This document is the transcript of a speech given by the speaker at Obafemi Awolowo University. In the speech, the speaker thanks the hosts for organizing the event and expresses gratitude to the university for the role it played in his education and personal life, as it is where he met his wife. The speaker then discusses some of the challenges facing Nigerian democracy, including post-election violence in parts of the north believed to be due to perceived inequities. The debate around groups like Boko Haram, the speaker says, is really a debate about the status and quality of democracy in Nigeria.
1) The document discusses Ghana's role in celebrating Africa Day and involvement in African integration initiatives through the ECOWAS and AU. It notes that Ghanaian citizens were not sufficiently informed about important events like the entry into force of the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance on February 15th, 2012.
2) It recommends that Ghana could have played a leading role in popularizing the AU charter given its democratic credentials. It also suggests Ghana could help revise how election observers are chosen on the continent and build capacity for African citizens to participate in election observation.
3) It introduces the African Governance Architecture that the AU is establishing as a framework to promote democracy, governance, and human rights
This document summarizes research conducted to understand what futures young people want for Penryn and inform the development of the Neighbourhood Development Plan. The research utilized qualitative methods including surveys, participatory mapping, and interviews. Key findings included perceptions of divisions between students and locals, concerns about the town becoming too focused on students, and a desire to maintain Penryn's community and heritage. Recommendations focused on improving relationships between different groups and developing the town for all demographics. The research also informed the creation of a board game called "Penrynopoly" to facilitate further discussion about Penryn's future.
Youth Unemployment & Empowerment Initiatives, A case for Luangwa DistrictJohn Chituwo
This thesis paper evaluates youth unemployment and empowerment initiatives in Luangwa District, Zambia. The author interviewed 60 youths and 5 government/civil society officials. Of the youths, only 2 had formal employment, 15 were self-employed, and 43 had no employment or productive activities. 24 youths were unaware of empowerment initiatives while only 15 of 36 who knew of initiatives received support. The paper concludes that unemployment is critical among Luangwa youth but empowerment initiatives are having a small positive impact on some youth.
Framework for cooperative security in a region in transition challenges and...Kayode Fayemi
This document discusses the framework for cooperative security in Africa and challenges therein. It provides context around increased regional cooperation in the late 1980s/early 1990s due to various global and local factors. It examines ECOWAS as the leading example in West Africa, outlining the institutions and mechanisms it has established like the Mediation and Security Council, Defence and Security Commission, and ECOMOG forces. However, it notes ongoing challenges including issues of sovereignty, differing regional interests, donor dependence, and lack of a shared security vision among some member states. The example of Cote d'Ivoire highlights the need for frameworks to go beyond structures to enable timely, credible action on humanitarian crises.
Constitutional governance and institutions of horizontal accountabilityKayode Fayemi
This document discusses constitutional governance and institutions of horizontal accountability, using Nigeria's Independent Corrupt Practices Commission as a case study. It makes three key points:
1) Many African countries have established independent oversight commissions in their constitutions to promote accountability, but these commissions often lack true independence.
2) In Nigeria, while institutions like the Code of Conduct Bureau were established in 1979 to curb corruption, they fail to meet standards of independence and are subject to influence from the executive branch.
3) For oversight commissions to be effective, constitutions need to guarantee their autonomy, secure funding sources, and prosecutorial authority independent of the executive to hold public officials accountable without fear or favor.
1) The document discusses fears about Nigeria's upcoming 2003 elections, noting that past elections organized by incumbent governments were marred by fraud and violence.
2) It argues that elections commonly hold potential for violence in Africa due to high stakes, desperate players, and lack of civil opposition traditions from military rule histories.
3) While problems exist, Nigeria's democracy is maturing as the judiciary has ruled responsibly on contentious issues and other branches have respected its decisions, showing progress amid political transition challenges.
This document provides a historical analysis of the military in Nigeria and its role in politics and development. Some key points:
1. The military ruled Nigeria for 29 of its 43 years of independence and contributed significantly to damaging the state through corruption and centralization of power.
2. After four years of civilian rule, the military is said to be in retreat but its authoritarian tendencies and impact on discourse still linger.
3. To understand the military's complex role, the analysis examines the sociological and institutional underpinnings of its involvement in nation-building projects and democratic transitions over time.
4. The military had colonial origins as a small constabulary force that became politicized over
Democracy, Security & Poverty in Ghana: A Mid-Term Review of the Kufuor Admin...Kayode Fayemi
The document provides a mid-term review of Ghana's government under President Kufuor since taking office in 2000. It discusses key challenges facing the government, including preventing conflict while maintaining democracy, developing clear strategies to achieve economic and social progress, and addressing capacity constraints. While social and economic indicators place Ghana above other West African nations, ongoing political tensions since the 2000 election raise concerns about the government's ability to further improve living standards and meet democratic expectations. The greatest challenge is deepening democracy to ensure stability as the country works to develop.
1) The document discusses Ghana's role in celebrating Africa Day and involvement in African integration initiatives through the ECOWAS and AU. It notes that Ghanaian citizens were not sufficiently informed about important events like the entry into force of the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance on February 15th, 2012.
2) It recommends that Ghana could have played a leading role in popularizing the AU charter given its democratic credentials. It also suggests Ghana could help revise how election observers are chosen on the continent and build capacity for African citizens to participate in election observation.
3) It introduces the African Governance Architecture that the AU is establishing as a framework to promote democracy, governance, and human rights
This document summarizes research conducted to understand what futures young people want for Penryn and inform the development of the Neighbourhood Development Plan. The research utilized qualitative methods including surveys, participatory mapping, and interviews. Key findings included perceptions of divisions between students and locals, concerns about the town becoming too focused on students, and a desire to maintain Penryn's community and heritage. Recommendations focused on improving relationships between different groups and developing the town for all demographics. The research also informed the creation of a board game called "Penrynopoly" to facilitate further discussion about Penryn's future.
Youth Unemployment & Empowerment Initiatives, A case for Luangwa DistrictJohn Chituwo
This thesis paper evaluates youth unemployment and empowerment initiatives in Luangwa District, Zambia. The author interviewed 60 youths and 5 government/civil society officials. Of the youths, only 2 had formal employment, 15 were self-employed, and 43 had no employment or productive activities. 24 youths were unaware of empowerment initiatives while only 15 of 36 who knew of initiatives received support. The paper concludes that unemployment is critical among Luangwa youth but empowerment initiatives are having a small positive impact on some youth.
Framework for cooperative security in a region in transition challenges and...Kayode Fayemi
This document discusses the framework for cooperative security in Africa and challenges therein. It provides context around increased regional cooperation in the late 1980s/early 1990s due to various global and local factors. It examines ECOWAS as the leading example in West Africa, outlining the institutions and mechanisms it has established like the Mediation and Security Council, Defence and Security Commission, and ECOMOG forces. However, it notes ongoing challenges including issues of sovereignty, differing regional interests, donor dependence, and lack of a shared security vision among some member states. The example of Cote d'Ivoire highlights the need for frameworks to go beyond structures to enable timely, credible action on humanitarian crises.
Constitutional governance and institutions of horizontal accountabilityKayode Fayemi
This document discusses constitutional governance and institutions of horizontal accountability, using Nigeria's Independent Corrupt Practices Commission as a case study. It makes three key points:
1) Many African countries have established independent oversight commissions in their constitutions to promote accountability, but these commissions often lack true independence.
2) In Nigeria, while institutions like the Code of Conduct Bureau were established in 1979 to curb corruption, they fail to meet standards of independence and are subject to influence from the executive branch.
3) For oversight commissions to be effective, constitutions need to guarantee their autonomy, secure funding sources, and prosecutorial authority independent of the executive to hold public officials accountable without fear or favor.
1) The document discusses fears about Nigeria's upcoming 2003 elections, noting that past elections organized by incumbent governments were marred by fraud and violence.
2) It argues that elections commonly hold potential for violence in Africa due to high stakes, desperate players, and lack of civil opposition traditions from military rule histories.
3) While problems exist, Nigeria's democracy is maturing as the judiciary has ruled responsibly on contentious issues and other branches have respected its decisions, showing progress amid political transition challenges.
This document provides a historical analysis of the military in Nigeria and its role in politics and development. Some key points:
1. The military ruled Nigeria for 29 of its 43 years of independence and contributed significantly to damaging the state through corruption and centralization of power.
2. After four years of civilian rule, the military is said to be in retreat but its authoritarian tendencies and impact on discourse still linger.
3. To understand the military's complex role, the analysis examines the sociological and institutional underpinnings of its involvement in nation-building projects and democratic transitions over time.
4. The military had colonial origins as a small constabulary force that became politicized over
Democracy, Security & Poverty in Ghana: A Mid-Term Review of the Kufuor Admin...Kayode Fayemi
The document provides a mid-term review of Ghana's government under President Kufuor since taking office in 2000. It discusses key challenges facing the government, including preventing conflict while maintaining democracy, developing clear strategies to achieve economic and social progress, and addressing capacity constraints. While social and economic indicators place Ghana above other West African nations, ongoing political tensions since the 2000 election raise concerns about the government's ability to further improve living standards and meet democratic expectations. The greatest challenge is deepening democracy to ensure stability as the country works to develop.
This document provides an overview of security system reform (SSR) efforts in Africa. It finds that while most African governments have undertaken some degree of reform, few conform fully to the OECD definition of SSR. Reforms have often been piecemeal and driven by changing political and economic circumstances. The document then analyzes SSR contexts and efforts region by region in Africa. It finds drivers of reform include peace agreements, democratization, fiscal pressures, and deteriorating security situations. However, information on SSR remains limited. Overall, the document provides high-level context on security sector governance and reform across the African continent.
Needs, poverty and democracy in nigeria – an assessmentKayode Fayemi
This document analyzes trends in poverty and inequality in Nigeria over the past 20 years. It finds that poverty has significantly increased, with over 70% of Nigerians now living below the poverty line. Poverty is most prevalent in rural areas and northern regions but has also grown substantially in urban areas. Women and girls experience higher rates of poverty than men due to social and economic inequalities. While Nigeria has significant oil wealth, the Niger Delta region remains deeply impoverished due to underdevelopment and political repression over many years of military rule. Inadequate infrastructure, education, healthcare and opportunities continue to plague Nigeria and exacerbate poverty conditions.
Handbook on security sector governance.5Kayode Fayemi
This document discusses factors that are critical for a successful policy process in the security sector. It outlines four key issues: the importance of human and institutional capacity, policy communication and debate, policy analysis, and factors that initiate a policy review. It then examines three components of the policy management process: policy development, implementation, and oversight. The discussion focuses on managing a major policy review in the security sector, but notes the process can also apply to specific security sector policies.
Oaks grow from little acorns campaigning for democracy abroadKayode Fayemi
The document summarizes the history and work of international campaigns for democracy in Nigeria led by Nigerian activist groups abroad, particularly the New Nigeria Forum. It describes how in the early 1990s, these groups helped raise awareness of human rights issues in Nigeria and mobilize Nigerians living abroad against the military dictatorship. After the 1993 election annulment, the groups organized large protests and meetings with political leaders to further pressure the regime. While making progress, the campaign still faces challenges of disunity among opposition groups and powerful corporate interests supporting the military government. The document argues the campaign has been largely successful in internationalizing criticism of Nigeria's regime, but more work is still needed.
Helping prevent terrorism and violent conflict the development dimensionKayode Fayemi
The document discusses the development dimension of preventing terrorism and violent conflict in Africa. It argues that narrowly defining security as a military issue fails to address the root causes of conflicts, which are often related to lack of economic opportunity and political legitimacy. A human security approach is needed that considers individual livelihoods and promotes democracy, justice and inclusive development. International organizations must support long-term peacebuilding in a holistic manner rather than just focusing on short-term goals like elections.
Handbook on security sector governance.2Kayode Fayemi
This document summarizes key issues, indicators, and benchmarks for democratic governance in the security sector. It outlines 8 main goals: 1) rule of law and constitutionalism, 2) political representation, 3) personal security and access to justice, 4) national security and conflict prevention, 5) open and accountable institutions, 6) a broader understanding of security, 7) facilitative mechanisms for policy formulation and management, and 8) an enhanced international regime for democratic governance in security. For each goal, it lists objectives, targets, and potential indicators to measure progress toward democratic ideals in security sector governance.
Beyond presentability civil-military relations and the future of democratic...Kayode Fayemi
This summary provides an overview of the challenges to demilitarization and democratic consolidation in West Africa based on the document:
1) West Africa poses some of the greatest challenges to demilitarization due to a history of conflicts, increased arms flows, influence of private armies, and the prominent role of force in conflict resolution.
2) Successful demilitarization requires addressing both quantitative reductions in military forces as well as qualitative changes in military culture and influence.
3) Key challenges include overcoming the militarized mindset developed during decades of authoritarian rule, addressing the colonial legacy of West African militaries, and developing knowledgeable civilian oversight to replace military dominance over security policies.
Preventing Conflict and Promoting Peace and Security Within NEPAD and the Afr...Kayode Fayemi
This document discusses the peace and security cluster of NEPAD and the African Union. It notes that while NEPAD recognizes the importance of peace and security to development, it could take a more holistic, human security approach. It summarizes the key areas of focus in the peace and security cluster and comments that emphasizing democracy, governance, and human rights is commendable. However, translating these ideals into specific policies and ensuring effective implementation remains a challenge.
The document discusses Nigeria's ongoing political crisis and human rights issues under military rule. It summarizes that the military regime, led by General Abacha, has failed to transition the country to democracy as promised and instead continues to arbitrarily violate citizens' rights to choose their own leaders. Recent local elections were non-democratic and critics of the regime face harassment, arrest, or assassination. International pressure has not sufficiently addressed the crisis, undermining hopes for a peaceful resolution and democratic transition of power.
Peace and security in west africa any role for the commonwealthKayode Fayemi
The document discusses the role of the Commonwealth in promoting peace and security in West Africa. It notes that while the Commonwealth has helped address issues like democratic backsliding in some countries, its influence faces challenges due to unequal power dynamics between members and a consensus-based approach. However, the Commonwealth could still play an important role by promoting human security, democracy, conflict resolution and regional cooperation. Key will be taking a nuanced view of each country's situation and challenges to conflicts, and supporting locally-driven solutions over broad external interventions.
Kayode Fayemi interviews Wole Soyinka about the struggle for democracy in Nigeria. Soyinka believes the struggle is winnable despite setbacks, as the military regime only has superficial power and the people's moral position is strong. However, Soyinka warns that intensified resistance from the people or military divisions turning their guns on the regime could trigger another civil war. He does not feel safe in exile but will not stop campaigning, and notes the regime lacks legitimacy even among some of its own operatives and intelligence agents.
The document provides a historical analysis of the military in Nigeria, outlining several key points:
1. The Nigerian military originated as a small colonial constabulary force and was influenced by its colonial origins, weakening its professionalism.
2. The military ruled Nigeria for 29 of its first 43 years of independence and contributed significantly to damage of the state through corruption and centralization of power.
3. The military's intervention in politics in 1966 was initially welcomed but it exacerbated ethnic divisions and undermined its legitimacy.
4. The civil war strengthened the military's legitimacy and influence but the post-war government failed to maximize this opportunity, politicizing the armed forces and weakening accountability
Governor kayode fayemi's speech at the governors’ meeting for the development...Kayode Fayemi
This document is the text of a speech given by the Governor of Ekiti State welcoming other governors from Western Nigeria to a meeting to discuss developing a unified regional development agenda. The governor highlights the region's history of cooperation and development success. He expresses concern about the current state of underdevelopment and calls on the governors to work together to develop solutions, establish cooperation mechanisms, and create a new path of growth and progress for the region inspired by the leadership of Obafemi Awolowo.
Speech delivered by H.E. Joseph Nyuma Boakai, Sr at Tubman UniversitySolo Otto Gaye
K E Y N O T E A d d r e s s delivered By Honorable Joseph Nyuma Boakai, Sr. Vice President of the Republic of Liberia at the SPEAKERS’ BUREAU OF THE WILLIAM V.S. TUBMAN UNIVERSITY under the auspices of the Institutional Advancement Division, William V.S. Tubman University Campus, Harper, Maryland County on April 25, 2016
REFLECTIONS ON VALUES AND
THE BUILDING OF A SUCCESSOR GENERATION IN NIGERIA
Being the paper presented by
His Excellency Dr. Kayode FAYEMI
Governor, Ekiti State, Nigeria
At the 1st Interdisciplinary Lecture of the School Postgraduate Studies, Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria
Tuesday, February 26, 2013
Today, more than millions of people live in my
country affected by war and conflict — a majority of
which are under the age of 30 and below. These numbers
alone justify the inclusion and consideration of
youths in policymaking and planning. But in practice,
the meaningful participation of young people in
peacebuilding has been hindered by discourses that
overwhelmingly depict youths as victims or villains,
and from my personal experience, who lost his
a friend in a youth movement and the above reasons and
others, I am interested to promote youths as active
leaders and partners in peace-building processes and
decision-makers. I believe if we empower youths,
they can play a positive role in peacebuilding which
is why I choose this sector to work.
Governor Kayode Fayemi's Address at the 11th (Committee of Wives of Lagos Sta...Kayode Fayemi
1) The keynote address discusses the important role of women in Nigeria and argues that women are extremely relevant.
2) It notes that women bear the brunt of Nigeria's economic and social problems but that they also play vital roles in their communities and families through their work, advocacy, and leadership.
3) The speaker urges women to continue advocating for policies that promote gender equality and empowerment, and to raise their children and future generations to value women's contributions.
Journeys to Leadership- Narratives from the FieldCarisa Nietsche
This document profiles Adji Thiaw, a Senegalese woman leader who has advocated for women's representation and decision making power in her community of Yoff. She helped establish a community association, APECSY, to protect local lands and resources, but faced opposition increasing women's roles. Through perseverance and capacity building efforts, women have gained some decision making positions. Thiaw has also worked with Habitat for Humanity to provide affordable housing and advocated for gender parity laws in Senegal. While continuing her advocacy, she has faced challenges balancing professional and family responsibilities as well as gender biases in the workplace.
Text book on political parties and pressure groups full.ogbaji udochukwu
This document provides an overview of the concept of politics including various definitions from scholars. It discusses how politics involves interactions between people as they try to define their positions in society and struggle over scarce resources. Politics can be seen as the authoritative allocation of values as influenced by the shaping, distribution, and exercise of power. The document also notes that politics involves negotiation, arguments, and discussions to resolve issues and settle conflicts in a society. It aims to give students context on the meaning of politics before discussing political parties and pressure groups in Nigeria.
An address presented by Dr John Kayode Fayemi, the Governor of Ekiti State and visitor to the Ekiti State University at the 17th convocation ceremony of the University held on 31st March, 2012.
Annual public lecture delivered by Her Excellency Erelu Bisi Fayemi, to mark the Press Week of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Ekiti State Chapter.
This document provides an overview of security system reform (SSR) efforts in Africa. It finds that while most African governments have undertaken some degree of reform, few conform fully to the OECD definition of SSR. Reforms have often been piecemeal and driven by changing political and economic circumstances. The document then analyzes SSR contexts and efforts region by region in Africa. It finds drivers of reform include peace agreements, democratization, fiscal pressures, and deteriorating security situations. However, information on SSR remains limited. Overall, the document provides high-level context on security sector governance and reform across the African continent.
Needs, poverty and democracy in nigeria – an assessmentKayode Fayemi
This document analyzes trends in poverty and inequality in Nigeria over the past 20 years. It finds that poverty has significantly increased, with over 70% of Nigerians now living below the poverty line. Poverty is most prevalent in rural areas and northern regions but has also grown substantially in urban areas. Women and girls experience higher rates of poverty than men due to social and economic inequalities. While Nigeria has significant oil wealth, the Niger Delta region remains deeply impoverished due to underdevelopment and political repression over many years of military rule. Inadequate infrastructure, education, healthcare and opportunities continue to plague Nigeria and exacerbate poverty conditions.
Handbook on security sector governance.5Kayode Fayemi
This document discusses factors that are critical for a successful policy process in the security sector. It outlines four key issues: the importance of human and institutional capacity, policy communication and debate, policy analysis, and factors that initiate a policy review. It then examines three components of the policy management process: policy development, implementation, and oversight. The discussion focuses on managing a major policy review in the security sector, but notes the process can also apply to specific security sector policies.
Oaks grow from little acorns campaigning for democracy abroadKayode Fayemi
The document summarizes the history and work of international campaigns for democracy in Nigeria led by Nigerian activist groups abroad, particularly the New Nigeria Forum. It describes how in the early 1990s, these groups helped raise awareness of human rights issues in Nigeria and mobilize Nigerians living abroad against the military dictatorship. After the 1993 election annulment, the groups organized large protests and meetings with political leaders to further pressure the regime. While making progress, the campaign still faces challenges of disunity among opposition groups and powerful corporate interests supporting the military government. The document argues the campaign has been largely successful in internationalizing criticism of Nigeria's regime, but more work is still needed.
Helping prevent terrorism and violent conflict the development dimensionKayode Fayemi
The document discusses the development dimension of preventing terrorism and violent conflict in Africa. It argues that narrowly defining security as a military issue fails to address the root causes of conflicts, which are often related to lack of economic opportunity and political legitimacy. A human security approach is needed that considers individual livelihoods and promotes democracy, justice and inclusive development. International organizations must support long-term peacebuilding in a holistic manner rather than just focusing on short-term goals like elections.
Handbook on security sector governance.2Kayode Fayemi
This document summarizes key issues, indicators, and benchmarks for democratic governance in the security sector. It outlines 8 main goals: 1) rule of law and constitutionalism, 2) political representation, 3) personal security and access to justice, 4) national security and conflict prevention, 5) open and accountable institutions, 6) a broader understanding of security, 7) facilitative mechanisms for policy formulation and management, and 8) an enhanced international regime for democratic governance in security. For each goal, it lists objectives, targets, and potential indicators to measure progress toward democratic ideals in security sector governance.
Beyond presentability civil-military relations and the future of democratic...Kayode Fayemi
This summary provides an overview of the challenges to demilitarization and democratic consolidation in West Africa based on the document:
1) West Africa poses some of the greatest challenges to demilitarization due to a history of conflicts, increased arms flows, influence of private armies, and the prominent role of force in conflict resolution.
2) Successful demilitarization requires addressing both quantitative reductions in military forces as well as qualitative changes in military culture and influence.
3) Key challenges include overcoming the militarized mindset developed during decades of authoritarian rule, addressing the colonial legacy of West African militaries, and developing knowledgeable civilian oversight to replace military dominance over security policies.
Preventing Conflict and Promoting Peace and Security Within NEPAD and the Afr...Kayode Fayemi
This document discusses the peace and security cluster of NEPAD and the African Union. It notes that while NEPAD recognizes the importance of peace and security to development, it could take a more holistic, human security approach. It summarizes the key areas of focus in the peace and security cluster and comments that emphasizing democracy, governance, and human rights is commendable. However, translating these ideals into specific policies and ensuring effective implementation remains a challenge.
The document discusses Nigeria's ongoing political crisis and human rights issues under military rule. It summarizes that the military regime, led by General Abacha, has failed to transition the country to democracy as promised and instead continues to arbitrarily violate citizens' rights to choose their own leaders. Recent local elections were non-democratic and critics of the regime face harassment, arrest, or assassination. International pressure has not sufficiently addressed the crisis, undermining hopes for a peaceful resolution and democratic transition of power.
Peace and security in west africa any role for the commonwealthKayode Fayemi
The document discusses the role of the Commonwealth in promoting peace and security in West Africa. It notes that while the Commonwealth has helped address issues like democratic backsliding in some countries, its influence faces challenges due to unequal power dynamics between members and a consensus-based approach. However, the Commonwealth could still play an important role by promoting human security, democracy, conflict resolution and regional cooperation. Key will be taking a nuanced view of each country's situation and challenges to conflicts, and supporting locally-driven solutions over broad external interventions.
Kayode Fayemi interviews Wole Soyinka about the struggle for democracy in Nigeria. Soyinka believes the struggle is winnable despite setbacks, as the military regime only has superficial power and the people's moral position is strong. However, Soyinka warns that intensified resistance from the people or military divisions turning their guns on the regime could trigger another civil war. He does not feel safe in exile but will not stop campaigning, and notes the regime lacks legitimacy even among some of its own operatives and intelligence agents.
The document provides a historical analysis of the military in Nigeria, outlining several key points:
1. The Nigerian military originated as a small colonial constabulary force and was influenced by its colonial origins, weakening its professionalism.
2. The military ruled Nigeria for 29 of its first 43 years of independence and contributed significantly to damage of the state through corruption and centralization of power.
3. The military's intervention in politics in 1966 was initially welcomed but it exacerbated ethnic divisions and undermined its legitimacy.
4. The civil war strengthened the military's legitimacy and influence but the post-war government failed to maximize this opportunity, politicizing the armed forces and weakening accountability
Governor kayode fayemi's speech at the governors’ meeting for the development...Kayode Fayemi
This document is the text of a speech given by the Governor of Ekiti State welcoming other governors from Western Nigeria to a meeting to discuss developing a unified regional development agenda. The governor highlights the region's history of cooperation and development success. He expresses concern about the current state of underdevelopment and calls on the governors to work together to develop solutions, establish cooperation mechanisms, and create a new path of growth and progress for the region inspired by the leadership of Obafemi Awolowo.
Speech delivered by H.E. Joseph Nyuma Boakai, Sr at Tubman UniversitySolo Otto Gaye
K E Y N O T E A d d r e s s delivered By Honorable Joseph Nyuma Boakai, Sr. Vice President of the Republic of Liberia at the SPEAKERS’ BUREAU OF THE WILLIAM V.S. TUBMAN UNIVERSITY under the auspices of the Institutional Advancement Division, William V.S. Tubman University Campus, Harper, Maryland County on April 25, 2016
REFLECTIONS ON VALUES AND
THE BUILDING OF A SUCCESSOR GENERATION IN NIGERIA
Being the paper presented by
His Excellency Dr. Kayode FAYEMI
Governor, Ekiti State, Nigeria
At the 1st Interdisciplinary Lecture of the School Postgraduate Studies, Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria
Tuesday, February 26, 2013
Today, more than millions of people live in my
country affected by war and conflict — a majority of
which are under the age of 30 and below. These numbers
alone justify the inclusion and consideration of
youths in policymaking and planning. But in practice,
the meaningful participation of young people in
peacebuilding has been hindered by discourses that
overwhelmingly depict youths as victims or villains,
and from my personal experience, who lost his
a friend in a youth movement and the above reasons and
others, I am interested to promote youths as active
leaders and partners in peace-building processes and
decision-makers. I believe if we empower youths,
they can play a positive role in peacebuilding which
is why I choose this sector to work.
Governor Kayode Fayemi's Address at the 11th (Committee of Wives of Lagos Sta...Kayode Fayemi
1) The keynote address discusses the important role of women in Nigeria and argues that women are extremely relevant.
2) It notes that women bear the brunt of Nigeria's economic and social problems but that they also play vital roles in their communities and families through their work, advocacy, and leadership.
3) The speaker urges women to continue advocating for policies that promote gender equality and empowerment, and to raise their children and future generations to value women's contributions.
Journeys to Leadership- Narratives from the FieldCarisa Nietsche
This document profiles Adji Thiaw, a Senegalese woman leader who has advocated for women's representation and decision making power in her community of Yoff. She helped establish a community association, APECSY, to protect local lands and resources, but faced opposition increasing women's roles. Through perseverance and capacity building efforts, women have gained some decision making positions. Thiaw has also worked with Habitat for Humanity to provide affordable housing and advocated for gender parity laws in Senegal. While continuing her advocacy, she has faced challenges balancing professional and family responsibilities as well as gender biases in the workplace.
Text book on political parties and pressure groups full.ogbaji udochukwu
This document provides an overview of the concept of politics including various definitions from scholars. It discusses how politics involves interactions between people as they try to define their positions in society and struggle over scarce resources. Politics can be seen as the authoritative allocation of values as influenced by the shaping, distribution, and exercise of power. The document also notes that politics involves negotiation, arguments, and discussions to resolve issues and settle conflicts in a society. It aims to give students context on the meaning of politics before discussing political parties and pressure groups in Nigeria.
An address presented by Dr John Kayode Fayemi, the Governor of Ekiti State and visitor to the Ekiti State University at the 17th convocation ceremony of the University held on 31st March, 2012.
Annual public lecture delivered by Her Excellency Erelu Bisi Fayemi, to mark the Press Week of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Ekiti State Chapter.
Being the paper presented by
His Excellency Dr. Kayode FAYEMI, Governor, Ekiti State, Nigeria At the INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE’S (IRI) AFRICA REGIONAL GOVERNANCE BEST PRACTICES CONFERENCE, MOMBASSA, KENYA
Leadership in Difficult Times- Strategies for Overcoming Challenges - Reflect...Kayode Fayemi
I had the honour of delivering a keynote lecture titled "Sustainable Leadership Strategies for a Troubled Nation: Reflections of a Scholar-Politician" at the Induction Ceremony for postgraduate students in the Public Governance and Leadership Programme at the Abuja Leadership Centre, University of Abuja.
In my presentation, I focused on demystifying leadership in the African governance context and highlighted the role of leadership in promoting a just and sustainable peace. While acknowledging significant investments in leadership development in Africa, I emphasised the limitations of focusing solely on individual leaders without a robust institutional framework. Successful leadership, I argued, involves teamwork within a well-established infrastructure, addressing complex interplays of policies, politics, and power.
I stressed that leadership goes beyond placing the right individuals in office; it requires managing socio-political currents, consensus-building, and addressing structural drivers of conflict, such as poverty and inequality. Leaders must invest in managing diversity, leading by example, and addressing root causes to promote just peace. I highlighted the importance of a well-thought-out plan when transitioning from campaigning to governing and the need for policies to align with a sustainable and well-consulted plan.
The following outlines strategies that, in my belief, can contribute to the improvement of good governance in our challenging environment. First, understand that leadership is teamwork, not a solo effort. Two, pay attention to the big picture with a nuanced understanding of societal dynamics and focus on solutions; three, have a realistic plan based on wide consultations but be flexible; four, think through how to put a team together and also fund your promises to the electorate; five, don't ignore your civil service or suffocate your government with external consultants; six, own your communication and engage the electorate constantly; seven, change in government is often incremental, not revolutionary. What makes incremental change enduring is sustainability. Eight, sustainability rests on seamless succession and succession planning since governance is a continuum.
Sub National Governance in Nigeria - The Ekiti Example - Copy.docxKayode Fayemi
This document provides an overview of sub-national governance in Nigeria using the example of Ekiti State. It discusses the challenges of governing at the state level, including transitioning from campaigning to governing, developing a clear policy agenda and plan, making important appointments, funding priorities with limited resources, and adapting to changing circumstances. The author, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, draws on his experience as the former governor of Ekiti State to outline his policy agenda and 100-day plan, strategies for mobilizing development partners and financial resources, and lessons for new governors taking office.
This document summarizes the concluding remarks from a symposium on institutional autonomy. Some key points include:
- The symposium provided a forum for comparing policies and practices around institutional autonomy, which is an important concept that changes over time.
- Presentations at the symposium reinforced statements by IAU on topics like academic freedom and the responsibilities of universities.
- Autonomy must be continuously defined and balanced with various needs, as complete autonomy is not a "sacred cow." Universities need frameworks for accountability.
- Perspectives on autonomy differ in various contexts based on history, traditions, and impacts of globalization on education systems.
This document discusses Robin Morris's transition from his role as Associate Provost for Strategic Initiatives and Innovation at a university to returning to his position as a Regents' Professor of psychology at the end of the academic year. The author expresses gratitude for Morris's years of dedicated and impactful service in helping oversee the successful implementation of the university's strategic plan and supporting various institutes and programs. The role change was announced in a letter to the campus community.
The document discusses youth education in South Africa. It profiles Jimmy Nevis, a musician who started the Blue Collar Foundation to provide education opportunities for underprivileged youth. Nevis believes education is extremely important and has allowed him to achieve success. The Foundation provides bursaries to fund students' higher education. Nevis is optimistic about South Africa's youth if they pursue education to unlock opportunities and contribute to the country's future.
Belayneh is an Ethiopian professional with over 14 years of experience in social psychology, diplomacy, international relations, and peace and development studies. He works to empower youth and promote peacebuilding across Ethiopia through his co-founded organization, the Ethiopia People's Friendship Association (EPFA). Belayneh strives to contribute to a more peaceful world and believes that empowering youth is key to peacebuilding efforts. He is motivated to take on leadership roles and learn new skills to better achieve his organizational goals.
The document provides details about the University of South Florida (USF). It discusses that USF was one of the universities the author chose to pursue their undergraduate degree. It was founded in 1956 and is the fourth largest public university in Florida. USF has three campuses serving nearly 48,000 students. The document then discusses the vision, mission and structure of USF's student affairs department.
This document is the January 8th Statement 2022 from the African National Congress (ANC). It summarizes the current situation in South Africa, including the ongoing impacts of COVID-19 and efforts to rebuild after state capture. It outlines 5 priorities for the ANC in 2022: 1) Build a social compact to address unemployment and poverty, 2) Defend democratic gains against attempts to undermine the constitution, 3) Accelerate ANC renewal, 4) Build a capable developmental state, and 5) Continue working for a better Africa and world. The statement calls for urgent action on unemployment, land reform, climate change, and COVID vaccination, while defending recent democratic progress.
Productivity for Sustainable Entrepreneurship and EmploymentKayode Fayemi
Being the Keynote Address by
H.E. Dr. Kayode Fayemi, CON
Minister of Mines and Steel Development
Federal Republic of Nigeria
at the Annual Lecture of the
16th National Productivity Day organized by
THE NATIONAL PRODUCTIVITY CENTRE
STATE OF THE SOLID MINERALS SECTOR AND WAY FORWARDKayode Fayemi
STATE OF THE SOLID MINERALS SECTOR AND WAY FORWARD
Presented by
Dr. ‘Kayode Fayemi, CON
Minister of Solid Minerals Development
at the Inaugural Media Briefing of the Ministry
on Monday, December 21, 2015
Promoting Stewardship in Public ServiceKayode Fayemi
By
J. ’Kayode FAYEMI, PhD., CON
Former Governor of Ekiti State, Nigeria
at the
Excellence in Leadership Conference 2015
Daystar Christian Centre, Oregun, Lagos
Wednesday, November 4, 2015
LEADERSHIP FACTORS AND GOOD CORPORATE GOVERNANCE: KEY TO NATIONAL GROWTH AND ...Kayode Fayemi
Paper by His Excellency
J. ’Kayode FAYEMI
Former Governor of Ekiti State, Nigeria
at the 2015 Edition of the
Akintola Williams Distinguished Lecture Series
Muson Centre, Onikan, Lagos, Nigeria
Thursday, October 22, 2015
Intellectuals In Politics And Governance In Africa: The Lessons And Legacies ...Kayode Fayemi
the text of the paper by His Excellency
Dr. John Kayode Fayemi
Former Governor of Ekiti State, Nigeria
At the 3rd Annual John Atta Mills Memorial Lecture
Accra, Ghana
Tuesday, July 21, 2015
19 Ekiti State House of Assembly Members Letter Kayode Fayemi
19 APC members of the Ekiti State House of Assembly writes the Minister of Finance, Body of Attorney generals and Minister of Works denouncing the appointment of Commissioner for works, Commissioner for finance and Commissioner for justice in the state.
As the last child in the Fayemi household, my arrival was heralded with song and dance. Although my birth elicited genuine excitement on the part of my siblings, it was for my mother a cautious welcome. My mother’s caution was understandable having lost a boy and two girls in quick succession before my arrival.
The document is a speech given by Dr. Kayode Fayemi, the Governor of Ekiti State in Nigeria, at The Future Awards Symposium for Young and Emerging Leaders in 2012. In the speech, he discusses three main points:
1) The importance of grooming a successor generation of leaders through formal education, training, and mentorship in order to ensure sustained development through a planned political succession process.
2) The need for leadership to be values-driven by motivating citizens to solve community problems rather than reinforcing state control, and rebuilding public and private institutions.
3) The challenge for political leaders to reconnect democratic choices with people's daily lives
Tackling Poverty from the Roots – the Role of MediaKayode Fayemi
The document discusses the role of media in tackling poverty in Nigeria. It notes that poverty in Nigeria is widespread and deep, with over 70% of the population living below the poverty line. It argues that poverty is rooted in unequal power relations and mismanagement of resources. The media can play a crucial role in highlighting the scope and depth of poverty, and ensuring stakeholders comprehensively address it. The document outlines lessons for developing an effective anti-poverty strategy, including the need for conceptual clarity, local empowerment, reconciling economic and social development, problematizing the link between globalization and poverty reduction, and locating poverty reduction within democratic governance. It emphasizes that empowering local communities and decentralizing power is key to ultimately
The Responsibility to Protect Report: Lessons from West AfricaKayode Fayemi
This document summarizes the development of the ECOWAS Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security. It discusses how ECOWAS has evolved from focusing primarily on economic cooperation to developing institutions and protocols to address security issues and humanitarian intervention in member states. While progress has been made, challenges remain regarding implementation and achieving consensus among members on security. The document recommends strengthening regional values, democratic governance, capacity building, and developmental regionalism to further cooperative security in West Africa.
Essential Tools for Modern PR Business .pptxPragencyuk
Discover the essential tools and strategies for modern PR business success. Learn how to craft compelling news releases, leverage press release sites and news wires, stay updated with PR news, and integrate effective PR practices to enhance your brand's visibility and credibility. Elevate your PR efforts with our comprehensive guide.
Here is Gabe Whitley's response to my defamation lawsuit for him calling me a rapist and perjurer in court documents.
You have to read it to believe it, but after you read it, you won't believe it. And I included eight examples of defamatory statements/
13062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
Youngest c m in India- Pema Khandu BiographyVoterMood
Pema Khandu, born on August 21, 1979, is an Indian politician and the Chief Minister of Arunachal Pradesh. He is the son of former Chief Minister of Arunachal Pradesh, Dorjee Khandu. Pema Khandu assumed office as the Chief Minister in July 2016, making him one of the youngest Chief Ministers in India at that time.
Howard Fineman, Veteran Political Journalist and TV Pundit, Dies at 75
Resurgent Regionalism and Democratic Development in Western Nigeria Challenges and Prospects
1. Resurgent
Regionalism
and
Democratic
Development
in
Western
Nigeria:
Challenges
and
Prospects
PROTOCOLS
Let
us
begin
from
the
beginning,
with
first
things
first.
It
gives
me
great
pleasure
to
be
here
today
to
address
some
of
the
most
brilliant
minds
that
Nigeria
can
boast
of.
And
I
like
to
say
thank
you
to
my
brother
and
the
Governor
of
Osun
State,
Ogbeni
Rauf
Aregbesola
and
the
Vice
Chancellor
of
the
Obafemi
Awolowo
University,
Professor
Tale
Omole.
Between
them,
both
men
shared
the
burden
of
being
hosts-‐in-‐chief
to
our
team.
I
can
testify
that
so
far,
they
have
hosted
us
very
well.
Permit
me
to
also
express
our
profound
appreciation
to
the
Ekiti
Development
Network
of
the
Obafemi
Awolowo
University
(OAU),
or
Great
Ife)
for
this
initiative.
I
understand
it
is
the
very
first
on
this
scale
by
the
Network.
By
offering
us
this
platform,
the
Network
is
lending
a
hand
in
our
quest
to
engage
purposefully
with
our
people
everywhere.
In
our
view,
the
result
can
only
be
a
series
of
exchanges
that
sharpen
our
perspectives
on
what
we
should
and
can
do
and
especially
how
to
do
it.
This
gives
all
stakeholders
a
window
on
what
–
and
how
much
–
to
expect
from
us.
I
also
feel
even
more
privileged
to
stand
before
you
because,
as
I
see
it,
Great
Ife
has
always
had
a
bias
for
public
service.
To
that
extent,
the
event
of
this
morning
speaks
of
a
home-‐coming
as
rare
and
as
significant
as
anyone
can
imagine.
It
is
a
historic
fact
that
the
University
of
Ife,
as
it
then
was,
started
with
robust
linkages
between
town
and
gown.
Not
only
was
agriculture
a
main
plank
of
the
University’s
research
agenda,
practitioners
were
warmly
welcomed.
Thus
S.K.T.
Williams,
a
senior
agricultural
extension
officer
would
join
the
faculty
at
Ife,
become
a
professor,
and
serve
as
a
Deputy
Vice
Chancellor.
By
the
same
token,
Ife’s
Institute
of
Administration
would
serve
as
a
‘finishing
school’
of
1
2.
sorts
for
newly
recruited
Administrative
Officers
in
the
old
Western
Region
and
elsewhere.
It
would
also
help
retrain
and
re-‐tool
officers-‐on-‐the-‐job.
I
am
gratified
to
note
that
the
training
needs
of
the
civil
service
in
the
southwest
are
still
being
met
by
various
units
of
OAU,
not
least
by
my
own
the
Faculty
of
Administration.
There
are
personal
aspects
to
the
linkages
as
well.
Not
many
are
aware
that
I
am
a
Great
Ife
myself.
That
I
once
drank
from
the
veritable
spring
of
learning
and
culture
that
this
university
has
always
been
–
and,
hopefully,
will
always
be.
Fewer
still,
may
know
for
a
fact
that
Ife
gave
me
a
wife,
so
to
speak.
It
was
on
these
beautiful,
inspiring
grounds,
exactly
inside
the
Hezekiah
Oluwasanmi
Library
that
Bisi
and
I
began
a
friendship
that
has
since
blossomed
into
a
life-‐partnership
powered
as
much
by
mutual
affection
as
by
shared,
deep-‐commitment
to
social
actions
in
pursuit
of
a
life
more
abundant
for
all
and
sundry.
Mr
Governor,
Mr
Vice
Chancellor,
colleague-‐academics,
ladies
and
gentlemen,
please
allow
me,
on
behalf
of
my
family,
to
express
our
most
profound
gratitude
to
Great
Ife
for
the
enduring
gifts
is
has
bestowed
on
us.
I
do
not
know
now
if
some
day
in
the
future,
Great
Ife
would
ask
for
a
fee
or
some
recompense
for
providing
the
setting
in
which
priceless
gift
of
love
and
companionship
came
my
way,
but
suffice
it
to
say
that
I
remain
personally
indebted
to
this
great
institution.
Nigerians
emerged
from
recent
elections
more
emboldened
than
before
about
the
prospects
of
the
democratic
enterprise.
Yet
our
country
remains
at
a
critical
crossroads.
Although
election
has
come
and
gone,
the
first
challenge
that
the
President
confronted
was
post-‐election
violence
in
parts
of
the
north
believed
to
have
been
caused
by
perceived
inequities
much
deeper
than
what
happened
during
the
election.
Nowhere
are
the
limits
of
the
democratic
project
in
Nigeria
more
apparent
than
in
the
question
of
creating
appropriate
institutional
arrangements
for
the
political
accommodation
and
management
of
social
diversities
and
difference.
By
its
very
nature,
the
working
of
democratic
politics
radically
alters
the
existing
social
boundaries
and
divisions,
often
accentuating
hitherto
dormant
identities
and
conflicts
in
a
supposedly
united
entity.
The
consequences
of
the
relationship
between
the
two
have
not
only
posed
a
challenge
to
those
who
seek
to
understand
these
dynamics,
it
has
also
placed
a
question
mark
on
the
very
viability
of
Nigeria’s
democratic
enterprise.
It
is
in
this
sense
that
the
debate
on
the
post-‐election
violent
phenomenon
known
as
Boko
Haram
is
itself
a
debate
about
the
status
and
quality
of
democracy
in
Nigeria;
a
debate
about
the
future
2
3.
of
the
country
as
a
united,
federal
entity.
With
bombs
going
off
occasionally
in
the
Federal
capital
and
the
North
Eastern
part
of
the
country
in
particular
and
an
increasing
level
of
panic
in
other
parts
of
the
country,
thinking
of
innovative
ways
of
accommodating
social
diversity
in
a
democratic
frame
is
a
challenge
that
is
at
once
intellectual
and
political
and
it
is
perhaps
the
greatest
challenge
to
democratic
transition
and
security
in
our
country
today.
There
is
a
positive
angle
to
this
challenge,
if
only
in
the
realisation
that
democratic
transition
in
countries
emerging
from
prolonged
authoritarian
past
should
elicit
restrained,
rather
than
exaggerated
expectations
after
elections.
Unfortunately,
the
euphoria
that
often
accompanies
elections
relegates
this
position,
treating
elections
as
end
in
themselves
and
processes
assumed
to
be
irreversible.
The
superficiality
of
these
claims
begin
to
manifest
itself
sooner
rather
than
later.
When
fragile
‘democracies’
receive
reminders
of
their
own
precarious
status,
as
has
been
the
case
in
Nigeria
in
the
last
two
months,
the
hope
is
that
the
realisation
would
encourage
those
of
us
in
government
and
citizen-‐observers
to
think
less
teleologically
about
democratic
transitions
automatically
producing
democratic
development
and
more
pragmatically
in
search
of
institutional
frameworks
for
deepening
our
democracy.
Given
the
experience
of
post-‐Cold
War
democratic
transitions
in
Africa
in
the
last
decade,
this
understanding
should
now
be
commonplace.
Indeed,
while
democratic
transitions
may
lead
to
democratic
development,
forged
transitions
have
not
necessarily
led
to
consolidating
democracies
nor
stemmed
the
tide
of
democratic
reversals,
especially
in
places
where
the
ethos,
language
and
character
of
public
discourse
have
been
completely
militarised
and
there
remains
several
unresolved
questions
of
identity,
nationality,
ethnicity
and
management
of
social
and
religious
diversities.
Consequently,
it
is
my
view
that
we
must
at
least
see
what
is
happening
in
Nigeria
today
as
an
outcome
of
the
nature
of
the
country’s
democratic
transition
and
an
argument
for
treating
Nigeria’s
quest
for
democracy
as
a
work
in
progress
that
is
not
easily
susceptible
to
instructions
from
above.
Boko-Haram, Democracy and the Current State of the Nigerian Nation
One
dominant
way
of
explaining
recent
controversy
around
Boko
Haram
has
been
to
trace
it
to
some
kind
of
Moslem
exceptionalism;
an
exceptionalism
which
allegedly
makes
moslem
societies
incapable
of
3
4.
democratisation
because
of
the
pre-‐ determined
nature
of
religion
as
a
way
of
life
–
an
implicit
constitution
providing
a
blueprint
of
a
social
order
for
all
moslems.
The
view
that
poses
Islam
in
some
sort
of
oppositional
‘clash
of
civilisation’
remains
an
attractive
one
and
has
influenced
attitudes
and
coverage
of
the
popular
media
in
Post
9/11
world
and
even
here
in
Nigeria
but
it
is
one
that
is
contested
in
every
Moslem
society.
In
the
Nigerian
case,
it
obfuscates
rather
than
explains
what
is
responsible
for
the
present
dangers
that
are
threatening
the
polity.
One,
the
ethnic-‐religious
construction
of
the
problem
has
made
it
impossible
for
people
to
come
out
and
take
a
clear
and
enlightened
stand
on
the
post
election
violence
and
Boko
Haram
debate.
If
you
were
from
the
north
of
Nigeria,
you
are
expected
to
call
for
dialogue
with
Boko
Haram
because
you
are
not
expected
to
openly
attack
its
adherents.
If
you
were
from
the
southern
part
of
the
country,
you
opposed
it
and
call
for
maximum
weight
of
the
law
against
it,
whilst
using
it
as
a
crutch
to
attack
the
Hausa-‐Fulani
–
often
accused
to
be
at
the
butt
of
all
problems
in
Nigeria.
In
reality,
the
thousand
odd
lives
that
have
been
lost
to
violence
since
the
advent
of
civilian
rule
in
Nigeria
have
occurred
as
a
result
of
a
combination
of
factors
-‐
environmental/decentralisation
problems
(Odi,
Niger
Delta),
inter-‐ethnic/religious
animosities
(Kaduna,
Aba)
and
land/intra-‐ethnic
disputes
(Ife/Modakeke,
Takum/Jukun,
Urhobo/Itsekiri).
This
is
a
pointer
to
the
fact
that
there
is
nothing
unique
in
the
violence
that
has
followed
elections
in
the
Northern
part
of
the
country
co-‐mingling
with
Boko
Haram,
unfortunate
and
unwelcome
as
it
is.
It
is
also
an
indication
of
a
problem
much
more
fundamental
about
the
nature
of
the
Nigerian
state,
a
problem
that
is
cross-‐sectional,
cross
religion
and
cross
regional.
The
challenge
is
therefore
to
place
post
election
violence
and
ethnic
crisis
within
the
context
of
the
people’s
efforts
to
clarify
the
link
between
citizenship
and
rights
whilst
handling
difference
in
a
supposedly
liberal
democracy.
Beyond
all
the
arguments
about
religion,
the
fundamental
issue
about
Boko
Haram
and
post
election
violence
is
that
it
now
lies
at
the
heart
of
identity
politics
in
Nigeria
and
the
centrality
that
identity
politics
has
assumed
has
ensured
that
it
is
not
being
clothed
in
other
intervening
variables.
Why
is
this
so?
My
argument
is
that
many
of
the
internal
contradictions
of
the
Nigerian
state
have
been
sharpened
to
a
point
that
the
bare
bones
are
now
visible.
The
failure
to
resolve
the
national(ity)
question
in
an
inclusive
manner
is
evident
in
the
varied
responses
across
country
to
conflicts
over
identity,
nationality,
self-‐determination
and
autonomy.
These
issues
are,
in
turn,
bound
up
with
such
questions
as
what
manner
of
federation
do
Nigerians
want?
Unlike
in
the
past
when
military
governments
always
drove
such
‘sensitive’
issues
underground,
Nigerians
are
now
forcing
these
issues
in
4
5.
the
open
and
the
hitherto
authoritarian
might
of
the
federal
centre
is
being
put
to
test.
This
view,
self-‐evident
as
it
is
does
not
strip
bare
the
explanatory
power
of
other
causes
-‐
causes
which
reside
in
the
political
and
economic
realm
of
the
Nigerian
crisis
today.
For
example,
there
can
be
no
doubt
that
the
Boko
Haram
issue
and
the
post
election
violence
in
the
North
are
clearly
reactions
to
perceived
or
real
loss
of
power
by
an
elite
stratum
that
is
predominantly
“Northern”
and
also
“Moslem”
even
if
the
leading
figures
in
this
agenda
do
not
necessarily
count
religious
piety
among
their
greatest
attributes.
What
is
happening
in
my
view
is
a
contest
over
raw
political
power:
who
lost
power,
who
won
power,
and
who
wants
power
back.
The
processes
that
threw
up
President
Goodluck
Jonathan
as
the
candidate
of
this
elite
stratum
were
intimately
bound
up
with
the
political
crisis
that
has
gripped
the
‘northern’
political
class.
For
a
political
‘north’,
which
has
always
been
in
position
of
power
and
authority,
the
idea
of
getting
used
to
‘powerlessness’
poses
a
huge
challenge.
This
is
a
crisis
for
power
brokers
and
beneficiaries
of
power
in
the
north.
And
one
of
the
ways
in
which
the
Boko
Haram
is
being
interpreted
is
the
service
it
offers
such
power
deprived
elite
stratum
to
play
cynical
politics
without
alienating
themselves
from
their
communities.
Linked
to
this
of
course
is
the
contest
between
the
conservative
traditional
authority
and
a
more
progressive
successor
generation
in
the
North.
There
is
clearly
a
breakdown
in
this
traditional
authority
in
the
north
where
it
used
to
be
very
strong
in
the
country.
Young,
dynamic
and
street
smart
politicians
are
edging
out
the
old
(a
common
phenomenon
all
over
the
country)
but
they
are
yet
to
consolidate
their
grip
on
power
and
Islamic
radicalism
offers
a
strong
incentive
on
that
consolidation
agenda.
Hence,
the
perennial
but
oft-‐denied
accusation
that
the
erstwhile
Governor
of
Borno
State
was
the
progenitor
of
Boko-‐Haram,
as
a
means
of
protecting
his
party’s
precarious
hold
on
power
in
a
State
perceived
to
run
the
risk
of
losing
power
to
the
People’s
Democratic
Party
(PDP).
For
the
leading
lights
of
the
Boko
Haram
campaign
therefore,
religion
offered
a
most
appropriate
mechanism
for
winning
over
a
largely
sceptical
citizenry
in
communities
where
leaders
were
largely
perceived
as
‘dealers’
-‐
and
totally
unrepresentative
of
the
interests
of
their
toiling
masses
who
voted
them
into
office.
But
convincing
as
the
‘power’
argument
is,
it
cannot
explain
why
it
has
fired
popular
imagination
amongst
ordinary
people
in
Northern
Nigeria.
That
explanation
has
to
come
from
somewhere
else.
The
issue
of
democracy
dividend
assumes
centrality
here
when
one
examines
the
reckless
abandon
of
those
involved
in
the
post-‐election
violence
and
the
Boko
Haram
crisis.
But
perhaps
there
is
method
to
this
madness
and
a
logic
to
the
action
of
a
people
who
had
little
at
stake
-‐
especially
if
one
locates
their
5
6.
action
within
the
context
of
communities
where
the
youths
are
largely
deprived.
It
is
a
fact
that
the
foot
soldiers
of
the
post
election
violence
are
the
unemployed
youths
still
awaiting
their
own
democracy
dividends.
This
therefore
means
the
problem
goes
beyond
religion.
It
is
about
the
disillusionment
of
those
who
had
been
hard
done
by;
underscoring
the
importance
of
tackling
the
underlying
problems
which
issues
like
Boko
Haram
feed
on.
As
long
as
we
have
the
unemployed,
the
hungry
and
the
desperate,
a
hapless
citizenry
would
always
be
exploited
by
the
manipulators
of
difference,
secure
in
the
knowledge
that
there
would
be
foot
soldiers
to
take
their
war
to
the
street.
The
same
is
true
of
the
exploitation
of
other
problems
around
the
country.
Yet,
valid
as
the
above
is,
it
would
still
be
wrong
to
dismiss
the
place
of
religion
altogether
in
the
current
debate.
Indeed,
the
Shari’a
issue
can
be
seen
as
a
response
by
so-‐called
Islamic
fundamentalism
to
an
equally
virulent
form
of
Christian
fundamentalism.
The
advent
and
proliferation
of
Pentecostal
Christianity
as
a
powerful
social
and
political
force
in
Nigeria
represents
a
growing
concern
amongst
Moslems
and
orthodox
Christians
alike.
The
sight
of
a
President
Jonathan
kneeling
down
before
popular
Pastor
Adeboye
of
the
Redeemed
Church
sends
a
more
definitive
statement
about
who
is
perceived
to
be
in
charge
in
some
religious
circles.
It
was
no
surprise
therefore
that
General
Buhari
countered
that
by
his
choice
of
a
southern
radical
Pastor
as
running
mate.
In
addition,
there
is
a
sense
in
which
it
is
believed
that
Christians
have
also
now
appropriated
Jonathan’s
government
as
their
own
government.
The
problem
is
that
this
Pentecostal
strain
of
Christianity
is
fundamentalist,
and
viscerally
opposed
to
resurgent
Islam,
unlike
the
erstwhile
mainstream
churches
(Catholic
and
Protestant)
which
are
more
liberal
and
embracing.
This
has
created
genuine
tension
in
between
the
Christian/Moslem
communities
in
Nigeria.
Many
Christians
have
become
more
confident
and
outspoken.
It
would
appear
that
Christians
have
concluded
that
religion
has
played
a
key
part
in
ensuring
the
tenacity
and
staying
power
of
Moslems
in
government
over
these
years,
hence
the
signs
and
symbols
of
government
have
taken
on
a
strong,
Christian
streak.
This
represents
an
extreme
form
of
religiosity,
which
has
overtaken
the
Nigerian
landscape,
threatening
it
to
its
very
foundations.
Whilst
it
may
not
resolve
all
of
the
problems,
one
solution
to
the
on-‐going
crisis
lies
in
making
the
State
a
neutral
arena,
separate
from
religion,
in
which
people
of
different
faiths,
and
those
of
no
faiths
can
meet
on
equal
terms.
This
is
not
a
suggestion
to
exclude
religion
from
public
life
–
an
argument
that
will
be
vigorously
opposed
by
both
Moslems
and
Christians.
Indeed,
one
will
be
underestimating
the
pro-‐Sharia
and
Pentecostal
forces,
especially
the
way
they
have
seized
popular
imagination
and
clearly
influenced
public
opinion
in
the
6
7.
domain
of
operation,
using
strategies
to
sway
the
ordinary
people
in
communities
where
there
is
an
acute
failure
of
leadership.1
Resurgent
Regionalism
as
a
Response
to
Nigeria’s
Crisis
of
Governance
What then is the connection between regionalism and the crisis of governance that
Nigeria is currently experiencing? The connection, in my humble opinion lies in the search for
the most appropriate institutional mechanism for promoting consensus, mediating conflict and
managing diversities in a multi-ethnic, multi-religious country. What has compounded the
governance crisis and underplayed the need for dialogue have been the pervasive role of oil and
the influence of years of military rule in Nigeria. The militarisation of the national psyche also
affects individuals in their daily lives. Nigeria witnessed, especially under military dictatorship
and the civilian government under President Obasanjo, intense communal conflicts that disrupted
peaceful relations in several communities. Some of the conflicts have antecedents in old
animosities, but many were resource-driven, spurred by perceptions of unequal distribution of
government resources. Causes of increased violence and crime include the high unemployment
and poverty levels. At root however is the loss of a culture of compromise and accommodation.
This point cannot be overemphasised: Nigerians lost their culture of dialogue in a period when
militarisation and the primacy of force had become state policy. All will agree that we need to
return to a culture of dialogue. Any indication that government is willing to create the conditions
for dialogue in the country is bound to reduce the increasing level of tension since many within
deprived communities now believe the only language that government understands is violence.
And it is commendable that President Jonathan has significantly reduced the rampaging,
authoritarian streak in government.
While Nigerians are happy about this new disposition and acknowledge that the
demilitarisation of politics has widened the space within which democratic reform is taking
1
A recent survey on popular attitudes to democracy in Nigeria reveals, not surprisingly, that the average Nigerian in
a crisis situation will first approach a religious priest/malam, and or a traditional ruler. The elected representative
comes last in the list. See Afrobarometer survey, “Down to Earth: Changes in Attitudes Toward Democracy and the
Markets in Nigeria” November 2001,(www.afrobarometer.org)
7
8.
place, many believe that this will not automatically translate into a complete
overhaul of politics from its military roots, especially in a body politic that has become so
atomised and unitarised, and in which the symbols, values, and ethos of the ‘big-man’ are now
replicated in large sections of society. Yet while we must alter the landscape of Nigerian politics
by removing the obstacles of region, ethnicity, religion and personality so that our people can see
the issues in a clear sighted manner, this can only happen within the context of current socio-
economic realities. It is now clear to all that the formal end of authoritarian rule did not lead to
the acceptance of the nation state as representing a broad social consensus beyond the juridical
principles enshrined in the constitution. Without a doubt, issues of nationality, identity and
ethnicity still dominate the analysis of nation-state, state building and democratic transition in
Nigeria, especially following the end of military rule in 1999. These concerns are attended to by
the prevalence and ferocity of internal conflicts across the country, thereby leading scholars to
suggest that the State can be reconstituted purely on the basis of resolving the quandaries of
nationality, identity and ethnicity.
Yet while the challenges we face maybe internal and ethnic in nature, oftentimes the
interlocking nature of these challenges underscore the artificiality of state boundaries and call for
a broader response driven by social consensus. If it is the case that the challenges are regional,
and perhaps global, as they involve a range of different actors – national, sub-national and trans-
national, it stands to reason that their resolutions must also involve a range of options including
regional ones. Important as it is to resolve the crisis of governance on a state basis, tying
solutions to territorial boundaries in a nation in which power is located in sub-national and supra-
national political, social and economic networks undermine the envisioned end-product of
development, at least in the creation of social harmony and consensus amongst different
communities and constituencies within the polity.
As things are, Nigeria is trapped between the extremes of a super-nation and the inward
looking localisation that wears the toga of ethnocentrism resulting in the increasing illegitimacy
of the artificial state. This is where the opportunity offered by a return to regionalism as a
panacea to the much weakened state comes in. Indeed, it seems to me that any prospects for
democratisation and development in Nigeria must build on the scaffolding of regionalism if it is
to experience any chance of success. The last decade in Nigeria has witnessed the strengthening
of integrative development links in the South-South(BRACED Commission), Northern
8
9.
Governors Forum, South East Governors’ Forum and now our own
modest emerging steps in Western Nigeria. Yet, regional dimension to governance and
development can still be influenced by national and sub-national factors. In rethinking
regionalism therefore, it is necessary to go beyond the proforma creation of mechanisms that are
just mere technicalities. For regionalism to be an effective antidote to extreme nationalism and
ethnocentrism, it must consciously permeate the State in a more deeply rooted manner.
Otherwise, if the current challenges posed to the State by non-State actors are gauged, the future
prospects for the consolidation of the processes of democratisation are slim, if not non-existent.
It is for this reason that the recognition of the necessity of a multi-dimensional understanding of
development without a re-conceptualisation of state boundaries will ultimately undermine the
search for a holistic developmental agenda.
What
then
are
the
prospects
for
deepening
our
fledgling
democracy
through
regional
integration?
How
do
we
ensure
that
our
states
can
rise
above
territorial
inhibitions
to
embrace
a
regional
development
agenda?
Given
the
manner
in
which
Nigeria
has
found
herself
between
the
forces
of
globalisation
and
the
strictures
of
localisation,
the
road
to
development
has
become
more
tortuous,
provoking
in
its
wake
increased
post-‐election
violence
and
insecurity
in
communities
and
constituencies
that
espouse
democratic
norms
and
values.
Faced
with
the
artificiality
of
states
and
the
refusal
to
fully
embrace
the
recalcitrant
nation,
it
would
appear
that
at
no
time
has
the
need
to
turn
to
consensual
resolutions
become
more
urgent.
This
increasing
importance
of
regionalism
in
Nigeria
must
be
located
within
the
twin
trajectories
of
the
incipient
localisation
of
conflicts
and
the
nationalisation
of
political
and
economic
realities.
In
arguing
for
a
re-‐conceptualisation
of
the
concept
of
regional
development
which
de-‐
emphasises
state
boundaries,
the
motive
is
not
a
form
of
territorial
revisionism.
Instead,
our
intention
is
the
revision
of
the
territorial
state
where
artificial
boundaries
have
formed
the
legitimating
force
for
arrested
development
in
several
states,
thereby
turning
them
into
empty
constitutional
entities
which
are
totally
meaningless
to
their
internal
publics.
Translated
into
a
sustainable
democratic
agenda,
it
is
safe
to
argue
in
favour
of
a
confinable
regional
development
mechanism
that
is
properly
structured.
Development
Agenda
for
Western
Nigeria
9
10. The
above
represents
the
strategic
and
theoretical
basis
for
our
current
regional
developmental
programme
in
Western
Nigeria
(incorporating
the
eight
states
carved
out
of
the
old
Western
State).
It
is
aimed
at
facilitating
the
process
of
political,
legal,
economic,
social
and
cultural
cooperation
between
juridical
states
for
rapid
growth
and
development.
We
believe
that
collaboration,
properly
conceived
and
structured
will
enable
participant
states
to
prosecute
projects
in
areas
of
mutual
benefits
and
comparative
advantages
in
a
cooperative
manner
as
a
way
of
reinventing
the
development
paradigm
of
the
old
Western
region.
Integration
therefore
binds
participant
states
to
put
on
the
front
burner
collective
interest
and
place
an
obligation
on
them
to
cooperate
and
support
one
another
and
avoid
destructive
competition
over
resources.
For
us,
development
is
freedom
and
it
is
the
essential
basis
of
life
more
abundant
and
to
this
end
–
the
provision
of
infrastructure,
transportation,
power
generation,
commerce,
agriculture
and
other
emerging
areas
like
information
technology
is
a
sine
qua
non.
When
Governors
of
Western
Nigeria
met
in
Ado-‐Ekiti
on
July
8th
2011,
the
intention
was
to
kick
start
the
process
of
building
a
new
momentum
for
engaging
and
mobilising
our
people,
respective
states
and
inherent
capacities.
It
will
also
enable
us
to
build
a
consensus
on
major
issues
of
communal
concern
and
also
facilitate
a
genuine
process
of
political
and
economic
cooperation
for
the
much
needed
rapid
growth
and
development
of
our
dear
states.
It
is
my
humble
opinion
with
all
sense
of
modesty
that
with
determination
and
concerted
efforts,
we
can
collectively
surpass
the
1952
benchmark,
enunciate
a
developmental
paradigm
and
also
provide
a
window
of
hope
for
our
people
that
would
herald
a
new
dawn
for
the
region.
Imagine
where
Western
Nigeria
would
have
been
now
had
it
not
been
for
the
overweening
influence
of
a
supra-‐national
entity
that
subjected
her
to
a
huge
pall
of
arrested
development.
Though
deeply
ideological
and
historically
progressive,
the
region
came
under
the
control
of
an
ultra-‐
conservative
class
and
the
quality
of
governance
declined
abysmally.
A
region
that
used
to
set
the
standard
regressed
badly
into
mediocrity.
Our
quest
now
is
to
halt
this
slide
and
return
the
West
to
its
path
of
honour
and
glory.
The
region
according
to
the
The
Nation
of
Sunday,
3rd
April,
2011
has
a
remarkable
history
on
its
side.
It
did
it
in
1952–1959,
and
to
some
extent
in
1979–1982
as
LOOBO
States.
More
crucially
and
overwhelmingly,
it
even
did
it
before
colonialism,
with
political
and
economic
structures
that
were
breathtaking
not
only
in
Africa
but
also
fairly
competitive
in
the
global
world.
We
can
do
it
again.
If
only
we
can
all
subscribe
to
a
unified
regional
developmental
agenda.
10
11. Ladies
and
gentlemen,
in
the
eight
States
of
Edo,
Ekiti,
Delta,
Lagos,
Ogun,
Ondo,
Osun
and
Oyo,
about
14%
of
children
between
the
ages
of
six
and
eleven
are
not
in
school,
and
of
those
in
primary
schools,
only
50%
who
sat
for
the
NECO
examination
made
a
credit
pass
in
five
subjects
including
English
and
Mathematics.
It
is
very
disheartening
to
note
that
the
State
with
the
highest
percentage
score
credit
pass
in
any
five
subjects
recorded
just
13.2%,
while
the
one
with
the
least
percentage
score
recorded
just
1.11%
of
the
students
registered
for
the
examination.
This
happened
in
a
region
whose
main
stake
in
the
Nigerian
project
used
to
be
her
excellence
in
education.
(Oshun,
2010)
I
have
gone
through
this
historical
excursion
to
underscore
the
critical
nature
of
this
issue
and
to
assure
our
people
that
help
is
on
the
way.
We
are
aware
that
the
expectations
are
huge,
we
are
also
aware
that
it
is
going
to
be
a
daunting
task,
but
it
is
not
an
insurmountable
challenge.
We
are
thus
resolved
as
a
people
to
move
beyond
our
most
recent
wounds
because
we
do
not
suffer
a
dearth
of
ideas.
It
is
therefore
a
notorious
fact
that
having
achieved
electoral
credibility,
it
is
now
time
to
achieve
performance
credibility
through
collective
efforts,
competence
and
compassion
for
our
people.
Most
of
the
critical
issues
which
confront
us
today,
including
how
to
organise
a
livable
society
that
guarantees
a
decent
life
for
the
greater
number
of
our
people
have
been
articulated
by
Chief
Obafemi
Awolowo
in
his
books
The
People’s
Republic
and
The
Strategy
and
Tactics
of
a
People’s
Republic.
In
those
books,
the
great
Awo
posited:
“The
man
is
the
alpha
and
omega,
the
only
dynamic
means
and
the
sole
end,
of
all
earthly
human
activities;
and
that
any
development
plan
is
a
failure
which
falls
short
of
benefiting
every
member
of
the
society
in
accordance
with
deeds
or
needs
as
the
case
may
be”
(p.82)
Ladies
and
gentlemen,
colleague-‐academics,
today’s
meeting
represents
a
watershed
in
our
determination
to
return
the
Old
Western
Region
to
the
path
of
real
growth
and
pragmatic
development.
It
is
our
expectation
that
you
would
rigourously
interrogate
issues
such
as
the
nature
and
structure
of
collaboration,
the
development
of
a
legal
framework,
mechanism
for
information
sharing
and
evaluation,
enunciate
a
developmental
paradigm
for
the
region,
the
desirability
of
a
Peer
Review
Mechanism,
and
development
of
a
policy
guideline
on
an
on-‐going
basis
aimed
at
strengthening
the
11
12.
efficiency
and
effectiveness
of
integration
and
also
locate
the
cause
of
the
retrogression
in
the
region,
proffer
solutions
and
contribute
to
the
development
of
a
regional
action
plan.
In
concluding,
we
should
remind
ourselves
that
history
has
placed
on
our
shoulders
a
very
serious
burden
because
we
are
“heirs
to
a
tradition
of
hope
and
tireless
expectations”
–
which
Awo
captured
repeatedly
as
“Ba
o
ku,
ise
o
tan”
–
can
we
then
afford
to
give
up?
We
return
then
in
the
end
to
the
endless
optimism
of
that
eternal
spirit
of
possibilities
made
manifest
in
the
person
and
leadership
of
Obafemi
Awolowo.
We
cannot
be
tired
of
reminding
ourselves
of
this.
In
the
voice-‐over
of
the
Unity
Party
of
Nigeria
(UPN)
anthem,
Awo’s
voice
rings
through
the
ages:
“It
is
a
duty
we
owe,
to
our
dream
motherland
To
our
dear
great
motherland
To
enhance
her,
and
to
boost
her
In
the
eyes
of
the
entire
world…”
Mr
Governor,
Mr
Vice-‐Chancellor,
colleague-‐academics,
students,
I
like
to
thank
you
most
sincerely
for
this
opportunity
to
once
again
reflect
seriously,
in
the
direction
of
our
regional
developmental
goals
and
particularly
to
a
people-‐centred
leadership
in
the
Land
of
Honour.
I
look
forward
to
an
insightful
debate
and
pragmatic
deliberation
of
the
points
which
I
have
laid
before
you
this
morning.
Thank
you
and
God
bless
you
all.
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