This article aims to demonstrate that neofascism and neoimperialism are manifestations of the final crisis of capitalism from the mid-21st century onwards. These two political phenomena are caused by the structural crisis of capitalism in its final stage. Neofascism is a political response at the domestic level of each country, and neoimperialism is a geopolitical response at the global level to the final crisis of the world capitalist system. Several scholars of capitalism, such as Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, Immanuel Wallerstein, Giovanni Arrighi, David Harvey, Samir Amin, István Mészáros, Ellen Wood, among others, argue that capitalism has experienced structural contradictions from the end of the 19th century to the contemporary era, such as the tendency of the rate of profit to fall, the shift of investments from the productive sector to the financial sector, the overaccumulation of capital in the growing search for new frontiers of exploitation, the increasing and explosive social inequality within central and peripheral capitalist countries, the erosion of the post-1945 liberal order, the current environmental crisis that sets limits to unlimited economic growth, and the competition between the great powers for world hegemony. These events created the historical context in which imperialism emerged in the mid-19th century and fascism and Nazism in the first half of the 20th century, as well as neo-fascism and neo-imperialism in the contemporary era. This article demonstrates that the final crisis of capitalism will occur from the mid-21st century onwards, that neofascism is the political response in each country to the final crisis of capitalism from the mid-21st century onwards, and that neoimperialism is the geopolitical response at the global level to the final crisis of capitalism from the mid-21st century onwards.

1. 1
NEOFASCISM AND NEO-IMPERIALISM AS MANIFESTATIONS OF THE
FINAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM IN THE CONTEMPORARY ERA
Fernando Alcoforado*
This article aims to demonstrate that neofascism and neo-imperialism are manifestations
of the final crisis of capitalism that will occur from the mid-21st century onwards. These
two political phenomena are caused by the structural crisis of capitalism in its final stage.
Neofascism is a political response at the domestic level of each country, and neo-
imperialism is a geopolitical response at the global level to the final crisis of the world
capitalist system. Several scholars of capitalism, such as Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin,
Immanuel Wallerstein, Giovanni Arrighi, David Harvey, Samir Amin, István Mészáros,
Ellen Wood, among others, argue that capitalism has experienced structural
contradictions from the end of the 19th century to the contemporary era, such as the
tendency of the rate of profit to fall, the shift of investments from the productive sector
to the financial sector, the overaccumulation of capital in the growing search for new
frontiers of exploitation, the growing and explosive social inequality within central and
peripheral capitalist countries, the erosion of the post-1945 liberal order, the current
environmental crisis that sets limits to unlimited economic growth, and the competition
between the great powers for world hegemony. These events created the historical context
in which imperialism emerged in the mid-19th century and fascism and Nazism in the
first half of the 20th century, as well as neo-fascism and neo-imperialism in the
contemporary era.
1. The Final Crisis of Capitalism from the Mid-21st Century
The world capitalist system will come to an end from the mid-to-late 21st century because
there is a downward trend in the world profit rate, as occurred from 1869 to 2007 (Figure
1), a downward trend in the profit rate of large corporations in the United States, as
occurred from 1947 to 2007 (Figure 2), and a downward trend in the growth rate of the
World Gross Product, as occurred from 1961 to 2007 (Figure 3). To determine when these
rates will reach zero in the future, maintaining their downward trends, calculations were
made using the least squares method of Statistics [1].
Figure 1 - World profit rate
Source: MAITO, Esteban Ezequiel. The tendency of the rate of profit to fall since the nineteenth
century and a world rate of profit. In: Roberts, M. & Carchedi, G. World in Crisis: a global analysis of
Marx’s law of profitability. Chicago: Haymarket, 2018.

2. 2
Figure 2 - Profit rate at the historical cost of fixed capital in United States
corporations
Source: KLIMAN, A. The failure of capitalist production: underlying causes of the great recession.
London: Pluto, 2012.
Figure 3 - Real growth rates of World Gross Product and Financial Products
(derivatives)
Source: BEINSTEIN, Jorge. Rostos da crise: Reflexões sobre o colapso da civilização burguesa.
Available on the website <http://resistir.info/crise/beinstein_04nov08_p.html>, 2008.
Figure 1 shows the evolution of the profit rate of the world capitalist system from 1869
to 2007, pointing to its decline during this period [7]. If the evolution of the profit rate of
the world capitalist system from 1869-2007 is considered, and the downward trend of this
profit rate is maintained in the more recent period, 1947-2007, the profit rate of the world
capitalist system would tend towards zero in 2037, and if the downward trend of this

3. 3
profit rate is maintained in the period 1869 to 2007, the profit rate of the world capitalist
system would tend towards zero in 2097. Figure 2 shows the evolution of the profit rate
at the historical cost of fixed capital of US corporations from 1947 to 2007, indicating its
decline in this period [6]. If the downward trend of this profit rate is maintained in the
coming years, the profit rate of US corporations will reach zero in 2043. Figure 3 shows
the evolution of the Gross World Product from 1961 to 2007, indicating its decline in this
period [3]. If the downward trend in the growth rate of the Gross World Product continues
in the coming years, this rate will reach zero in 2053.
It can be concluded, from the foregoing, that the world capitalist system would become
unviable from the middle of the 21st century (2037, 2043, 2053 or 2097) when the process
of capital accumulation will cease, with global profit rates and world economic growth
rates reaching zero. The decreasing trend in profit rates in the world capitalist system
shows the historical, transitory character of the capitalist mode of production and the
conflict that arises with the possibilities of continuing its development. Thus, the
foundations of Marx's theory presented in his work Capital are being confirmed [8, 9 and
10]. Karl Marx predicted that the rate of profit will tend to fall in the long term, decade
after decade. Not only will there be ups and downs in each boom and bust cycle, but there
will also be a tendency to fall in the long term, making each boom shorter and each fall
deeper.
In addition to the signs of decline in the global capitalist system represented by the fall in
the global profit rate, the profit rate of large US corporations, and the growth rate of the
Gross World Product, which will reach zero by the middle to the end of the 21st century,
another important sign of the decline of capitalism is the gigantic global debt, which
reached US$275 trillion in 2020 in government, corporate and household debt, almost
three times the Gross World Product, which constitutes a bomb about to explode [12][13]
(Figure 4).
Figure 4 - Global debt from 2013 to 2020
Source: https://www.intellinews.com/attack-of-the-debt-tsunami-global-debt-soars-to-a-new-all-time-
high-196972/
Figure 5 shows the evolution of global debt of households, non-financial corporations,
government, and the financial sector, and total debt in 2003, 2008, 2013, and 2018.

4. 4
Figure 5 - Global debt from 2003 to 2018
Source: ALVES, José Eustáquio Diniz. A dívida global atinge US$ 247 trilhões: uma bomba prestes à
explodir? Available on the website <https://jornalggn.com.br/crise/a-divida-global-atinge-us-247-trilhoes-
uma-bomba-prestes-a-explodir/>, 06/08/2018.
The Institute of International Finance (IIF) states that global debt was less than US$100
trillion in 2003, reached US$177.7 trillion in 2008, US$209.4 trillion in 2013, and
US$247.2 trillion in 2018. World debt rose by almost US$150 trillion in 15 years. About
US$10 trillion each year. Household, non-financial corporate, and government debt levels
reached US$186.5 trillion in the first quarter of 2018. Financial sector debt rose to a
record US$60.6 trillion in 2018. Global economic growth is being sustained by credit and
debt held by households, non-financial corporations, government, and the financial
sector. Emerging market debt rose to a record US$58.5 trillion in the first quarter of 2018
– more than 84% since the start of the global crisis in 2008. Over the past 5 years,
government debt has risen most sharply in Brazil, Saudi Arabia, Nigeria, and Argentina,
according to the IIF [13].
After the 2008 global crisis, the general expectation was that debt levels would decrease.
This did not happen. Several countries have governments, businesses, and households
with debts that far exceed their GDP. Japan, for example, has debts that are four times
greater than the size of its economy. The countries with the highest debt levels are, in
order: Japan (400% of GDP), Ireland (390% of GDP), Singapore (382% of GDP),
Portugal (358% of GDP), Belgium (327% of GDP), Netherlands (325% of GDP), Spain
(313% of GDP), Denmark (302% of GDP), Sweden (290% of GDP), France (280% of
GDP), Italy (259% of GDP), United Kingdom (252% of GDP), Norway (244% of GDP),
Finland (238% of GDP), United States (233% of GDP), and Brazil (128% of GDP). The
problem is especially serious in countries like Japan, whose total debt is 4 times greater

5. 5
than the size of its own economy [14]. These figures show that all the countries listed
have debts exceeding their GDP (Gross Domestic Product), characterizing the existence
of excessive indebtedness.
Figure 6 shows the countries' share of global debt. The United States, China, and Japan
are the largest debtors on the planet, accounting for 45.93% of the total debt. This means
that if there is a default on debt payments in these three countries, the world economy
could face situations similar to those that occurred in 1929 with the Great Depression or
in 2008 with the Great Recession that still persists.
Figure 6 - Participation of countries in global debt (%)
Source: https://coinzodiac.com/get-rich-in-market-crash/how-much-world-debt/
One of the indebted countries that deserves special analysis because it is the largest
economy and the most indebted country on the planet is the United States. The public
debt of the United States has been hitting records because the country spends and buys
beyond its capacity by issuing dollars and Treasury bonds [15]. The risk of major
catastrophes in the United States with its excessive indebtedness has not disappeared, but
has been extended over time, at the price of increasing them in proportion and explosion
when it comes to burst. It should be noted that the public indebtedness of the United States

6. 6
is strongly related to excessive military spending. Figure 7 shows the escalation of the
debt of the world's largest economy, the United States, from 1966 to 2014.
Figure 7 - The escalation of the United States' debt from 1966 to 2014 in billions of
dollars
Source: DANTAS, Gilson. Por que o neoliberalismo desembocou na grande crise de 2008-09?
Available on the website <https://www.esquerdadiario.com.br/Por-que-o-neoliberalismo-desembocou-na-
grande-crise-de-2008-09 >, 10/09/2018.
The global financial system, led by the US dollar, is beginning to show an accelerated
loss of confidence in the dollar that has dominated the world for almost a century, as the
indebtedness of the United States evolves. Figure 8 shows that the dollar as an
international reserve currency has been progressively declining.
Figure 8 - The dollar as a percentage of international reserves from 2007 to 2019

7. 7
Source: https://thoth3126.com.br/eventos-estao-em-curso-para-remover-o-dolar-como-moeda-de-reserva-
global/
In 2018, the dollar's share of international reserves fell to 61.7%, the lowest level in the
last 20 years, demonstrating a lack of confidence in the dollar. This loss of confidence
results from the fact that the current global economic crisis shows that a monetary system
like the current one, based on freely issued paper money without ballast from the United
States government, is inherently unstable, and the inevitable consequences of this process
are artificial economic growth, the euphoria and bad investments that such growth
generates, and, ultimately, economic depressions.
The decline in confidence in the dollar is causing the price of gold to rise in the world
market, as shown in Figure 9.
Figure 9 - Gold price in the world market
Source: https://xn--cotaodoouro-c8a5c.com/cotacoes/cotacao-ouro-historico/
In addition to the increased demand for gold to replace the dollar as an international
reserve currency, there is a tendency to replace the dollar with world currencies capable
of substituting it, such as the Euro, the Chinese Yuan, and Special Drawing Rights (IMF
currency) [16]. Besides the lack of confidence caused by the absence of ballast for the
dollar and the decline of the US economy, the abandonment of the dollar as a world
reserve currency is also driven by the possibility of the bursting of the US public debt
bubble, which corresponds to 23 trillion dollars, a value greater than the country's GDP,
a historical record.
Based on the above, it can be stated that the capitalist system evolves, therefore, with a
universal tendency to evolve towards increasing disorder and self-destruction [5]. This
situation is demonstrated by the downward trend in the global profit rate, the profit rate
of large corporations in the United States, and the growth rate of the World Gross Product,
which will reach zero from the middle of the 21st century, as well as by the excessive
indebtedness of the world's countries, especially the United States, China, and Japan.
Another sign of the decline of capitalism lies in the fact that all available data point to the
fact that the world capitalist system will evolve towards increasing disorder and self-
destruction because planet Earth is already reaching its limits in the use of its natural
resources [2]. Today, due to the current rate of consumption, the demand for natural
resources exceeds the Earth's replenishment capacity by 41%. If this demand continues
to escalate at the current rate, by 2030, with a planetary population estimated at 10 billion

8. 8
people, two Earths will be needed to satisfy it. The foreseeable depletion of mineral
resources, particularly energy resources, and the threats of catastrophic climate change,
major themes on the ecological agenda, fit well within the entropic process.
Despite having contributed to the progress of humanity since its emergence in the 14th
century, the decline of capitalism manifests itself, for example, in economic chaos at the
national and global levels, generating endless recessions and economic depressions; the
serious social damage in all countries of the world represented by the excessive
concentration of income, the growing social inequality and endemic hunger and misery;
the environmental degradation of the planet which tends to lead to the depletion of its
natural resources, to catastrophic global climate change, to the increase in violence within
countries with the escalation of crime and the outbreak of civil wars; and also the violence
in international relations represented by the two great world wars and the endless
international conflicts throughout the planet [2]. The decline of the capitalist mode of
production is evident both in central capitalist countries and in peripheral and semi-
peripheral countries, especially in the latter where misery is growing overwhelmingly.
All this shows that a new mode of production will have to emerge with the end of
capitalism, diametrically opposed to the current mode of production [4][11][30].
2. Neofascism as a political response in each country to the final crisis of capitalism
that will occur from the middle of the 21st century
The term neofascism does not mean a complete return to the classical fascism that
emerged in the 20th century, but rather updated forms of politically massified
authoritarianism as a political response to the final crisis of capitalism in the
contemporary era. In the first half of the 20th century, fascism was the political response
of the ruling classes of several capitalist countries to the general crisis of world capitalism
during the first half of the 20th century [19][22][24]. Fascism was based on a strong,
totalitarian state that claimed to embody the spirit of the people, exercising power through
a single party whose authority was imposed through violence, repression, and political
propaganda. The fascist leader was a figure who was above ordinary men. In fascist Italy,
Mussolini was called Il Duce, which derives from the Latin Dux (General), and in Nazi
Germany, a variant of Italian fascism, Hitler was called Fuehrer (Conductor, Guide,
Leader, Chief). Both were messianic and authoritarian leaders, with power exercised
unilaterally without consulting anyone.
Neoclassical liberals, such as Friedrich Hayek and Ludwig von Mises, who gave rise to
the ideological current that has become hegemonic in the world today, neoliberalism, also
defended fascism and its Nazi variant as political projects necessary to maintain the
capitalist order. This can be seen in this statement by Friedrich Hayek about his
impression of Nazism: “Hitler did not need to destroy democracy; he merely took
advantage of its decay and at the critical moment managed to gain the support of many
who, although they detested him, considered him the only man strong enough to set things
in motion” [17]. Contrary to what Hayek said, Hitler destroyed democracy in Germany.
Ludwig von Mises stated: “The actions of the fascists and other parties corresponding to
them were emotional reactions, evoked by indignation at the actions perpetrated by the
Bolsheviks and communists. (…) Against the weapons of the Bolsheviks, the same
weapons must be used in retaliation, and it would be a mistake to show weakness before
the murderers. No liberal has ever questioned this” [18].
In the 21st century, the economic crisis of the world capitalist system that erupted in 2008
in the United States led several countries around the world to economic stagnation with

9. 9
serious political and social consequences. This crisis gave rise to the strengthening of far-
right neo-fascist political parties in several countries in Europe, the United States and
other countries around the world, including in Brazil with the neo-fascist Bolsonaro,
dissatisfied with the existing political, economic and social situation [19][22]. The rise of
far-right neo-fascist parties is happening around the world with Nazi-fascist or nationalist
leanings, with most of these parties advocating nationalist and more radical policies
against immigrants, opposing gay rights, abortion, liberalism and globalization, and
fighting what they call Islamization [20].
The main reasons for the rise of far-right parties in Europe would be the decline of the
welfare state, which constituted a kind of common European identity after the 2nd World
War. The current financial crisis and the existence of more than 15 million unemployed
in the European Union contributed also to the advance of neo-fascism. In the United
States, the country's economic decline, the existence of 7.6 million unemployed, the
resentment and distrust of the population in politicians coupled with the desire for
political and social change contributed to the advance of neo-fascism. What is striking is
the growing adherence of young Europeans and Americans to nationalist movements.
Young people are becoming increasingly critical of their rulers in the countries of the
European Union and the United States.
The work of the American historian Robert Paxton [21] shows at what stage American
fascism was, and he reached the disturbing conclusion that, once the alliance between a
capitalist elite and a far-right "shock troop" was consolidated, nothing could stop a fascist
rise and its arrival to power. According to Paxton, fascism emerges in search of some
kind of nationalist renewal [21]. This is the case of the United States in the face of an
insurmountable economic crisis like the current one, the compromise of the American
way of life and the loss of its world economic hegemony to China.
According to Paxton, fascism only thrives in the turbulent soil of a mature democracy in
crisis [21] as is the case in the United States. This view has been fully embraced by the
Republican Party, which now defines itself along neofascist lines with Donald Trump. At
this stage, neofascism is openly racist, sexist, repressive, exclusionary, and permanently
addicted to the politics of fear and hatred, as is happening during the neofascist
government of Donald Trump. The rise of neofascism under Donald Trump in the United
States resulted, among other factors, from its economic decline and the loss of its
hegemony on the world stage in a very short period of time.
Fascism and neofascism share some common traits such as exclusionary and identity-
based nationalism, the demonization of minorities or “internal enemies,” institutional
authoritarianism and attacks on the press and the judiciary, radicalized neoliberal
capitalism with explicit protection for large corporations, the intensive use of
disinformation and emotional manipulation, and the militarization of political discourse
[23][25]. In the same way as Nazism and Fascism, neofascism functions as a mechanism
for containing the social tensions produced by the general crisis of capitalism because, in
the contemporary era, it channels popular frustrations against misdirected targets
(immigrants, minorities, opponents), maintains political control without demanding
changes in the capitalist economic model, reinforces the power of financial and business
elites, and allows austerity and privatization policies under a climate of permanent
emergency. Thus, neofascism would be an authoritarian stabilization strategy for the
impasses of capitalism in its final stage.

10. 10
An updated summary of countries currently governed by the far-right or with a strong
influence from far-right parties, as well as countries where these parties may come to
power in the near future, is presented below:
(a) Countries currently governed by the far-right or with governments dominated
by far-right forces
In Europe:
Hungary – Viktor Orbán and the Fidesz party have governed the country for many years
with nationalist and anti-liberal policies.
Italy – Giorgia Meloni, of the Brothers of Italy (Fratelli d’Italia) party, governs in alliance
with other right-wing/ultranationalist forces.
Netherlands – The Party for Freedom (PVV), led by Geert Wilders, was the largest force
in recent elections and influenced government formations in parliamentary negotiations.
Austria – The Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) achieved a strong electoral performance
and was negotiating influential government shares.
Finland, Czech Republic, Croatia, and Slovakia – Far-right parties are part of
governing coalitions or have significant legislative influence in these countries.
About a third of European Union governments include far-right forces in positions of
power or with significant political influence.
In the Americas:
United States – The Trump administration is far-right with agendas described as “anti-
liberal” and nationalist.
Argentina - The Javier Milei government represents an important facet of the far-right,
which has as one of its pillars neoconservative and authoritarian movements.
(b) Countries where far-right parties may come to power in the near future
In Europe:
The countries below have far-right parties that could significantly increase their influence
or come to power in future elections.
France – The National Rally party, led by Jordan Bardella, frequently leads in polls and
could become a dominant force in elections—although it still faces opposing blocs.
Germany – The Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party has been growing in state
elections and has a chance to more strongly influence national politics.
Portugal - The Chega party has become the main opposition and is strongly advancing
as a nationalist voice, potentially being decisive in future coalitions or even leading
regional/national governments.
Belgium - Although currently led by a moderate nationalist party (N-VA), more
ultranationalist parties like Vlaams Belang have a strong presence and could grow in
influence.

11. 11
Poland – The Law and Justice party (PiS), classified as national-conservative and far-
right, has strong influence and could return to power or consolidate even more nationalist
policies.
In the Americas:
Chile - The presidential elections held in December of this year resulted in the victory of
José Antonio Kast, a far-right candidate, who could become a president with a more
conservative and nationalist agenda, marking a major political shift in the country.
The current governments in Peru (Rossé Harry), Ecuador (Daniel Noboa), Paraguay
(Santiago Peña), and Bolivia (Rodrigo Paz) are considered center-right or right-wing, not
far-right, representing a conservative/liberal wave in the region focused on the market
and moderation, although with some figures further to the right, but generally moderate
and pro-market.
3. Neoimperialism as a global geopolitical response to the final crisis of capitalism
that will occur from the mid-21st century onwards
The distinction between old imperialism (mid-19th–early 20th centuries) and
neoimperialism (post-World War II, especially from the 1970s onwards) involves
changes in the instruments of domination, not in the fundamental logic of hierarchy
between the dominant central capitalist countries and the dominated peripheral capitalist
countries. Below is a structural and historical comparison, articulating economics,
politics, ideology, and military power between old imperialism and neoimperialism.
(a) Old imperialism or classical imperialism
The old imperialism or classical imperialism emerged after the Second Industrial
Revolution, was consolidated between 1870 and 1914 and prevailed until the end of the
Second World War. Old imperialism was characterized by the direct territorial
domination of its colonies (Africa, Asia, Caribbean), the permanent military occupation
of its colonies, colonial administration, the direct expropriation of natural resources from
its colonies, and the forced or semi-slave labor of the populations of its colonies [26]. Its
economic base consisted of the export of industrial and financial capital to its colonies,
the search for raw materials in its colonies, the use of cheap labor in its colonies, the
formation of new consumer markets in its colonies, and the presence of national
monopolies and cartels [26]. Old imperialism or classical imperialism (British, French,
Belgian, German, among others) exercised political domination with the colonies
subordinated to the metropolises, with the consequent absence of political sovereignty for
the colonized peoples [26]. The legitimizing ideology of old imperialism consisted of its
"civilizing mission," its racial superiority based on scientific racism and social
Darwinism, and expansionist nationalism. Great thinkers such as Hobson, Hilferding,
Rosa Luxemburg, and Lenin, among others, have thoroughly analyzed the old
imperialism, or classical imperialism.
(b) Neoimperialism or contemporary imperialism
Neoimperialism or contemporary imperialism emerged after 1945 and intensified after
1970. Neoimperialism or contemporary imperialism is characterized by formal
decolonization, the financialization of capital, and neoliberal globalization.
Neoimperialism or contemporary imperialism operates based on the indirect domination
of peripheral capitalist countries, unlike classical imperialism, on economic and financial
control without permanent territorial occupation of dependent peripheral capitalist

12. 12
countries, on the increased technological dependence of peripheral capitalist countries,
on the growing external indebtedness of peripheral capitalist countries, on the adoption
of economic sanctions against peripheral capitalist countries, on the adoption of hybrid
warfare and lawfare against imperialist countries considered enemies, and on
informational and cultural control of peripheral capitalist countries [27][28][29].
Neoimperialism is based economically on its global financial capital, its global value
chains, its digital platforms and data control, and rent-seeking, the debt of peripheral
countries and financial speculation [28]. Neoimperialist countries have political relations
with formally sovereign, yet politically and economically dependent, peripheral capitalist
countries that are subject to punctual interventions such as coups d'état with selective
military interventions and regime changes [28]. The proclaimed and legitimizing
ideology of neoimperialism is a mix of racial superiority, exacerbated nationalism,
racism, neofascism, globalization, free market, liberal democracy and diffusion of
Western values.
A striking example of neo-imperialism is Trump's official plan to dominate and intensify
his military presence in Latin America [32]. A document released by the United States
National Security Council on December 4th confirms that the Donald Trump
administration intends to expand its political and military presence in Latin America. The
new “National Security Strategy” explicitly states the objective of reinstating the Monroe
Doctrine (America for the Americans) and reinforcing US control over the hemisphere,
aligning regional policies with US interests. Recent moves, such as sending fighter jets
and warships to the Caribbean to militarily intervene in Venezuela, are now presented as
part of a permanent guideline of US intervention in Latin America. Another recent
initiative of the Trump administration is to establish a military presence in Paraguay with
the support of the Paraguayan government. The priorities of the Trump administration are
well known: the fight against drugs, immigration, and the presence of external powers in
Latin America, especially China. One of the points that drew the most attention was the
mention of the CIA's use to identify strategic resources and areas in the Western
Hemisphere, focusing on their "protection and joint development" with allied countries.
In different sections of the Trump administration's National Security Plan, Latin America
is described as "our continent." The Trump administration's text criticizes incursions by
countries like China and Russia in the region and advocates measures to curb their
expansion. Furthermore, it warns that local ideologies are secondary to the central
criterion of "alignment" of Latin American countries with United States and repudiates
policies that increase taxation or regulation of American companies. The new "National
Security Strategy" of the Trump administration also proposes a monopoly on agreements
with the United States and the expulsion of foreign competitors, providing for single-
supplier contracts for US companies and actions to limit the activities of foreign
companies competing for infrastructure in the continent.
(c) Synthetic Comparison Between Old Imperialism and Neo-Imperialism
Dimension Old Imperialism Neo-Imperialism
Territorial
Domination
Direct, colonial
Direct and Indirect over peripheral
countries
dependent

13. 13
Dimension Old Imperialism Neo-Imperialism
Military
Presence
Permanent
Permanent and selective in peripheral
countries
dependent
Economic
Control
Direct extraction of wealth
from colonies
Direct extraction of wealth from
peripheral
countries and with the indebtedness of
peripheral
countries and the use of the financial
power
of the neo-imperialist country and
international trade
Form of State
Dominated
Colony
Dependent peripheral countries
Dominant
Capital
Industrial Financial / digital
Ideology
Racial superiority,
exacerbated nationalism,
social Darwinism, racism,
civilizing mission and fascism
Racial superiority, exacerbated
nationalism, racism, neo-fascism,
globalization, free market, liberal
democracy and diffusion of Western
values
Violence
Explicit violence against
colonies
and against major competing
powers
Explicit and structural and hybrid
violence against peripheral countries
and trade and cyber warfare against
competing powers
Role of
the
Imperial State
Acting as an national Empire
Acting as a national Empire
and through economic blocs
and global institutions

14. 14
Despite their differences, there is structural continuity between old imperialism and neo-
imperialism with the maintenance of the center-periphery division, the transfer of wealth
from peripheral capitalist countries to central capitalist countries, the technological and
financial subordination of peripheral capitalist countries in relation to central capitalist
countries, and the use of force (direct or indirect) when necessary against peripheral
capitalist countries. Neo-imperialism operates differently from old imperialism through a
“domination without colonies”.
It can be stated that neo-imperialism presents five characteristics described below [31]:
(a) The first characteristic of neo-imperialism concerns the use by central capitalist
countries, especially the United States, of their military hegemony, their intellectual,
political and cultural property, as well as their currency to plunder the wealth of the
world's peripheral capitalist countries.
(b) The second characteristic of neo-imperialism concerns the excessive increase in
military spending. Among neo-imperialist countries, the United States leads and promotes
military scientific and technological research, the development of advanced weapons and
the expansion of military production. The military-industrial complex supported by
monopoly capital and the cultural hegemony formed based on colonialism led Western
countries to intervene in the affairs of other countries at will, as is currently happening
with the attempted military intervention in Venezuela by the United States. Neo-
imperialism has thus become the engine of wars in the last thirty years. The United States
has spent US$ 14.2 trillion on thirteen wars. Exorbitant military spending has become a
heavy burden for the United States and its people, while parasitic monopolies in the arms
industry have reaped immense profits. Since the end of the Cold War, the United States
has launched or participated in six major conflicts: the Gulf War (1991), the Kosovo War
(1999), the War in Afghanistan (2001), the Iraq War (2003), the Libyan War (2011), and
the Syrian War (2011). The addiction of monopoly capitalism to war is a manifestation
of its parasitic and decadent nature.
(c) The third characteristic of neo-imperialism concerns the fact that wealth and revenues
are concentrated in the hands of a specific class of financial asset owners. In the neo-
imperialist stage, the informatization and internationalization of production have reached
unprecedented levels, and the human capacity to create wealth is many times greater than
in the old imperialist period. However, the productivity gains that are supposed to be a
common gain for humanity have primarily benefited the financial oligarchy. Most of the
profits go to the “geniuses” of financial manipulation.
(d) The fourth characteristic of neo-imperialism concerns the fact that monopolies impede
greater development of technological innovation, delaying its advancement. The greed
and parasitism of financial monopoly capital make its attitude towards technological
innovation ambivalent. Monopoly capital depends on technological innovation to
maintain its monopoly status, but the high profits that result from this status mean that
monopoly capital shows a certain inertia in promoting innovation. Even if many advanced
mobile phone functions, for example, are successfully developed in the same year, their
monopoly producers will divide these functions to be introduced and promoted over
several years. The goal is to ensure that consumers continually buy smartphones with new
functions, allowing companies to obtain high monopoly profits each year.
(e) The fifth characteristic of neo-imperialism concerns the tendency of monopoly capital
and its agents to cause decay in the mass movement in various central and peripheral
capitalist countries. Neo-imperialism divides the working class, attacking and weakening

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labor unions. It also uses its monopoly profits to buy the support of individuals and
promotes opportunistic and neoliberal forces within the labor movement and various
other mass movements. The results of such maneuvers include a decline in the size and
activity of trade unions and other progressive movements, the decline of the world
socialist movement, and a more obvious and serious tendency for workers to either
venerate the forces of neo-imperialism or be intimidated by them.
Neoimperialism is, therefore, a late, transitional, and moribund form of capitalism. Like
everything in the world, the neoimperialist system is constantly changing. In the era of
neoimperialism, the central capitalist countries have been undergoing many important
technological and institutional reforms, which have provided the basis for a certain further
development of capitalism and have delayed its disappearance. This is because capitalist
countries have made many adjustments to their production relations and their political
and legal superstructures, including a certain degree of macroeconomic regulation,
improvements in income distribution, social security, and so on. Recently, the Trump
administration in the United States deepened its anti-globalization stance by adopting
tariff increases aimed at overcoming the domestic economic crisis. It adhered to the
"America first" principle and provoked international economic and trade disputes,
attempting to overcome the domestic crisis. The objective of the Trump administration in
the United States, in adopting a series of anti-globalization protectionist measures, is to
alleviate domestic difficulties and crises in order to promote its hegemonic interests.
It can be concluded, from the above, that neo-imperialism represents a new expansion of
international monopoly capitalism, as well as a new system through which a minority of
central capitalist countries dominate the world and implement a new policy of economic,
political, cultural, and military hegemony, such as that practiced mainly by the United
States government. The neo-imperialism exercised primarily by the United States is not
a classic colonization, but modern forms of domination based on geopolitical control
through military bases installed in various countries around the world, military alliances
and economic sanctions, hybrid wars (financial, technological, informational), the global
intellectual property regime that guarantees monopolistic rents, the extraction of natural
resources in peripheral countries by transnational corporations, and pressure on peripheral
countries via the dollar system and capital flows.
Thus, neo-imperialism would be the international expression of the same crisis that
produces neo-fascism internally in each country.
4. Why would neo-fascism and neo-imperialism be manifestations of the "final
crisis" of capitalism?
Neofascism and neoimperialism are manifestations of the "final crisis" of capitalism
because they share the following characteristics:
(a) Intensification of coercion
When social consent and economic growth are exhausted in each country, the use of
internal (neofascism) and external (neoimperialism) coercion increases.
(b) Decline of hegemony and global fragmentation
The end of each systemic cycle of capital accumulation, such as that which occurred with
the end of the hegemony exercised by Genoa, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom,
is repeated with the end of the world hegemony exercised by the United States, which is

16. 16
accompanied by war escalations, financial crises, authoritarianism, global fragmentation
and attempts to reorganize the world system.
(c) Capitalism's inability to resolve its own contradictions
With the final and structural crisis of capitalism and the loss of effectiveness of imperial
expansion, the response to the crisis creates new crises (economic, financial,
environmental, and social) that cause the world capitalist system to exert more rigid social
control in each country with the implementation of dictatorships and neo-fascism and, at
the global level, with the use of military power by the great powers to carry out coups
d'état with selective military interventions and regime changes in peripheral countries.
(d) Rise to power of the far-right in several countries
There are several countries currently governed by the far-right or with governments
dominated by far-right forces in Europe (Hungary, Italy, Netherlands, Austria, Finland,
Czech Republic, Croatia, and Slovakia) and in the Americas (United States and
Argentina). About a third of the governments of the European Union include far-right
forces in positions of power or have significant political influence. There are several
countries where far-right parties could come to power in the near future in Europe
(France, Germany, Portugal, Belgium, and Poland) and in the Americas (Chile). The
current governments in Peru, Ecuador, Paraguay, and Bolivia are considered center-right
or right-wing, not far-right, representing a conservative/liberal wave in the region focused
on the market and moderation, although with some more right-leaning figures, but
generally moderate and pro-market.
5. Conclusion
In summary, it can be stated that neofascism and neoimperialism are caused by the final
crisis of the world capitalist system and are therefore not isolated phenomena. Neofascism
is an authoritarian internal solution in each country to the social crisis of capitalism, and
neoimperialism is the violent external solution to maintain capitalist order and the global
accumulation of capital. Both would therefore be two sides of the same historical period
of hegemonic decline and intensified contradictions, interpreted by some thinkers as a
harbinger of the terminal phase of capitalism.
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
Fernando Alcoforado, 86, awarded the medal of Engineering Merit of the CONFEA / CREA System,
member of the SBPC- Brazilian Society for the Progress of Science and IPB- Polytechnic Institute of Bahia,
engineer from the UFBA Polytechnic School and doctor in Territorial Planning and Regional Development
from the University of Barcelona, college professor (Engineering, Economics and Administration) and
consultant in the areas of strategic planning, business planning, regional planning, urban planning and
energy systems, was Advisor to the Vice President of Engineering and Technology at LIGHT S.A. Electric
power distribution company from Rio de Janeiro, Strategic Planning Coordinator of CEPED- Bahia
Research and Development Center, Undersecretary of Energy of the State of Bahia, Secretary of Planning
of Salvador, is the author of the books Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC-
O Brasil e a Nova (Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil
(Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Doctoral
thesis. Barcelona University, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e
Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX
e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of
the Economic and Social Development- The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Müller
Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe Planetária
(Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o
progresso do Brasil e combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo,
São Paulo, 2011), Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV,
Curitiba, 2012), Energia no Mundo e no Brasil- Energia e Mudança Climática Catastrófica no Século XXI
(Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2015), As Grandes Revoluções Científicas, Econômicas e Sociais que Mudaram o
Mundo (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2016), A Invenção de um novo Brasil (Editora CRV, Curitiba,
2017), Esquerda x Direita e a sua convergência (Associação Baiana de Imprensa, Salvador, 2018), Como
inventar o futuro para mudar o mundo (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2019), A humanidade ameaçada e as
estratégias para sua sobrevivência (Editora Dialética, São Paulo, 2021), A escalada da ciência e da
tecnologia e sua contribuição ao progresso e à sobrevivência da humanidade (Editora CRV, Curitiba,
2022), a chapter in the book Flood Handbook (CRC Press, Boca Raton, Florida United States, 2022), How
to protect human beings from threats to their existence and avoid the extinction of humanity (Generis
Publishing, Europe, Republic of Moldova, Chișinău, 2023), A revolução da educação necessária ao Brasil
na era contemporânea (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2023), Como construir um mundo de paz, progresso e
felicidade para toda a humanidade (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2024) and How to build a world of peace,
progress and happiness for all humanity (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2024).
.

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