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Social Media and (Urban) Social Protest
The Brazilian Experience
Prepared for presentation at the International Conference Culture, Economy, Participation and Governance in Latin American Cities, Zentrum für
Demokratie (zda), Aarau, 21 – 22 February 2014

Anita Breuer
Email: anita.breuer@die-gdi.de
Implications of Social Media for Political Participation

„Cyber Optimism“……
Social Media as powerful weapons for social movements (e.g. Shirky
2011)
Digital activists as choreographers of social protest
Creation of new urban subcultures
reappropriation of public space (Gerbaudo 2012)
vs. „Cyber Skepticism“
Cyberspace is detached from physical reality
Slacktivism is unlikely to produce policy change (e.g. Morozov 2011)
© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

2
Campanha Ficha Limpa (clean record)
Citizen Initiative
launched in April 2008 by the Brazilian Movement for the Combat of
Corruption (MCCE)
Core demand:
Ineligibility to run for office for people previously convicted or facing
charges for “serious crimes” (vote buying, electoral fraud,
misappropriation of public funds etc.)
Formal requirements:
1.3 Mio signatures
approval by majority vote of both
chambers of Congress
© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

3
Ficha Limpa and Social Media

43.000 followers on Facebook
11.000 followers on Twitter
66.000 downloads for most watched video on YouTube
5.000 followers on Orkut
2 Mio Signatures in Online Petition by AVAAZ
40.000 Participants in e-mail and Telephone Protest by AVAAZ

© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

4
Interaction between Social Media &Traditional Media

April – May 2010: Major media-reported campaign events and
related peaks in Facebook activity

© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

5
Ficha Limpa: A virtual movement with an urban base
Share of Facebook Fans by City Population Size
Inhabitants:

> 1 Mio

500.000 - 999.999

Facebook Fans by origin: Top 10

< 500.000

8.9 %
7.9 %

83.1 %

© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

6
Ficha Limpa: A movement structured by social background
Network Analysis of the Facebook Group „Campanha Ficha Limpa do MCCE“ using Netvizz and Gephi
1 circle (node) = 1 Facebook user / Bigger circles = users with more influence in the network
Clusters = nodes that are more densely connected together than with the rest of the network.

© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

7
Ficha Limpa: a mostly „virtual“ movement
Patterns of participation in the Ficha Limpa campaign
(Websurvey / 1.800 respondents)

© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

8
Impact of the Ficha Limpa campaign
Macro-Level (Policy Change)

Meso-Level (Organizational Actors)

Bill approved and promulgated as law in June
2010

Increased cost-effectiveness and –efficiency of
MCCE as social movement organisation

Our budget has always been tight.
We didn’t have funds to pay for expensive
media advertising campaigns […] Social
media provided an alternative that
enabled us to speak directly to the people
without the necessity to pay for publicity.
(Marlon Reis, MCCE Director)

© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

9
Ficha Limpa: Sustainable use of social media
Lessons learned from the 2010/11 campaign
Professionalization of communication strategy of the MCCE
Continued use of social media platforms for campaigning / mobilization purposes

© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

10
The 2013 Protests
Wave of street protests
Triggered by a proposed increase in bus fares in
June 2013
approx. 1.4 mio participants in 100 Brazilian
cities
Core demands / concerns
Increasing cost of public transportation
Inadequate provision of social services
Government corruption
Exorbitant spending on preparations for the
2014 FIFAWorld Cup
Socially conservative legislation
© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

11
The role of Twitter in orchestrating the 2013 protests
Most successful hashtags :
#ogiganteacordou (the giant woke up)
#vemprarua (come to the streets)
#mudaBrasil (change Brazil)
#copapraquem (cup for whom)

Analysis of Twitter communications about the protests :
1,579,824 tweets between 1st and 22nd June
peak of 96,5 tweets/hour recorded on 17th June 2013 at 8:00 pm when protesters invaded
the Brazilian Congress.

Source: The Guardian http://www.theguardian.com/news/datablog/2013/jul/04/brazilian-protesters-twitter-microsoft
© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

12
The 2013 Protests: An urban based movement
Involvement of Brazilians on Twitter mapped by Brandviewer (hashtag analyzer tool).
woke up
Red = regions with the highest number of hashtags related to the movement

Source: www.collaborativeconsumption.com

© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)
2013 Protests: a virtual AND physical movment
Participation in urban street protests (9 July 2013)
City
Rio de Janeiro

Number of street protesters
10.000

Salvador

3.000

São Paulo

2.000

Recife

2.000

Brasilia

1.300

Fortaleza

600

Belo Horizonte

600

Londrina

500

Porto Alegre

450

Curitiba

200

Source: Globo.com http://g1.globo.com/brasil/protestos-2013/infografico/platb/

According to representative polls 72% of Brazilians supported the movement online and 10%
participated in street protests.
© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

14
Impact of the 2013 Protests
Macro Level (Policy Change)
Demand
Reduction of public transportation costs
(4 municipal governments)
Revocation of Bill (PEC 37) limiting the
powers of the Public Ministry to investigate
criminal activities in the government
Destination of petroleum royalties to
Education (75%) and Health (25%)
National Pact to improve Education, Health,
Public Transport (Government announced)
National Plan to increase GDP spending on
Education to 7% until 2015
(Government announced)

Meso Level (Organizational Actors)
Status

Ambivalent
a volatile and incoherent……..
Depicted as “chaotic” and “leaderless” revolt
Heavy media focus on violence and vandalism
…..or organized and sustainable movement?
Core Civil Society Groups involved:
Movimento Passo Livre
Movimento Contra Corrupção
Civil society groups demanding improved
quality of Education and Health Care
LGBT rights organizations

Revocation of "Gay cure" Bill (PDL 234)
authorizing sexual orientation conversion
therapy by psychologists
© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

15
Thank you for your attention!
German Development Institute /
Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)
Tulpenfeld 6
D-53113 Bonn
Telephone: +49 (0)228-949 27-0
E-Mail: DIE@die-gdi.de
www.die-gdi.de
www.facebook.com/DIE.Bonn

© German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

16

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Social Media and (Urban) Social Protest: The Brazilian Experience

  • 1. Social Media and (Urban) Social Protest The Brazilian Experience Prepared for presentation at the International Conference Culture, Economy, Participation and Governance in Latin American Cities, Zentrum für Demokratie (zda), Aarau, 21 – 22 February 2014 Anita Breuer Email: anita.breuer@die-gdi.de
  • 2. Implications of Social Media for Political Participation „Cyber Optimism“…… Social Media as powerful weapons for social movements (e.g. Shirky 2011) Digital activists as choreographers of social protest Creation of new urban subcultures reappropriation of public space (Gerbaudo 2012) vs. „Cyber Skepticism“ Cyberspace is detached from physical reality Slacktivism is unlikely to produce policy change (e.g. Morozov 2011) © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 2
  • 3. Campanha Ficha Limpa (clean record) Citizen Initiative launched in April 2008 by the Brazilian Movement for the Combat of Corruption (MCCE) Core demand: Ineligibility to run for office for people previously convicted or facing charges for “serious crimes” (vote buying, electoral fraud, misappropriation of public funds etc.) Formal requirements: 1.3 Mio signatures approval by majority vote of both chambers of Congress © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 3
  • 4. Ficha Limpa and Social Media 43.000 followers on Facebook 11.000 followers on Twitter 66.000 downloads for most watched video on YouTube 5.000 followers on Orkut 2 Mio Signatures in Online Petition by AVAAZ 40.000 Participants in e-mail and Telephone Protest by AVAAZ © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 4
  • 5. Interaction between Social Media &Traditional Media April – May 2010: Major media-reported campaign events and related peaks in Facebook activity © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 5
  • 6. Ficha Limpa: A virtual movement with an urban base Share of Facebook Fans by City Population Size Inhabitants: > 1 Mio 500.000 - 999.999 Facebook Fans by origin: Top 10 < 500.000 8.9 % 7.9 % 83.1 % © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 6
  • 7. Ficha Limpa: A movement structured by social background Network Analysis of the Facebook Group „Campanha Ficha Limpa do MCCE“ using Netvizz and Gephi 1 circle (node) = 1 Facebook user / Bigger circles = users with more influence in the network Clusters = nodes that are more densely connected together than with the rest of the network. © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 7
  • 8. Ficha Limpa: a mostly „virtual“ movement Patterns of participation in the Ficha Limpa campaign (Websurvey / 1.800 respondents) © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 8
  • 9. Impact of the Ficha Limpa campaign Macro-Level (Policy Change) Meso-Level (Organizational Actors) Bill approved and promulgated as law in June 2010 Increased cost-effectiveness and –efficiency of MCCE as social movement organisation Our budget has always been tight. We didn’t have funds to pay for expensive media advertising campaigns […] Social media provided an alternative that enabled us to speak directly to the people without the necessity to pay for publicity. (Marlon Reis, MCCE Director) © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 9
  • 10. Ficha Limpa: Sustainable use of social media Lessons learned from the 2010/11 campaign Professionalization of communication strategy of the MCCE Continued use of social media platforms for campaigning / mobilization purposes © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 10
  • 11. The 2013 Protests Wave of street protests Triggered by a proposed increase in bus fares in June 2013 approx. 1.4 mio participants in 100 Brazilian cities Core demands / concerns Increasing cost of public transportation Inadequate provision of social services Government corruption Exorbitant spending on preparations for the 2014 FIFAWorld Cup Socially conservative legislation © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 11
  • 12. The role of Twitter in orchestrating the 2013 protests Most successful hashtags : #ogiganteacordou (the giant woke up) #vemprarua (come to the streets) #mudaBrasil (change Brazil) #copapraquem (cup for whom) Analysis of Twitter communications about the protests : 1,579,824 tweets between 1st and 22nd June peak of 96,5 tweets/hour recorded on 17th June 2013 at 8:00 pm when protesters invaded the Brazilian Congress. Source: The Guardian http://www.theguardian.com/news/datablog/2013/jul/04/brazilian-protesters-twitter-microsoft © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 12
  • 13. The 2013 Protests: An urban based movement Involvement of Brazilians on Twitter mapped by Brandviewer (hashtag analyzer tool). woke up Red = regions with the highest number of hashtags related to the movement Source: www.collaborativeconsumption.com © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)
  • 14. 2013 Protests: a virtual AND physical movment Participation in urban street protests (9 July 2013) City Rio de Janeiro Number of street protesters 10.000 Salvador 3.000 São Paulo 2.000 Recife 2.000 Brasilia 1.300 Fortaleza 600 Belo Horizonte 600 Londrina 500 Porto Alegre 450 Curitiba 200 Source: Globo.com http://g1.globo.com/brasil/protestos-2013/infografico/platb/ According to representative polls 72% of Brazilians supported the movement online and 10% participated in street protests. © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 14
  • 15. Impact of the 2013 Protests Macro Level (Policy Change) Demand Reduction of public transportation costs (4 municipal governments) Revocation of Bill (PEC 37) limiting the powers of the Public Ministry to investigate criminal activities in the government Destination of petroleum royalties to Education (75%) and Health (25%) National Pact to improve Education, Health, Public Transport (Government announced) National Plan to increase GDP spending on Education to 7% until 2015 (Government announced) Meso Level (Organizational Actors) Status Ambivalent a volatile and incoherent…….. Depicted as “chaotic” and “leaderless” revolt Heavy media focus on violence and vandalism …..or organized and sustainable movement? Core Civil Society Groups involved: Movimento Passo Livre Movimento Contra Corrupção Civil society groups demanding improved quality of Education and Health Care LGBT rights organizations Revocation of "Gay cure" Bill (PDL 234) authorizing sexual orientation conversion therapy by psychologists © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 15
  • 16. Thank you for your attention! German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) Tulpenfeld 6 D-53113 Bonn Telephone: +49 (0)228-949 27-0 E-Mail: DIE@die-gdi.de www.die-gdi.de www.facebook.com/DIE.Bonn © German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 16