusioned by what she perceived as more concern with conversion than with spiritually helping people. She also felt that there was something special about the space and location of Rishikesh itself that appealed to Westerners who had lost their sense of spirituality. It was a place, she maintained, where people who were not afraid of their spirituality would share it with whoever wanted to listen. ‘We have everything, but we don’t have spirituality, we aren’t happy. We fill our lives with work and gadgets and pleasures, but we aren’t truly happy.’ In India, and particularly in Rishikesh there are opportunities to find happiness, or at least a path to it, ‘like finding the right path up the mountain’. In Rishikesh, spiritual tourists find them- selves at the foot of this path. The reading of Western culture is clear here. The critique centres on the Western fascination with material wealth at the expense of spiritual well-being. Amid the swirling mass of poverty in India this must seem all the more apparent. In Search of Origins Many informants indicated that going to India was a chance to go to the source or origins of spiritual practices or teachings. PD’s ‘passion for being free’ found its greatest realization at the source of the teachings she valued. ‘It’s much easier for me’, she said, ‘to do it here’. Likewise, BA from Germany, said that, while he had discovered and propagated his practice at home in Bremen, he felt he had to go to Rishikesh to experience the teachings first- hand. Being close to his teacher allowed him to practise more effectively and gain inspiration for his life at home. Like PD, BA also saw Rishikesh itself as having a ‘special power or force’ that allowed for more effective spiritual practice. It was thus his fifth visit to the town in three years.
- 49. Spiritual Tourism 34 But manycome to India without specific locations in mind. For these tourists it is not so much that a particular place in India is the source of a tradition, but that it is the source of many traditions, and thus the ‘proper’ place to learn them. JL, 22, from the USA, had just completed a 150-hour yoga course, and said, ‘At home these things are seen as “new-agey” or treated with suspi- cion and scepticism, but I trusted the teacher a lot more simply because he was Indian, and I was in India, the source of yoga.’ While KS from Sweden, said, ‘I went here because . . . for a long time I wanted to do a trip by myself to somewhere where you can do yoga and meditate, and I heard of this place and I thought, ok, I’ll go there.’ She had been told that Rishikesh had a con- centration of ‘authentic’ teachers. In trying to understand these tourists we are better served by thinking of them as seeking a spiritual ‘space’ rather than a specific ‘place’; an atmosphere of spiritual ferment rather than a particular holy site. More than a journey to the centre, as Victor Turner (1973) or Erik Cohen (1979) might have classified it, this motivation expresses subtle means by which Western culture is read and critiqued in the practice of spiritual tour- ism. Going to the source is not ‘good to think’ simply because it is where the particular teacher happens to spend most of their time. It is good to think because it identifies authority on matters of spiritual progress, and personal happiness and well-being, outside the realms of tourists’ own culture; a culture they see as flawed and failing in its present form. For many their journey places it outside the realms of any culture. What they seek is a practice that functions to make them feel in control of their being, or their existence, in a way that Western paradigms are seen not to. Going to the source is also an acknowl- edgement of the generating culture, often seen to have been repressed or put down by Western culture. Just as importantly, this motivating factor expresses the role the individual plays in their own well-being. It is a tracking down of authenticity that links authority with personal experience within particular cultural and geographical space. Intensified or Concentrated Learning/Practice Spiritual tourists also state that time spent in Rishikesh is an opportunity for a period of intensified or concentrated learning, much like a residential course. Of her time in Rishikesh, KS said, ‘I hope to find some yoga place where I can go regularly, because at home there are so many other things to do.’ In India, doing yoga or meditation for the whole day gave her a chance to really discover and explore it. Likewise, PT, from Denmark, said ‘Being here is much more relaxed and anatomically re-focuses my sense of responsibility; away from short-term daily tasks.’ It is worth noting that the majority of spirit- ual tourists in India undertake some period of intensive learning or practice.
- 50. Rishikesh 35 LD, forexample, would end up spending three months of his seven in India attending meditation courses. Indeed, for almost all of the informants who explicitly indicated this type of motivation, their period of ‘study’ was long, generally of no less than a month. For BA, this was a fifth visit to Rishikesh from his home in Germany in the last three years, and one of his longest at one and a half months, all of which was to be spent staying at Sachadam Ashram and studying with his guru, Maharaji.2 BA explained that his regular visits were done to ‘refine’ his spiritual practice and gain further inspiration for life at home. He went specifically to study with Maharaji, whose teaching he first encountered through a disciple in Bremen, an experience so overwhelming that he felt he had to go to Rishikesh to see and hear them in person. SR, 22 from Wales, was one of many who came to India for diverse reasons, within which spirituality was at the core. A Vipassana meditator, SR’s trip to India was to include a visit to Bodh Gaya and other places associated with the life of the Buddha. I was just giving it the chance to inspire my practice of Dharma, but I didn’t know whether it would or not. A lot of my Dharma friends had reported being inspired by going, so I thought, well I’ll go and see how it affects my mind. Immersed in his motivations was a bubbling curiosity and willingness to try new things, but others saw a black humour in the whole affair of personal spir- ituality. PT held a similar view about the ‘air’ in Rishikesh. He was spending one month in Rishikesh ‘soaking up the wisdom’. He noted that he was not looking for anything in particular, as most spiritual messages were essentially the same to him, but he did enjoy listening to the different ways they were put. With a dry, sardonic touch in referring to his quest to find ways to free himself from the cycle of birth and death, PT replied to the question ‘What did you hope to experience or “get out of it”?’ with ‘These “activities” are the [reason I] came for this visit. “Get out of it?” I hope to get out of it!’ This period of intensive practice contrasts with life at home, where work monopolizes the majority of the individual’s time and the social import. By tak- ing time for a concentrated period of spiritual practice tourists are asserting for themselves their happiness and well-being as being of primary importance and meaning. In their day-long satsang and yoga sessions spiritual tourists are assert- ing that the secular Western habit of ignoring spiritual life and well-being prac- tices is wrong. Further, it asserts that spirituality is a personal practice with skills to be acquired by the practitioner. It thereby transcends, for tourists, the notion that spirituality, and by extension religion, is a matter only of faith. Simple belief is not sufficient for spiritual tourists in Rishikesh. Only experience is valid, thus by engaging with an intensive period of spiritual experience they are elevating their own spiritual practice to a more cognitively defensible position.
- 51. Spiritual Tourism 36 Thanksgiving For asmall number of informants (less than 10 per cent), a journey to India was expressed as either a pilgrimage or a ‘thanksgiving’ for teachings and practices gained. GS, a 37-year-old from the United Kingdom came with more focused intentions. An experienced Vipassana meditator, for him the journey was an opportunity to ‘experience India and develop in meditation’. Before coming to Rishikesh he had already undertaken one-day, three-day, and 20-day Goenka meditation courses in Gujarat and Bihar. He spoke of his trip being a ‘thanksgiving’ out of respect for the path he had been shown. In a sense his journey was a pilgrimage, focused as it was within the Buddhist Vipassana tradition, and made for reverential reasons. What kept him return- ing to the Goenka tradition in India was the ‘. . . purity of the teachings and the fact that the course is given freely and the teachers are not paid, plus the completeness and practical application which helps in Life’. But unlike others, GS’s trip to India included much more than a chance to ‘work on himself’. He included visits to numerous religious sites in his questionnaire response, and spoke of the simple desire to travel through the rest of India. He was, in this sense, as much a tourist as he might be considered a pilgrim in the variety of his touristic adventures exclusive of spiritual experience. Likewise, LD, an experienced Vipassana meditator, said, ‘I began this medi- tation practice at home in Australia and have come to India to pay respect to the places (and people) that have developed and propagated the Buddha’s teaching.’ SR had also travelled to Bodh Gaya to give thanks for the teachings he had learned at home. When such tourists come to touch, as it were, the space at which their primary practice was born, or incubated, we can see the way they locate their spiritual centres in places outside their everyday experi- ence. From the journey, they seek to gain a more complete understanding of the practice in addition to showing respect for those who developed it. Spiritual tourists in Rishikesh are going to visit to sources of spiritual wisdom they recognize as special.3 This has a number of parallels in more historically established religious traditions, such as the pilgrimage to Lourdes. These are, in a very real sense, pilgrims journeying to ‘a centre out there’; a locus of spiritual authority or a holy place; a source of wisdom not attainable at home. This variety of touristic practice calls into question the appellation ‘spiritual tourist’. Such journeys of thanks could be called pilgrimages. This is a grey area, but we can certainly say that all spiritual tourists are engaging in a practice that is at least pilgrimage- like. Importantly, most do not self-identify as pilgrims, and while they also do not self-identify as tourists either we are more easily able to place them as tourists than we are as pilgrims, despite the religious connection. This will be discussed in detail in Chapter 5, but for the moment it suffices to note that tourism is simply defined as leisured travel. Pilgrimage, is similarly ‘leisured
- 52. Rishikesh 37 travel’, buttakes place within a socially and historically established tradition, or is identified as one by the participants themselves. The Variety of Spiritual Activities, or Spiritual Choice That India is rich in religious traditions and techniques is certainly a drawcard for many spiritual tourists. Locations such as Rishikesh often function as a form of ‘spiritual supermarket’ where tourists are able to ‘try before they buy’. As we saw with KS earlier, she had heard that Rishikesh was ‘a good place’ to go to find a yoga and meditation practice. Similarly, PD said that ‘I don’t have to come back here, I like to come back here . . . The teachings [are] all over, so you can get [them] anywhere if that’s what you want.’ In Rishikesh, she said, ‘Many teachers guide you in to your own teacher, your own guru.’ What PD especially liked was that she could combine the teachings of two teachers each day to ‘see through the text, through the religion to find the source behind the words’. This is a com- mon conception of personal spirituality among spiritual tourists in India. It is an understanding that individual spirituality requires an individuated and inter- pretive practice. Many informants stated that their spirituality was essentially a collection of ideas and practices gathered as seemed appropriate. For still others, the variety of spiritual practices on offer in India became an important feature during their journey. SR stated that he did not really know why he chose to go to Rishikesh, ‘More of a break than a purpose’, he said. ‘I wasn’t expecting to find anything . . . but I really have found a lot of bril- liant things here.’ He had discovered a new religious movement (NRM) that complemented his Vipassana practice and was about to undertake a 12-day course with them. He saw first-hand the effects on others that he desired to achieve. Speaking to them in the cafés and restaurants around town he con- stantly heard about a particular teacher. But the benefits were from their own experience, which SR thought of as the key. The fact that a part of me felt confronted by it showed me that I had some attachments . . . to the Vipassana story, the way that ‘my tradition’ teaches this. Before coming into contact with Candice I didn’t really realize I had much attachment. So that was really valuable to see. Having such a variety of teachers to choose from meant that SR was able to dis- cover aspects of his own practice that were unexpected. He notes that, to me it’s like . . . at the moment, and in a month I may be completely dis- interested again, or even more interested . . . but at the moment she’s a Vipassana teacher. She . . . sees truth exactly how it is and relaxes with it, and talks to others about doing that, and why it’s a good idea, and how they can
- 53. Spiritual Tourism 38 practice [it]. . . But the way that she transmits the message is in a way that seems more direct to me. SR was another who had done a pilgrimage around the Buddhist circuit. Coming to Rishikesh he felt he had done ‘the pilgrimaging that I needed to do’. However, like KS he had come to Rishikesh without any specific prac- tice in mind (apart from his own Vipassana meditation which is not taught in Rishikesh); ‘I don’t really know why I came to Rishikesh . . . I wanted to go somewhere with clean air’ (he noted that the air around Bodh Gaya was very dirty and caused him some health problems). Some of his time in Rishikesh was approached as ‘more of a break than a purpose’. He had found that some of the teachings in his meditation practice were contradictory and was taking some time to attempt to reconcile the dissonance he found in them. The thing with meditation is that . . . it’s all just a practical joke (laughs). For instance it’s called a practice! You are doing something and that is exactly what the teaching says is what you are not supposed to be doing. He felt this confused a lot of people who might otherwise gain great benefit from the practice. But LD, like others, had been surprised by some other practices and teach- ings he stumbled across in India. In particular, he found that these other teachings shed new light on his regular practice: . . . it was interesting for me to go to all these talks and things because I didn’t really expect to do that, but I just kind of got drawn in to it. And that’s been really beneficial. It’s been really good to just be open to that and to do something unexpected. It’s been really nice. Definitely equally as beneficial as doing a Vipassana course. In LD’s words there is a relaxed openness to other spiritual practices or teach- ings common amongst spiritual tourists, even among those who have chosen a specific path (i.e. with a particular guru or with Vipassana, and so on). The exploration of the self or of the problems that plague them and cause unhappi- ness or dissatisfaction leads many spiritual tourists to gather spiritual sources together like a collage. Traditions are chosen in as far as they are seen to fit with whatever it is the tourist is seeking or trying to solve. For most this is an open-ended search that is largely unrestricted in terms of religious traditions or continuity.4 Even some of those who are quite happily established with a certain teacher or tradition often visit the teachings of others or try out differ- ent practices. By valuing choice in spiritual practice, tourists in Rishikesh are reinforcing the movement away from notions of truth as exclusive. Again, the second-order
- 54. Rishikesh 39 reasons ofsearching for practices that work to cultivate personal well-being and happiness reveal third-order cultural reasoning. In valuing choice, spirit- ual tourists are also asserting the authority of experience over dogma in add- ition to the understanding that spiritual practice is, by necessity, individual in nature. This recognizes the validity of the experiences of others, no matter how different they may be, though it is underpinned by an understanding that claims to exclusivity are misguided at best and devious at worst. This deep- seated belief in the individuated nature of truth informs the way in which spir- itual practice is searched for and constructed. Spiritual tourism in Rishikesh demonstrates Western spiritual practice as a complex set of behaviours and beliefs put together as a bricolage; the town itself offering a range of practices, teachings and techniques for just such a project. In this sense, spiritual tourists in Rishikesh could equally be called spiritual bricoleurs. Self-Improvement and Healing Nearly all informants indicated that their spiritual goals included either the healing of emotional or psychological ‘wounds’, or a larger project of self- improvement. KS, thinking about her spiritual motivations for going to India, said what she really wanted for herself was ‘to be able to let go a little’. Similarly, PD explained her trips to Rishikesh by saying, ‘sometimes I feel that I need some inspiration.’ During her first time to Rishikesh she had been search- ing through different New Age practices, ‘always searching for something I couldn’t describe’, she said. After four satsangs she knew she was ‘home’, ‘I knew I didn’t have to seek anywhere else . . . I could start digging there, dig- ging in myself.’ ‘Many times in the West there is so much going on, so I start separating “me” from what’s really the truth.’ KS, a 22-year-old Swede, arrived in Rishikesh straight from Delhi airport after flying from Sweden. She spent her first morning in India sitting in Devraj Coffee Corner, overlooking the Ganges above the Lakshman Julha bridge, munching on the bakery’s attempt at a croissant looking haggard and slightly fearful – mostly haggard. It was her first time in India, and her motivation to come was simple – ‘I went here because I . . . wanted to do a trip by myself . . . where you can do yoga and meditate’. But between her words was a deeper yearning for more than the mere consumption of casual classes. Her sole intention for com- ing to India was to ‘work with herself’, with her spirituality, yet she had come with no particular teacher or tradition in mind. She simply wanted to have a look around at what was on offer, speak to other travellers and find out what best suited her spiritual tastes. In contrast to LD, KS’s trip was to be a short one at just six weeks, half of which was to be in Rishikesh, and half in McLeod Ganj doing a Tibetan meditation course. She had attended meditation courses at home and was a regular at a yoga
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- 56. —Je n’aurais pascru ça si difficile. C’est vrai qu’elle se méfie, la bougre! Si Secourgeon avait eu des soupçons, il aurait épié Maurin, il l’eût surpris avec sa femme, et alors, de manière ou d’autre, il se serait vengé. Mais il n’avait pas de soupçons. L’aigle complice couvrait tout de ses grandes ailes. Et depuis quelques semaines, Maurin et Misé Secourgeon se retrouvaient, à des moments fixés, dans le pauvre cabanon du cantonnier, lequel riait dans sa barbe tout en cassant des pierres au bord de la route, entouré de ses animaux familiers, à savoir: 1o un renard, 2o une belette, et 3o une couvée de perdreaux devenus perdrix. C’était un charmant spectacle, à l’heure où le cantonnier, après journée faite, mettait en poche ses œillères énormes, de voir, sur ses talons, dans la poussière de la route, courir quinze perdreaux alertes, suivis d’une gentille belette que suivait un renard rêveur, sa queue ramée tombant vers la terre avec un peu de mélancolie.
- 57. CHAPITRE XXII Méfiez-vous d’uncantonnier qui a pour amis un renard femelle, quinze perdreaux et une belette. On vit Célestin Grondard, sur la route, avoir avec Saulnier, le casseur de cailloux, de furtifs conciliabules. Et en quittant Saulnier, Grondard, chaque fois, souriait à belles dents blanches sous son masque noir. On vit, d’autre part, le père François, le matelassier, causer avec le cantonnier et celui-ci présenter à la gourmandise de son renard deux hérissons tués par Maurin à son intention. Ensuite de quoi François, étant allé refaire les matelas à la ferme des Agasses, causa plus que de raison avec Secourgeon en personne. Secourgeon lui dit que Maurin était une canaille et qu’il avait à se venger de Maurin! François lui apprit que Grondard voulait lui parler, à lui Secourgeon, mais pas à la ferme, car il ne voulait pas être vu. Il s’agissait d’une grave affaire. Et,—chose bizarre et inquiétante,—après avoir familièrement causé avec Secourgeon et Grondard qui haïssaient Maurin, le père François s’entretint avec ce même Maurin comme avec un ami. Et la Margaride, la solide servante de l’auberge, qui accordait ses faveurs au gendarme Sandri et qui aurait dû fuir Maurin, accepta de celui-ci un lièvre et deux perdreaux, qu’elle vendit un peu cher au conducteur de la diligence d’Hyères et dont le prix lui paya un bien joli foulard rouge. Oubliait-elle le gendarme ou trahissait-elle Maurin? Grondard aurait pu dire que Saulnier lui avait raconté comment, depuis des semaines, il prêtait sa cabane au braconnier et à la
- 58. femme de Secourgeonet quels étaient le jour, l’heure du prochain rendez-vous des deux coupables. Enfin Secourgeon, sur les conseils du gendarme, transmis par le matelassier François et par Grondard, avait demandé dans les formes à M. le maire une constatation de flagrant délit. Comment Maurin, si aimé dans le pays, comment Maurin, si avisé, s’était-il laissé prendre dans une intrigue aussi compliquée? Il y a des traîtres au fond des bois tout comme dans les villes. Les piégeurs aiment toutes les sortes de pièges. Méfiez-vous des cantonniers qui apprivoisent tant de bêtes sauvages! Contre Maurin un piège était donc tendu: Maurin serait surpris au gîte avec la belle Misé Secourgeon! Ainsi l’avaient décidé le gendarme, le mari, le cantonnier, le matelassier et le noir Célestin. Deux gendarmes, dont Alessandri, la veille de ce mémorable événement, couchèrent aux Campaux. Et, ma foi, en dépit de ses fiançailles, Sandri fut galant avec Margaride, qui se montra pour lui plus aimable que jamais. Un gendarme est un homme, que diable! et l’honneur ne comporte pas nécessairement la vertu. Quand, le lendemain matin, Sandri et son camarade, laissant leurs chevaux aux Campaux, quittèrent l’auberge: —Où allez-vous aujourd’hui? interrogea Margaride. Le gendarme, impassible, mentant par devoir, dit: —«A Bormes. Nous avons une commission pour les gendarmes de Bormes.» Ils s’éloignèrent vers Toulon, et, par un détour dans la colline, ils revinrent bientôt du côté de La Molle où, sur la route, ils trouvèrent deux gendarmes de Bormes spécialement et légalement chargés du procès-verbal de flagrant délit. Sandri n’était venu là que pour jouir
- 59. de l’arrestation deMaurin. Il voulait aussi, avec l’aveu de ses chefs, essayer de confondre le braconnier en lui révélant les soupçons de Grondard, à son avis motivés fortement. Lorsque, avec ses trois camarades, il approcha de la cabane suspecte, le jeune et vaillant Alessandri aux joues roses se sentit le cœur plein d’aise. —Quand l’affaire Grondard ne devrait pas avoir de suite, l’affaire Secourgeon me semble encore suffisante, songeait-il, pour détruire Maurin à tout jamais dans l’esprit d’Orsini et de Tonia. Naïveté de gendarme!... Autour des don Juan, chaque femme trahie est un appeau qui attire toutes les autres. Le cabanon de Saulnier, une toute petite maison basse à une seule étroite fenêtre close d’un volet de bois plein, avec ses murs blanchis à la chaux, avec ses tuiles rousses, semblait faire la sieste à l’ombre de trois chênes-lièges, au milieu de quelques ruches d’abeilles éparses aux alentours. Le volet de bois plein était solidement barré d’une traverse de fer. La chatière de la lourde porte était aveuglée par une planchette clouée à l’intérieur. —Comment y voient-ils, là dedans? dit à voix basse Alessandri. —Ils n’ont pas besoin d’y voir, dit un des deux gendarmes de Bormes. Les gendarmes, un peu égayés par l’idée de ce qui allait se passer, marchaient à la file, dans les pas l’un de l’autre, en faisant le moins de bruit possible,—et ils en faisaient beaucoup trop à leur gré. Les cailloux roulaient sous leurs pieds avec des sonorités retentissantes dans le grand silence des bois immobiles. Ils s’arrêtèrent, s’essuyant le front.
- 60. —Bah! fit Alessandrid’une voix sourde, ils ne peuvent échapper. Ils y sont, pour sûr... oui, oui, la bête est au terrier. Ce Maurin, je le tiens à l’œil... vous saurez bientôt pourquoi. Et nous verrons bien! Ouvre l’oreille, Lecorps, et retenons tout ce qu’il dira. Ils frappèrent brusquement à la porte. —Qui va là? fit d’un ton jovial la voix de Maurin. Depuis un moment il les entendait venir, les gendarmes, avec son ouïe de fin chasseur. Pauvre Alessandri! Ce n’est pas Maurin, c’est lui qui était trahi par le cantonnier au renard et par le matelassier son compère! Ils n’auraient pas vendu un Maurin, ces deux vagabonds des routes et des bois. Et le piège tendu contre lui, Maurin l’avait retourné pour y prendre Alessandri. Il avait sans peine obtenu de Margaride qu’elle vînt là, pauvre innocente perdrix, amoureuse du chasseur. —Margaride ma fille, dit Maurin à voix basse, ne t’effraie pas; nous allons rire un peu. Tu m’as bien dit, plusieurs fois, n’est-ce pas, que ça te serait égal si ton beau gendarme apprenait comment tu es ici avec moi? —Oui, je te l’ai dit. —Eh bien, il va venir; il vient; c’est lui qui frappe à la porte... il s’imagine—c’est drôle, qué?—qu’il va trouver ici une femme mariée dont le mari a porté plainte! mais j’ai connu d’avance le complot par mes amis et j’ai manigancé les choses. La femme a été avertie comme moi, et elle est allée à la ville aujourd’hui pour justement leur donner à croire qu’elle est ici! —Ah! mon Dieu! fit d’abord la Margaride, moitié pleurant et moitié riant, mon Dieu! pauvre moi! aï! Bonne Mère des anges!
- 61. La Bonne Mèredes anges est la patronne de ces petites montagnes des Maures où elle a une église, sur le plus haut sommet. —Tu sais qu’il va épouser Tonia, la fille du brigadier Orsini?... dit alors Maurin, en fin politique. Margaride devint un peu songeuse. —Est-ce que, d’être ici, en ce moment, ça t’ennuie beaucoup? insista Maurin. Je te ferai un joli présent pour te consoler, Margaride. —Bah! répliqua-t-elle résolument tout à coup, j’en ai assez de Sandri! Je t’aime mieux mille fois, comme je t’ai dit. Ah! il épouse Tonia! Alors nous lui faisons une bonne farce! et qu’il se mérite bien! —C’est bon; cache-toi dans le lit et mets ta tête sous les couvertures. Elle obéit avec une grande envie de rire. —Ne m’abandonne pas, Maurin, souffla-t-elle par réflexion en mettant son nez hors des draps. Il est méchant, le Corse, quand il est en colère. —Ne crains pas, petite. C’est un piégeur que j’ai voulu prendre à son piège, voilà tout. —Ça, voui, que ça m’amuse! dit-elle. Les gendarmes, au dehors, s’impatientèrent. Alessandri, entendant des rires derrière cette porte affriolante, cria: —Ouvrez! Au nom de la loi, ouvrez! —Ah! c’est vous, bon gendarme?... Je reconnais votre voix, gendarme Alessandri... Je suis ici dans la maison d’un ami qui m’a donné la permission et la clef. Je suis chez moi, vous entendez! chez moi! Pourquoi que je vous ouvrirais?
- 62. —Parce que nousvenons en service, avec les papiers qu’il faut, Maurin, entendez-vous. Ouvrez, au nom de la loi. La porte s’ouvrit toute grande. Maurin parut, souriant et gouailleur. —La loi, je la respecte. Vous êtes son brave serviteur, honnête Alessandri, dit-il, et je n’ai rien à vous refuser. Et, d’un air de gendarme en fonction: —Voyons d’abord vos «papiers!» car si je la respecte, la loi, c’est que je la connais! On n’entre pas chez les gens comme on veut, tout gendarme qu’on soit. Les gendarmes s’exécutèrent. Maurin, au fond, à cause de ses protections et de sa renommée, leur inspirait une façon de respect. Il examinait «leurs papiers» de son air le plus important. —Ah! ah! ricana-t-il enfin, jouant la surprise... Par malheur pour vous, il n’y a pas ici ce que vous cherchez, c’est moi que je vous le dis!... Les quatre gendarmes considéraient le lit bas où très visiblement se dessinait sous les draps une forme humaine. Un des serviteurs de la loi eut une réflexion bizarre: —On lui pourrait compter les doigts du pied, à ce grand cadavre! —Nous sommes dans l’exercice de nos fonctions, fit avec noblesse Alessandri, et c’est pour dire que nous devons nous rendre compte de la physionomie de la personne. —Ma foi, vous feriez bien, vous, de ne pas insister, gendarme Sandri; et croyez-moi, c’est dans votre intérêt que je parle, répliqua Maurin d’un air de parfaite bonhomie.
- 63. Alors Margaride, n’ytenant plus, repoussa brusquement le drap qui lui couvrait le visage: —Est-ce vrai, Sandri, dit-elle, que tu es fiancé à Tonia Orsini? En ce cas, mon garçon, j’avais bien le droit de prendre un nouvel amoureux et c’est Maurin, parce qu’il est plus beau garçon que toi! Té! Alessandri devint pâle. —Qu’est-ce que c’est? murmura-t-il, perdant la tête. Il n’osait regarder ses compagnons, qui ne purent s’empêcher de rire. —Nous sommes refaits! grogna le gendarme Lecorps. Tu n’as pas de chance, Sandri, avec ce lièvre-là! —Eh! fit Maurin, en bras de chemise, très à l’aise et bourrant sa pipe, eh! gendarme, il n’y a pas grand mal, puisque la belle fille en rit la première... Mais maintenant, messiés, comme vous n’avez plus rien à faire ici, je vous prierai, sans vous commander, de fermer la porte en sortant... Il ajouta: —Les hommes mariés sont bêtes. Ne vous mariez jamais, gendarme Sandri. Alessandri, de blanc, était devenu rouge, puis vert. Il se tourna vers Lecorps: —Nous n’avons plus qu’à nous retirer, dit-il en cachant sa déconvenue sous un grand air d’importance. Et il songeait rageusement: —Tu me la paieras avec les autres, celle-là! Elle est plus forte que toutes!
- 64. Maurin dit encore,d’un air détaché: —Au lieu de venir voir s’il y a des filles sur ma paille, la gendarmerie ferait mieux d’arrêter les coquins qui courent le bois... Je vous en ai laissé deux dans la montagne. Ils y sont toujours, vous savez! et si je ne m’en mêle pas, je commence à croire qu’à vous tous vous ne les aurez jamais! C’est dommage, Sandri! Ça peut retarder ton avancement et aussi ton mariage. Alessandri étouffait de colère, mais il avait au plus haut degré le sentiment de ses devoirs et de sa dignité. Il sortit, méditant déjà une revanche qui, bien entendu, serait légale. Au regard de Sandri, Maurin, pour sûr, avait tué le vieux Grondard. A n’en pas douter, c’était lui le meurtrier; il devenait nécessaire qu’il le fût: il l’était donc! Cela seul permettrait au Corse, qui ne pouvait devenir criminel et bandit puisqu’il était gendarme, de satisfaire un jour son besoin passionné de vengeance. Cela du moins, pour l’heure, lui donnait la force de supporter son éclatante défaite. —Ah! mon beau Maurin, disait Margaride en riant comme une folle, ah! que je t’aime! Bon Dieu! comme il avait l’air bête, le gendarme Sandri! Toi, voui, que tu as de l’esprit! A quelques jours de là, Maurin repassait par le domaine des Agasses. Il venait, après un maître coup de fusil, d’abattre l’aigle. Il arriva devant la ferme, son fusil sur l’épaule. L’aigle attachée par les pattes se balançait, pendue au canon, derrière son dos. Par la porte ouverte, il vit Secourgeon attablé avec sa femme. —Bon appétit, Secourgeon, dit-il... je n’accepte pas à déjeuner, pourquoi la Margaride m’attend à l’auberge des Campaux, devant un cuissot de lièvre... j’ai voulu seulement te montrer ton aigle. Regarde-la!
- 65. Misé Secourgeon réprimaune subite envie de pleurer, car il était clair que si Maurin avait tué l’aigle c’est qu’il avait assez de la femme. Secourgeon, rageur, ne sut d’abord que répondre. —Je vais, dit Maurin, en faire un présent pour le musée d’Hyères, au monsieur du musée qui l’empaillera. Secourgeon gardait le silence. —Vous boirez bien un verre de vin, pas moins, monsieur Maurin? dit la femme, les yeux pétillants à la fois de douleur et de malice. Pour quant à l’aigle, vous l’avez bien gagnée, depuis que vous la chassiez! —Un verre de vin, offert par une dame, ça n’est jamais de refus, répliqua le chevaleresque Maurin. Secourgeon, toujours plus rageant, ne trouvait toujours pas une parole. La femme emplit le verre. Maurin l’éleva, regardant le soleil à travers la couleur purpurine d’un franc vin de pays: —On dirait le sang des cœurs!... A la santé des dames! proféra-t- il. —Que veux-tu dire par là? glapit enfin le fermier, qui se leva, les poings tout faits. Maurin vida son verre en clignant de l’œil: —Fameux! dit-il... Et je veux dire par là, ajouta-t-il paisiblement, —car nous savons tous trois que tu es un jaloux,—je veux dire comme ça, Secourgeon, que lorsqu’on croit l’être il faut en devenir sûr avant de le dire à la gendarmerie. Et quand on ne l’est pas, c’est bête de tout faire pour donner à croire qu’on l’est... Adessias. Mon aigle a fini de rôder et ton chien peut dormir tranquille, et la petite bergère Fanfarnette également.
- 66. Et comme ils’en allait d’un pas allègre, Fanfarnette, la pastresse, au détour du sentier, assise au milieu de ses chèvres mauresques qui mettaient, dans la verdure des kermès, des taches blanches éparpillées, lui cria, en le regardant d’un air sournois: —Oh! maître Maurin! je sais pourquoi vous l’avez tuée, l’aigle! —Et pourquoi, mauvaise chose? Mais Fanfarnette se sauva, et courut se cacher dans un buisson. Et Maurin, se remettant en marche, riait. Il riait d’un souvenir. Il l’avait surprise un jour au bain, la Fanfarnette, un jour qu’elle avait eu l’idée de se baigner dans une jarre au grenier... et véritablement, elle était «faite au tour». Mais, c’est si jeune! Les si petits gibiers sont pour les petits chasseurs, les mauvais chasseurs des villes! —De ce Maurin, pas moins! pensait Misé Secourgeon. On n’en trouverait pas un autre à lui pareil! Le soir de ce jour, instruit de l’aventure de l’aigle par son ami le cantonnier, Parlo-Soulet, seul dans sa cabane, disait: —Faire servir une aigle des Alpes qui vole là-haut dans le ciel, à son amour de fénière (grenier à foin) avec une femme des Maures, ça, je n’y aurais jamais songé! De ce Maurin, pas moins, quelles idées il vous a! Mais tuer l’aigle juste quand elle a fini de vous rendre le service, ça, mon homme, ça me dérange un peu dans l’idée que je me faisais de toi. Elle méritait la vie, l’aigle!... Il est vrai que ça mange trop de perdrix, et même de lièvres... Et puis, si elle t’a rendu le service, c’était sans le savoir et, à la réflexion, tu ne lui devais rien... Allons, allons, je vois que, comme toujours, tu as eu raison. C’est de bonne règle: quand le danger est passé, on f...iche le saint par terre! Comme dit l’Italien: Passato pericolo, gabbato il santo. Cependant c’est un gros ennui pour moi qu’il y ait tant d’occasions où je ne peux pas te suivre dans tes chasses, parce que tu y cherches des femmes,—et que c’est là une chasse que l’on aime à faire tout seul. Mais, je te le dis, mon brave, derrière les femmes
- 67. mariées, il ya pour toi le danger que toi-même tu te prépares; et finalement, d’une manière ou d’une autre, tu attraperas un jour quelque fameux coup de corne!
- 68. CHAPITRE XXIII Entre unconditionnel et un présent, entre «je m’en flatterais» et «je m’en flatte», il n’y a pas, pour un bon gendarme, l’épaisseur d’un poil de barbe. Maurin n’avait aucun engagement vis-à-vis de Tonia. Elle ne put lui faire reproche au sujet de cette histoire bientôt ébruitée. La Margaride, la première, la racontait volontiers. Ce fut le gendarme seul qui, de plus d’une manière, y perdit. Aux yeux de Tonia, le gendarme apparut dès lors un peu ridicule. Et il n’eut pas le mérite d’avoir quitté sa maîtresse par respect pour sa fiancée. C’est la maîtresse qui l’avait quitté. Tonia ne manqua pas de railler Sandri, à mots couverts, sur sa malheureuse équipée; et l’irritation du joli gendarme contre Maurin en fut accrue, tandis que le goût de Tonia pour Maurin, qu’elle n’avait plus revu, s’exaltait chaque jour un peu davantage. Maurin disait quelquefois: —Il est plus facile à un homme qui a une maîtresse d’en avoir plusieurs, qu’à un homme qui n’en a point d’en attraper une, et plus facile encore à un homme qui en a plusieurs de les avoir toutes! Cependant Célestin Grondard s’entêtait dans ses soupçons contre Maurin. Un bouton de veste, trouvé sur le lieu du meurtre et ayant appartenu à Maurin, il n’en fallait pas plus à Grondard et à un gendarme pour être convaincus de la culpabilité du roi des Maures. Pour sûr, c’était Maurin qui avait tué Grondard le père! Ils se répétèrent cela tous les jours à soi-même, chacun de son côté. Maurin était coupable. Ils désiraient qu’il le fût, ils le voulaient,—tout à fait comme de vrais juges.
- 69. Alessandri combina doncavec Grondard toute une comédie destinée à obtenir les aveux du roi des Maures. Depuis deux jours Maurin venait avec Pastouré attendre un lièvre au croisement de deux sentiers, au Pas de la lièvre, sans parvenir à le tuer. —Nous l’aurons demain ici même, dit Maurin le second jour. Célestin avait entendu ce mot et pris ses mesures. Le lendemain Maurin était seul, dans la forêt, loin de toute habitation, au Pas de la lièvre, et Pastouré posté ailleurs, assez loin de lui, avec Gaspard, son chien d’arrêt, qui rapportait admirablement. Maurin avait lâché ses chiens courants qui donnaient de la voix éperdûment à travers le maquis. Hercule, son griffon d’arrêt, dormait à ses pieds. Maurin attendait la lièvre-sorcière qui ne venait toujours pas. Ce fut Grondard qui tout à coup parut devant lui avec son vilain masque de barbouillé. Célestin tenait dans sa main noire un vieux fusil à un coup. —Au large! dit Maurin, voyant que l’autre restait immobile à dix pas sur le sentier... Passe donc, Grondard, que tu me gênes. Tu ne viens pas, je pense, pour me voler mon gibier? —Connais-tu ceci? fit brusquement Célestin Grondard en lui montrant le bouton de cuivre luisant au soleil du matin. —Je n’y vois pas de si loin! répliqua Maurin. Célestin approcha. —Je n’y vois pas de trop près!
- 70. Grondard s’arrêta etlui tendant le bouton: —Regarde! —Ça, dit alors Maurin tranquillement, pressentant un piège et pensant le déjouer par la plus grande franchise, ça, c’est un bouton d’une veste que j’ai. Le marquis de Brégançon, à Cogolin, m’avait donné une de ses vestes, toute neuve, trop étroite pour lui; une jolie veste de velours, avec de beaux boutons de chasse qui étaient à la mode du temps des rois. C’est dommage que j’aie usé la veste! Mais les boutons je les ai toujours gardés; il m’en manque un seul... ça doit être celui-là; où l’as-tu trouvé? —Près de l’endroit même où mon père a été tué, fit Célestin, à l’endroit où, je pense, tu étais à l’espère comme un bandit que tu es, pour tirer sur un homme comme sur un sanglier. Il regardait Maurin fixement avec ses vilains yeux d’une blancheur sanguinolente. Maurin ne sourcilla pas. —Ah! dit-il, c’est à ça que tu en viens? et voilà la mauvaise mouche qui te pique, méchant mascaré! (noirci). Il se mit à rire. —Nos Maures, reprit-il paisiblement, ont quinze ou vingt lieues de large. C’est amusant pour moi de retrouver un bouton de veste sur un si grand territoire... car je ferai la preuve que ce bouton est mien et tu seras forcé de me le rendre,—que j’y tiens beaucoup! —C’est toi qui as tué l’homme! dit d’une voix sourde et décidée le charbonnier redoutable. Maurin haussa les épaules et porta son index à son front. —Tu déménages, Grondard, dit-il d’un ton apitoyé. Voyez-moi un peu ça!... Tu as rencontré un bouton de ma veste dans le bois, et tu prétends en conséquence que j’ai tué l’homme. En voilà, un raisonnement! Si tu avais cherché mieux, tu aurais trouvé par là, pas
- 71. loin du bouton,je pense, du poil de renard ou de la plume de perdreau. Grâce à Dieu, il n’y a pas un coin des Maures où je n’ai tué quelque chose. Et puis sais-tu depuis combien de temps j’ai perdu mon bouton de cuivre? Depuis l’été passé, collègue!... Ainsi, fiche-moi la paix. Les chiens là-haut, entends-les, sont sur la piste. Je ne veux pas manquer cette lièvre. Allons, fais ta route que tu me gênes; file, que je dis! Laisse-moi libre de ma chasse. Et conserve bien le bouton, qu’il faudra bien, un jour, que tu me le rendes! Grondard n’entendait pas de cette oreille. Il exécutait un plan. Il secoua la tête. Il voulait exaspérer Maurin, comptant que le chasseur, dans sa colère, laisserait échapper quelque semblant d’aveu. Sandri sans doute n’était pas loin de là. —Ce n’est pas tout, Maurin, affirma effrontément Célestin changeant ses batteries. —Qu’y a-t-il encore? —Tu as un jour surpris ma sœur dans le bois!... je le sais! Chaussé de souliers de corde comme toujours tu es, tu t’es avancé sans bruit et tu l’as surprise... Et si tu veux le savoir, je suis venu pour te punir de ça, moi, son frère! J’en finirai avec toi, entends-tu, et pas plus tard que tout de suite, voleur de filles! —Ecoute, le masqué, fit Maurin avec une parfaite tranquillité et un grand air de noblesse; écoute, ne m’échauffe pas la bile, ce serait tant pis pour toi... Mes chiens là-haut «bourrent» la bête... et je ne veux pas la manquer. Pourquoi ne me demandes-tu pas de l’argent, pendant que tu y es? Raconte à qui tu voudras tes mensonges et laisse-moi en paix... Tout le monde connaît Maurin et tout le monde te connaît, toi! Ce n’est pas Maurin qui violente les filles. Elles le cherchent assez d’elles-mêmes, et il s’en flatte. Ceux qui violentent les filles sont des gueux—et tu en connais, hein, de ceux-là? Ton père en était peut-être... Ah! tiens, va-t-en, car je t’ai assez vu, et de te voir ça me fait bouillir... Si j’avais eu le bonheur de délivrer le pays de la canaillerie de ton père, j’achèverais ma besogne en délivrant le
- 72. pays de toi,ici-même, en ce moment, car tu ne vaux pas mieux que la Besti. Ah! vous étiez à vous deux une jolie paire de marrias! Et heureusement te voilà dépareillé. Le géant noir devint pâle sous son masque de suie. Il serra ses deux gros poings, se demandant ce qu’il allait faire. Alors Maurin épaula tranquillement son fusil... Le coup partit... un lièvre magnifique déboulina là-haut, au flanc de la colline, frappé à mort parmi les touffes de thym. Tandis que les chiens courants de Maurin continuaient à suivre la piste en poussant leur abois continus, Hercule, son griffon d’arrêt, se mettait en quête de la pièce abattue auprès de laquelle il demeurait fidèlement de garde, jusqu’à ce que lui fût donné l’ordre d’apporter. —Mon fusil est à deux coups, dit Maurin, l’œil sur Grondard, et il a l’habitude, comme tu vois, de ne pas manquer le gibier. Il allait s’éloigner et ramasser son lièvre, lorsque la sœur du charbonnier se montra. L’affaire commençait à prendre tournure de guet-apens. La fille savait bien ce qu’elle avait à dire. Son frère l’avait, de longue main, préparée à cette entrevue, comme à d’autres à peu près pareilles. —Ah! monstre! cria-t-elle. C’est toi qui m’as attaquée l’autre jour, et renversée et battue, et embrassée par traîtrise, et par force! Je n’ai pas pu te voir, lâche, mais je reconnais bien ta voix. Alors, un flot de sang monta à la tête du don Juan des Maures. —Coquins! cria-t-il,—au large! Encore un de vos tours, bandits! Mais on a l’œil ouvert et on vous trouvera la marche. Maurin, entendez-vous, est incapable de ce que vous inventez. Tout le monde le sait. Je prends ce qu’on me donne, gredine, et des femmes de ton espèce, un Maurin s’en moque bien! Ah! misère de
- 73. moi, pour tomberà celle-là il faudrait avoir fait carême durant quarante fois quarante jours, pechère! Il s’échauffait. Le sang provençal bouillonnait en lui. Lent à s’émouvoir, l’homme du Var devenait terrible en ses colères. Il perdit la raison et il se mit à hurler d’une voix furieuse: —Ceux qui sont capables de faire la chose dont vous m’accusez, gueuse, je les méprise et je les déteste. «Votre père, oui, en était capable, race de porcs! «Et c’est pour ça qu’on l’a tué, et je sais qui! et celui-là a bien fait. Et si c’était moi, je m’en flatterais!» De «je m’en flatterais» à «je m’en flatte» il n’y a, aux yeux d’un gendarme, que l’épaisseur d’un fil. La gendarmerie n’en est pas à distinguer avec soin un conditionnel d’un présent. Le mot compromettant était à peine prononcé, qu’un bruit de pas se fit entendre non loin de là, dans la pierraille. —Ton compte est réglé! dit Grondard. La gendarmerie sait à présent comme moi, ce qu’elle voulait savoir. C’est elle que maintenant ça regarde. Maurin se retourna vivement. Un éclair de fureur passa dans ses yeux. Alessandri, debout à dix pas à peine, la main sur la crosse de son revolver d’ordonnance, regardait Maurin fixement... mais voilà que d’un mouvement instinctif, il se retourna pour voir si son inséparable et réglementaire compagnon le suivait. Quand ses regards revinrent à la place où devait se trouver Maurin... il ne le vit plus! Bien avant d’avoir aperçu le gendarme, le braconnier s’était dit qu’il serait peut-être obligé de prendre la fuite, et il avait calculé ses
- 74. chances et moyens. Ilavait songé tout d’abord à appeler son fidèle compagnon Pastouré posté sur l’autre versant de la colline. Mais appeler son ami Pastouré, c’était le mêler à cette mauvaise affaire. C’était aussi irriter Célestin, faire à coup sûr dégénérer la querelle en combat. L’apparition du gendarme avait mis fin aux hésitations de Maurin. Devant lui, il avait le haut versant de la colline couverte de thyms et de bruyères, sillonnée de ravins pierreux, creusés par les eaux de pluie. C’était sur ce versant qu’il s’attendait, d’un instant à l’autre, d’après la voix des chiens, à voir monter son lièvre. Derrière lui, s’ouvrait le vide, car le rocher, sur lequel il était debout, était, de ce côté-là, taillé à pic, véritable muraille d’environ quinze pieds d’élévation. Et pour descendre la colline, à moins de sauter de cette hauteur, il devait aller, par des circuits, chercher une pente praticable à un demi-quart de lieue. S’il sautait, ni le gendarme, empêché par ses énormes bottes, ni le géant Grondard, puissant mais lourd et sans souplesse, ne pourraient le suivre à moins de perdre dix minutes à retrouver au loin le sentier. Or, en dix minutes, avec la connaissance qu’il avait des moindres drayes (sentiers) des Maures, le maigre et léger Maurin aurait le temps de gagner au large. Il n’avait vraiment à craindre que le fusil de Grondard et le revolver de Sandri. Et encore!... Il savait, par expérience personnelle, que malgré la colère, et en dépit des plus violentes menaces, on ne tire pas sur un homme aussi vite que sur un lapin. On hésite toujours un peu. Donc Maurin avait pris son parti, et saisissant d’une main vigoureuse le bout de la longue branche horizontale d’un pin d’Alep qui, planté en contre-bas, dressait sa cime bien au-dessus de sa
- 75. tête, il avaitsauté, en tenant ferme la branche, dans le précipice ouvert derrière lui. La branche très longue et très flexible s’inclina avec vitesse d’abord sous le poids de l’homme, puis résista, craqua, se rompit lentement, s’abaissa de nouveau, et Maurin, grâce à ce parachute, arriva à terre en pliant sur les jarrets et sans avoir lâché son fusil. Grondard et le gendarme se penchèrent vivement au bord du rocher; ils ne virent plus rien. Au-dessous du rocher en surplomb s’ouvrait un creux naturel, assez profond. Maurin s’y était précipité, et Grondard et Alessandri entendirent alors distinctement sa voix: —Gendarme, disait Maurin invisible, gendarme, écoutez-moi bien. Je vais sortir de ma cachette si vous le voulez, et nous nous expliquerons, mais je me méfie de votre sang corse. Le sang corse est prompt comme le diable et j’ai voulu, Alessandri, vous donner le temps de remettre votre revolver dans son étui. Faites comprendre à cette brute de Grondard qu’on ne tue pas un homme comme un perdreau et que vous seriez punissables tous les deux de tirer sur moi, car enfin, il n’y a pas de raison suffisante pour ça, Alessandri!... Vous êtes, au fond, un brave homme, un bon serviteur de la loi, et, tenez, j’ai confiance en vous. Nous allons parler mieux à l’aise, en nous regardant, vous, là-haut, moi, ici, en bas, bien entendu. Et, sans attendre de réponse, Maurin, hardi, se montra. Cette action imposa au gendarme. Le chasseur avait bien jugé Alessandri. Le gendarme, quelle que fût la violence de ses passions, gardait toujours au plus haut degré le sentiment de ses devoirs et le respect du droit. Au moment où Maurin se montra, Grondard irrité fit un mouvement, mais Sandri posa sa large main sur le bras du charbonnier. Le géant noir recula. La gendarmerie l’intimidait, et pour plus d’une cause.
- 76. —Parle, Maurin! fitAlessandri. —Voici, dit Maurin. Tu sais de quoi Grondard m’accuse? Il se trompe. Alessandri l’interrompit tout de suite: —Tu connais le meurtrier? —Non. —Il est trop tard pour le nier. Tu as avoué tout à l’heure que tu le connais. Je t’ai entendu. —Tu m’as entendu, dit froidement Maurin, me quereller avec celui-ci. Voilà tout. Du doigt, il désignait le charbonnier. —Dans la colère, poursuivit-il, on ne sait plus ce qu’on se dit. On lance à son ennemi les plus folles paroles que l’on peut trouver. J’ai dit ça en effet... Je ne dis pas que je ne l’ai pas dit... c’est que, à ce moment, Célestin, si j’avais pu te faire croire que c’est moi qui ai tué ton père... —Vous l’entendez! cria Grondard. —Si, répéta Maurin, si j’avais pu te faire croire que c’est moi qui ai tué ton père, je te l’aurais fait croire, mais ce n’est pas moi! Et Maurin se mit à rire tranquillement. Il reprit: —Pourquoi aurais-je tué la Besti? Le service de la gendarmerie est trop bien fait dans nos montagnes des Maures pour que j’aie besoin de m’en mêler... Donc, je n’ai pas fait la chose honorable dont on m’accuse. «... Tout le pays me connaît et l’on m’aime un peu, que je crois. Les préfets et les députés sont mes amis, et quand ils veulent
- 77. assister à unebattue au sanglier un peu propre, ils s’adressent à moi et ils y trouvent leur plaisir. Vingt villes et bourgades du département suivent mes conseils au temps des élections. Ce n’est pas une petite affaire, crois-le, gendarme, que de se tromper à mon préjudice... Et puis, qui donc m’accuse? Celui-ci! un homme dont tu connais toi- même la mauvaise réputation, soit dit sans l’insulter. Quant à sa sœur, elle ment. Elle convient, du reste, qu’elle n’a pas vu l’homme qui l’a attaquée; personne, je parie, ne l’a attaquée; en tous cas elle ne m’a pas vu, et j’aurais cent témoins pour dire qu’elle a plus d’une fois inventé contre d’autres des accusations pareilles, avec l’aide de son frère et de votre gueusard de père.» Grondard, qui donnait depuis un moment de grands signes d’impatience, fit de nouveau un geste de menace. Alessandri l’arrêta encore... —Non! non! je n’ai pas menti, non, je n’ai pas menti! hurla la sœur de Grondard. —Bref, poursuivit Maurin, le mieux pour toi, Alessandri, c’est d’aller faire ton rapport au sous-préfet, au maire ou aux juges. Fais- toi donner un bon mandat contre moi, un papier bien en règle, et alors tu pourras revenir armé non pas d’un revolver mais de ton bon droit... Je ne suis pas un vagabond. Où je demeure, avec ma mère, tu le sais. J’ai une cabane à moi dans le golfe de Saint-Tropez. Elle est en bois, mais elle paye l’impôt... Et de ce pas, avec ta permission, je vais y aller pour t’attendre... Est-ce convenu? Le gendarme réfléchissait. Décidément, il avait raison, ce Maurin. Il parlait en homme de bon sens. —Il a raison, Grondard, dit-il. Il a raison. Je le rattraperai, s’il le mérite, quand je voudrai. Il sait qui a fait le coup. Là-dessus, sa parole que j’ai entendue suffira au juge pour qu’il me donne l’ordre de le lui amener. —Adieu donc. Portez-vous bien. Conservez-vous! dit Maurin, selon la formule en usage dans le pays.
- 78. Il s’en allait...son pas retentissait dans les cailloux qui dégringolaient sur la pente, sous les pins... Grondard n’y tint plus. Il dégagea son bras de l’étreinte du gendarme, et il mit en joue Maurin entrevu à travers les troncs innombrables de la forêt. A ce moment, Pastouré, qui avait entendu le coup de feu de Maurin, s’était décidé à quitter son poste pour rejoindre son ami. Il vit de loin Maurin en fuite; il reconnut Grondard et la Luronne. On appelait ainsi, dans le pays, cette sœur du charbonnier. Et enfin, il aperçut les gendarmes. Il comprit qu’il s’était passé quelque chose de grave. Son œil perçant distingua aussi, sur le coteau, au-dessus du groupe ennemi, le griffon de Maurin attendant, selon son habitude, l’ordre que son maître, (ayant d’autres chiens à fouetter) oubliait de lui donner, c’est-à-dire l’ordre de rapporter le lièvre auprès duquel il était assis gravement. Pastouré, homme de sang-froid, comprit d’un seul coup d’œil toute la situation et voulut sauver le gibier. —Apporte, Hercule! cria Parlo-Soulet d’une voix éclatante avec un grand geste télégraphique. Le griffon se releva en bondissant. Il s’élança... tenant entre les dents, par la peau du cou, le lièvre rejeté sur ses reins. Croyant pouvoir rejoindre Maurin en ligne droite, le chien accourut à fond de train et se jeta éperdument entre les jambes de Grondard, qui perdit l’équilibre juste au moment où il allait lâcher son coup de fusil. Le géant trébucha avec des gestes désordonnés. Son fusil partit tout seul et la balle enleva, avec le chapeau de Sandri, une mèche des noirs cheveux du beau gendarme. Le charbonnier roula à terre, grotesquement étalé de tout son long, et si malheureusement, que le second gendarme se prit les jambes dans les siennes et tomba à
- 79. son tour surle derrière, tandis que Sandri étanchait la goutte de sang qui, coulant de son crâne sur ses joues, rendait ses pommettes plus roses. Et là-bas, sous bois, tout en prenant «la lièvre» aux dents du bon chien fidèle, Maurin et Pastouré, témoins de l’aventure, en riaient à plein cœur. —Ça me rappelle, disait Maurin à Pastouré, dont la gaieté silencieuse illuminait la large face, un bon tour que je jouai à un gendarme quand j’avais vingt ans. Figure-toi.... Les éclats de rire des deux chasseurs se perdaient dans l’écho de la vallée rocheuse, pendant que la sœur de Grondard versait un peu d’eau-de-vie sur la blessure du gendarme, en lui faisant les yeux doux. —Je crois, grommelait Alessandri, que ce damné Maurin est un peu sorcier! Quelques jours plus tard, il recevait l’ordre d’arrêter Maurin partout où il le rencontrerait.
- 80. CHAPITRE XXIV Mes bonsamis, quand on la tient, il faut plumer la poulette. Peu de jours après, Maurin faisait avertir Pastouré qu’il eût à se trouver, le lendemain, à la cantine du Don. Là, il comptait déjeuner joyeusement, si les gendarmes ne troublaient pas la fête, et il pensait bien trouver une occasion de faire sa cour à Tonia. La maison forestière du Don, située sur la pente de la colline, n’est pas éloignée en effet de la cantine qui s’ouvre sur la route. Elle lui plaisait de plus en plus, cette Antonia la Corsoise. Qu’elle fût fiancée à Alessandri, cela rendait pour Maurin sa galante poursuite toujours plus piquante à mesure que l’inimitié du gendarme se faisait plus persécutrice. Et s’il allait plaire à Antonia et qu’elle se mît en tête de planter là son gendarme pour les beaux yeux du braconnier, quelle amusante victoire! D’y penser, Maurin riait de contentement. Il était arrivé assez près de la maison forestière, à un quart de lieue à peine, et il suivait la route, quand un bruit insolite attira son attention. Immobile comme un chien à l’arrêt, un pied en l’air, il écouta. Son chien l’imita consciencieusement. Son oreille de chasseur avait perçu, à travers le bruissement immense de la forêt, parmi quelques cris de geais et de pies, un son singulier, pareil à une plainte humaine. Le fusil au poing, Maurin attendait il ne savait quoi.
- 81. Tout à coupun appel désespéré, un cri de femme éclata, aigu, sous bois, à quelque distance... Alors, d’une voix de commandement qui retentit dans l’écho de la montagne rocheuse, Maurin cria son nom en provençal: —Mòourin deïs Màouros! Le nom célèbre de Maurin ainsi lancé à pleine voix en notes prolongées et immédiatement suivi d’un cri de chat-huant qui eût été inimitable pour tout autre, annonçait, quand il le jugeait bon, sa présence aux habitants de la contrée. Les petits enfants même des villages du Var connaissaient cette habitude de Maurin et essayaient de reproduire sa clameur dans leurs jeux. Maurin appuya son cri d’un coup de feu, sachant bien que ce bruit effraie toujours un criminel en train de mal faire... Et il s’engageait sous bois dans la direction des plaintes qu’il avait entendues, lorsque la Corsoise, haletante, rouge, tout échauffée et indignée, vint se jeter contre lui. Elle regardait Maurin avec de grands yeux ardents où il voyait l’animation de la course et en même temps la colère qu’elle ressentait contre ses agresseurs inconnus. —En criant, vous m’avez sauvée! dit-elle toute frémissante. Et dans ses yeux la reconnaissance remplaçait la colère... Ainsi, il tenait, là, dans ses bras, la fiancée du gendarme Sandri! Elle se mettait sous sa protection! Elle le regardait comme un sauveur en ce moment. Maurin sentit dans son cœur un violent mouvement de fierté et de joie. Prendre à Sandri sa fiancée,—sans mauvaise ruse, bien entendu,—c’était bien là un triomphe digne du don Juan des Maures, et qu’il espérait depuis quelque temps avec une impatience secrète, et dont il s’étonnait.
- 82. —Qu’y a-t-il, mabelle petite? demanda-t-il. Malgré la force de son impatience, le don Juan des Maures était un mâle trop énergique, trop sûr de lui-même et trop fier, pour jamais essayer de triompher d’une femme par des moyens sournois. Sa grande satisfaction était de voir les femmes «venir toutes seules», comme il se plaisait à le dire, telles les perdrix au coq. Chacun sait qu’il avait un jour répondu à un curieux qui l’interrogeait sur ses moyens de séduction: —Oh! moi, les femmes, que vous dirai-je? Je les regarde comme ça et elles tombent comme des mouches! A la façon des Maures ses aïeux, il aimait les femmes un peu comme de gentils animaux familiers qui doivent servir attentivement leur maître, l’homme, pour être vraiment aimables. Il les aimait dédaigneusement. Et l’inconscient désir qu’elles avaient de vaincre ce dédain n’était pas pour peu de chose dans les passions qu’il inspirait. Il y a encore quelques vieilles maisons de paysans, en Provence, où la femme ne se met pas à table à l’heure des repas. Elle sert les hommes, même ses fils, et ne s’attable qu’ensuite. On n’ignore pas que les Arabes, voyageant à cheval à la recherche d’un campement nouveau, sont suivis des femmes qui vont à pied chargées comme des bêtes de somme. Maurin considérait les femmes comme les inférieures prédestinées de l’homme; même les façons galantes, les gentillesses qu’il avait avec elles, étaient comme un tribut un peu méprisant payé à leur frivolité; peut-être, dans son idée, à leur sottise. Ce qui le distinguait d’un vrai musulman, c’est qu’il avait quelque pitié des femmes. Et ceci augmentait encore chez elles un singulier désir de monter dans son estime, dans son esprit et dans son cœur. Elles ne voulaient pas plus de sa pitié que de son dédain. Et pour se
- 83. faire aimer, ellesfinissaient par lui offrir toutes leurs grâces et tout leur amour. Maurin n’avait pas fait, bien entendu, une étude approfondie de ses propres sentiments. Ce qu’il était il l’était simplement, et il suivait, sans contrarier la nature, sa vie de chasseur aventureux, laissant au hasard le soin de nouer et de dénouer ses histoires amoureuses. Pour l’instant, il avait, là, contre sa poitrine, une belle fille de dix- huit ans, toute oppressée par la peur, frissonnante, et qui, fiancée à son ennemi le gendarme, l’implorait, lui, le sauvage braconnier! —Qu’y a-t-il, ma belle petite? demanda Maurin. —Deux coquins sont dans les bois... Ils ont paru devant moi tout en un coup et m’ont poursuivie. —Bon! dit Maurin, ça doit être les deux qui restent de ces trois échappés de galères auxquels j’ai déjà donné la chasse. Et je vois bien que ce n’est pas Sandri qui les attrapera. Ce sera moi... je vais me mettre à leurs derrières!... —Gardez-vous-en! cria la Corsoise; ils sont deux! et pendant que vous en suivrez un, l’autre n’aurait qu’à venir par ici... je serais fraîche! pauvre moi! —Alors, dit Maurin, viens avec moi. Je les rattrape... et à nous deux nous les muselons (il tutoyait vite toutes les filles) et je les offrirai à ton gendarme, veux-tu? Ce serait un cadeau bienvenu pour lui,—que peut-être on lui donnerait le galon! —Laissons ces diables dans les bois... Il faut que j’aille faire au plus vite le déjeuner de mon père, dit Tonia. Venez à ma maison, monsieur Maurin, et je vous ferai goûter d’une eau-de-vie ancienne dont vous me direz des nouvelles. Maurin hésitait. Il regrettait la chasse aux bandits.
- 84. —Ça serait pourtantfameux, dit-il, de mettre au carnier, ce matin, un si gros gibier! —Il n’est pas de celui qui s’envole, dit Tonia. Ces gueux se retrouveront... Ne me laissez pas seule. Maurin avait double regret... Si Tonia l’avait suivi dans les bois... assez loin de la route... qui sait?... il y a des tapis de bruyère au fond des vallées... Il se mit à rire, montrant ses belles dents blanches: —Tonia! dit-il, c’est dommage... si tu avais consenti à suivre avec moi dans la montagne les deux vilains renards qui t’ont fait si peur, je les aurais peut-être laissés pour une autre fois, mais je ne peux m’empêcher de penser que peut-être j’aurais plumé et mangé la poulette!... car tu sais la chanson, n’est-ce pas? Moun bon moussu, quand on la ten, foou pluma la gallina... Tonia devint rouge comme une crête de coq. —Vous êtes un homme honnête, Maurin, et je me suis de moi- même confiée à vous. Mon fiancé, vous le connaissez. Vous ne l’aimez pas, c’est vrai, mais vous savez qu’il est, lui aussi, un honnête homme. Ramenez-moi à ma maison... et mon père vous dira un fier gramaci, vous pouvez y compter. —Ton père peut-être, fit Maurin, quoique ce ne soit pas sûr... mais si ton fiancé se trouvait chez toi, ça n’irait pas bien, tu le sais. J’ai sur moi les gendarmes comme les chevaux ont les tavans (les taons)! —Sandri n’est pas aujourd’hui chez moi, sûrement pas! dit Antonia. —Allons-y donc, fit Maurin... quoique je ne me console pas de ne point poursuivre les galériens...
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