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Introduction
Recently, Union Finance Minister unveiled the Centre’s four-year infrastructure asset
monetization programme to raise ₹6 trillion under the National Monetization Pipeline
(NMP) project.
Under the ambitious NMP, the government has identified 13 sectors — including
airports, railways, roads, shipping, gas pipeline among others— which will be privatized
as the government aims to monetize its brownfield infrastructure assets.
The monetization plan was first announced in the annual budget speech in February
2021. It will serve as a medium-term road map for the government’s asset sale initiative.
The plan is well-conceived, as it brings several intended monetization and divestment
plans under one umbrella- National Monetization Pipeline (NMP). It is also timely given
the government’s strained fiscal condition after the COVID-19 pandemic.
Let’s go through it in detail.
What is the NMP project?
 The National Monetization Pipeline involves leasing out central government assets valued
at around Rs 6 lakh crore over a four-year period ending in 2024-25. NMP represents
an alternative to an outright sale of assets.
 The major idea is to lease out brownfield projects, proceeds from which can be used to
finance greenfield projects.
 Only underutilized assets will be monetized.
 The ownership of the assets monetized, though, will remain with the government, with
the private players taking on the operational risk.
 Major sectors: The top three sectors by value identified for asset monetization include
roads (27%), railways (25%), and power (15%) in the value of the total asset. While roads,
railways, and power account for around 65% of the proceeds of the program. It also
includes sectors such as telecom, aviation, mining, and warehousing.
o The potential models of road asset monetization would be Toll Operate Transfer (ToT)
and Infrastructure Investment Trust (InvIT).
 Participation of states: The central government is also incentivizing states to participate in
this program.
 For the FY22, the government through its asset monetization program plans to raise
₹88,000 crores.
 Govt plans to correlate NMP with the National Infrastructure Project announced earlier.
 An empowered committee has been constituted to implement and monitor the Asset
Monetization program. The Core Group of Secretaries on Asset Monetization (CGAM) will
be headed by the Cabinet Secretary.
Objective of NMP
The desired goal is to provide a clear framework for monetization and give potential
investors a ready list of assets to generate their interest.
NMP aims to monetize the existing asset base and using its proceeds for new
infrastructure creation, recycling the future assets and build multiplier effect on growth
and revive credit flow.
Rationale behind Asset Monetization
A developing country like India needs asset monetization for the following reasons:
 Financing the infrastructure creation: With a massive infrastructure deficit, finding
resources to build physical assets is a difficult task. Hence, the government wants to
monetize existing infrastructure assets by leasing them out to private firms for a fixed
tenure under a revenue-sharing model.
 Easing fiscal burden: It will help the authorities ease fiscal constraints and free up balance
sheets for more greenfield infrastructure creation. For example, a stadium, built by the
government that remains idle for the most part of the year, can be leased to a private party
that can efficiently manage it by organizing cultural functions and allowing  the  public  to 
use  it  for  a  fee.
 It could also provide States with the additional resources needed to sustain public
investment during this period of stressed public finances.
What is the monetization of assets?
Under this, the government transfers revenue rights of an asset to private parties for
a specified transaction period, in return for upfront money, a revenue share, and
commitment of investments in the assets. Real estate investment trusts (REITs) and
infrastructure investment trusts (InvITs), for instance, are the key structures used to
monetize assets in the roads and power sectors. Other monetization models on PPP
(Public Private Partnership) basis include:
 Operate Maintain Transfer (OMT)
 Toll Operate Transfer (TOT)
 Operations, Maintenance & Development (OMD)
OMT and TOT have been used in the highways sector, while OMD is being deployed in
the case of airports.
Is asset monetization new to India?
No. India has been monetizing assets for a long time through public-private partnerships
(PPP). In India, the concept was suggested by a committee led by Vijay Kelkar on the
roadmap for fiscal consolidation in 2012. The committee had suggested that the
government start monetization as a key instrument to raise resources for development.
 The Delhi airport has been built through the PPP mode. The project that started in 2006
has been completed at a total cost of ₹12,500 crores, enabling world-class infrastructure
creation with no additional cost to AAI.
 In 2020, the Maharashtra State Road Development Corp. Ltd awarded the tolling rights of
the Mumbai-Pune Expressway and old  Mumbai-Pune corridor for ₹8,262 crores.
Global examples
Australia: Asset recycling has been enacted in Australia through the Asset Recycling
Initiative (ARI) of the federal government, which during the 2014-15 budget announced
the Infrastructure Growth Package (IGP), a 10-year vision of infrastructure investment in
the nation. ARI was aimed at encouraging states to recycle assets and utilize the sale
proceeds for productivity-enhancing infrastructure by asking private firms to fund and run
public infrastructure. This helped unlock more than $17 billion in infrastructure
development across Australia.
Issues/Challenges
1. Making it attractive for the private sector: As ownership is not being transferred, GoI
will retain oversight through the contract period. The contract, however, needs to be
flexible enough to make it attractive for a private entity. Finding the balance within a
government framework has been challenging in the past.
o The slow pace of privatization in government companies including Air India and BPCL, and
less-than-encouraging bids in the recently launched PPP initiative in trains, indicate that
attracting private investors’ interest is not that easy.
2. Creation of a regulatory framework: Another challenge is creating a regulatory
framework to deal with a monopoly, which is something that will happen in the railway
projects under NMP.
3. Structural challenges: Proper maintenance of asset register and title and encroachment
may adversely affect the monetization plan. Similarly, land unavailability, delayed approvals
and clearances, policy constraints, and lack of coordination among stakeholders could
hinder the project’s progress
4. Privatization of a state-owned industry can also cause job-loss anxieties among its
workers.
5. With proposed concession periods running up to 60 years for some assets, NMP deals, by
contrast, could pose a long-term headache if they are not structured with end-user
interests in mind, balancing the profit and utility motives.
6. The sharing of risk and rewards between the public and private partners needs to be
weighed carefully for each sector. Checks and balances are needed for actual
infrastructure usage versus projections at the time of bidding.
7. Due to current economic situation, revenue projections for PPP assets could be deflated
now, leading to lower bids followed by super-normal gains for the operator in the future.
8. Other challenges: Lack of identifiable revenues streams in various assets, level of capacity
utilization in gas and petroleum pipeline networks, dispute resolution mechanism,
regulated tariffs in power sector assets, and low interest among investors in national
highways below four lanes.
Suggestions/measures
 Preventing a monopoly: The government needs to avoid a situation where a few firms
capture most of the assets.
 Structuring the deals: The key to success lies in the way the deals are structured to make
them attractive enough for enhanced private sector participation.
 Smooth implementation: It would be important for the government to get the first few
projects in each sector right to start things in the right direction. Smooth implementation
of the first Rs 10,000 crore will determine the fate of the Rs 6 trillion monetization plan.
Hence, achieving the first-year target of Rs 0.8 trillion is very important to build confidence
in the market.
 Proper regulation: To maximize their profit over a limited time frame, investors would
want to raise prices, limit competition or cut back on maintenance. Hence, we need proper
bureaucratic ability and regulatory mechanisms to prevent this from happening.
 The central government and specifically the defence forces and the railways are sitting on
substantial amounts of land within major urban centres. It may be easier to lease out
some of this land since price benchmarks would be available from the cost of privately-
owned land in nearby areas. Any capital expenditure incurred by private parties to make
such land usable could be deducted from the upfront leasing fees payable to the
government
Way forward
NMP represents an alternative to an outright sale of assets. Its success will depend on
execution.
Source: Indian Express, Live Mint, Times of India, The Hindu, Livemint 2, Times of
India 2, Indian Express 2
2016 Indian banknote demonetisation
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2016 Indian banknote demonetisation
Queues outside a bank to exchange demonetised banknotes
in Kolkata on 10 November 2016
Date 8 November 2016
Time 20:15 IST (14:45 UTC)
Location India
Motive Curbing black money

On 8 November 2016, the Government of India announced the demonetisation of
all ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes of the Mahatma Gandhi Series. It also announced
the issuance of new ₹500 and ₹2,000 banknotes in exchange for the demonetised
banknotes.[1]
Prime Minister Narendra Modi claimed that the action would curtail the
shadow economy, increase cashless transactions and reduce the use of illicit and
counterfeit cash to fund illegal activity and terrorism.
The announcement of demonetisation was followed by prolonged cash shortages in
the weeks that followed, which created significant disruption throughout the
economy. People seeking to exchange their banknotes had to stand in lengthy
queues, and several deaths were linked to the rush to exchange cash.
According to a 2018 report from the Reserve Bank of India, approximately 99.3% of
the demonetised banknotes, or ₹15.30 lakh crore (15.3 trillion) of the ₹15.41 lakh
crore that had been demonetised, were deposited with the banking system, leading
analysts to state that the effort had failed to remove black money from the
economy. The BSE SENSEX and NIFTY 50 stock indices fell over 6 percent on the
day after the announcement. The move reduced the country's industrial
production and its GDP growth rate. It is estimated that 1.5 million jobs were lost.
The move also saw a significant increase in digital and cashless transactions
through out the country.
Initially, the move received support from several bankers as well as from some
international commentators. The move was also criticised as poorly planned and
unfair, and was met with protests, litigation, and strikes against the government in
several places across India. Debates also took place concerning the move in both
houses of Parliament.
Contents
 1Background
 2Demonetisation process
o 2.1Preparation and announcement
o 2.2Information leak rumours
o 2.3Cash exchange and withdrawal
o 2.4Ordinance and Acts
 3Objectives and outcomes
o 3.1Shifting of goalposts
o 3.2Black money
 3.2.1Evasion
o 3.3Counterfeit banknotes
o 3.4Tax collection
o 3.5Digital payments
o 3.6Banknotes in circulation
o 3.7Terrorism and internal security
 4Other effects
o 4.1Shortage of cash
o 4.2Transport
o 4.3Stock market
o 4.4Industrial output
o 4.5Agriculture
o 4.6Real GDP growth rate
o 4.7Employment
o 4.8Cost to banks
o 4.9Welfare schemes
o 4.10Deaths
 5Legal issues
 6Reactions
o 6.1Reactions of economists
o 6.2Reactions of industrialists
o 6.3Political reactions
o 6.4International reactions
 7Political impact
 8Long term impact
 9In popular culture
 10See also
 11References
 12External links
Background
The Indian government had demonetised banknotes on two prior occasions—once in
1946 and once in 1978—and in both cases, the goal was to combat tax evasion via
"black money" held outside the formal economic system.[23]
In 1978, the Janata
Party coalition government demonetised banknotes of ₹1,000, ₹5,000 and ₹10,000,
again in the hopes of curbing counterfeit money and black money.[24]
In 2012, the Central Board of Direct Taxes recommended against demonetisation,
saying in a report that "demonetisation may not be a solution for tackling black
money or shadow economy, which is largely held in the form of benami properties,
bullion and jewelry."[25][26]
According to data from income tax probes, black money
holders kept only 6% or less of their wealth as cash, suggesting that targeting this
cash would not be a successful strategy.[27]
Demonetisation process
Demonetised ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes of the Mahatma Gandhi Series
Preparation and announcement
The plan to demonetise the ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes was initiated between six
and ten months before it was a report by the State Bank of India (SBI) analysed
possible strategies and effects of demonetisation.[28]
In May 2016, the Reserve Bank
of India had started preparing for new banknotes and confirmed the design
of ₹2,000 banknotes in August 2016. The printing of new banknotes started in
October when the news stories of forthcoming new banknotes appeared in the
media.[29][30][31]
On 27 October 2016, the Hindi daily Dainik Jagran published a report
quoting RBI sources speaking of the forthcoming of ₹2,000 banknotes alongside
withdrawal of ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes.[32][33]
On 21 October 2016, The
Hindu Business Line had also published a report on the
forthcoming ₹2,000 banknote.[34]
The Union cabinet was informed about the plan on 8 November 2016 in a meeting in
the evening called by the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.[35]
Soon after the
meeting, Modi announced the demonetisation in an unscheduled live national
televised address at 20:15 IST.[36][37]
He declared circulation of
all ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes of the Mahatma Gandhi Series as invalid effective
from the midnight of the same day, and announced the issuance of
new ₹500 and ₹2,000 banknotes of the Mahatma Gandhi New Series in exchange
for the demonetised banknotes.[38]
Information leak rumours
In an interview of prominent businessmen 'allegedly' claimed after the
announcement of demonetisation that they had received prior tip-offs and rumours
warning of the move and after seeing leaked photos of new ₹2,000 notes "knew what
was coming", allowing them to gambit their money by converting into smaller
denominations.[39]
A BJP MLA from Rajasthan, Bhawani Singh Rajawat, casually
claimed in a video that wealthy businessmen were informed about the
demonetisation before it occurred. He later denied making the comments.
Cash exchange and withdrawal
People gathered at ATM of Axis Bank on 16 November 2016 in Mehsana, Gujarat to withdraw cash
following deposit of demonetised banknotes in bank.
The Reserve Bank of India stipulated that the demonetised banknotes could be
deposited with banks over a period of fifty days until 30 December 2016. The
banknotes could also be exchanged for legal tender over the counter at all banks.
The limit for such exchange was ₹4,000 per person from 8 to 13 November, was
increased to ₹4,500 from 14 to 17 November, and reduced to ₹2,000 from 18 to 25
November.[1][42][43][44]
The exchange of banknotes was stopped completely on 25
November, although the government had previously stated that the volume of
exchange would be increased after that date.[45]
International airports also facilitated
an exchange of banknotes for foreign tourists and out-bound travellers, amounting to
a total value of ₹5,000 per person.[46]
Fuel pumps, government hospitals, railway and
airline booking counters, state-government recognised dairies and ration stores, and
crematoriums were allowed to accept the demonetised banknotes until 2 December
2016.[47]
Cash withdrawals from bank accounts were restricted to ₹10,000 per day
and ₹20,000 per week per account from 10 to 13 November.[1]
This limit was
increased to ₹24,000 per week from 14 November 2016.[42][43]
Limits on cash
withdrawals from Current accounts/ Cash credit accounts/ Overdraft accounts were
withdrawn later. RBI increased the withdrawal limit from Savings Bank account
to ₹50,000 from the earlier ₹24,000 on 20 February 2017 and then on 13 March
2017, it removed all withdrawal limits from savings bank accounts.[48]
A daily limit on withdrawals from ATMs was also imposed varying from ₹2,000 per
day until 14 November,[49]
and ₹2,500 per day until 31 December.[42][43]
This limit was
increased to ₹4,500 per day from 1 January,[50]
and again to ₹10,000 from 16 January
2017.[48]
From 17 November, families were allowed to withdraw ₹250,000 for wedding
expenses. Farmers were permitted to withdraw ₹25,000 per week against crop
loans.[44][51]
Ordinance and Acts
The Specified Bank Notes (Cessation of Liabilities) Ordinance, 2016 was issued on
28 December 2016, ending the liability of the government for the demonetised
banknotes. The ordinance also imposed fines on people found carrying out
transactions with them after 8 November 2016, or holding more than ten of them
after 30 December 2016. It provided for the exchange of the banknotes after 30
December for people who had been outside India between 9 November and 30
December.[52][53]
The Specified Bank Notes (Cessation of Liabilities) Act, 2017 was
notified on 1 March 2017, replacing the ordinance.[54]
Objectives and outcomes
The government said that the main objective of the exercise was curbing black
money, which included income which had not been reported and thus was untaxed;
money gained through corruption, illegal goods sales and illegal activities such
as human trafficking; and counterfeit currency. Other stated objectives included
expanding the tax base and increasing the number of taxpayers; reducing the
number of transactions carried out by cash; reducing the finances available to
terrorists and radical groups such as Maoists and Naxalites; and integrating the
formal and informal economies.[55][56][57][58][59]
Shifting of goalposts
The government was described as 'shifting the goalposts'[60][61][62]
with respect to the
goals of the demonetisation exercise. The initial stated goal was to curb black
money, corruption, and terrorism, but as it became apparent that almost all the cash
was being exchanged,[63]
the goals were expanded to include making India a
cashless economy, neutralisation of money held by Maoists, terrorists and human
traffickers, among others.[64]
Black money
The government estimated that ₹5 lakh crore, or approximately 20%, of the
demonetised banknotes would be permanently removed from circulation.[65]
However,
according to a 2018 report from the RBI, 99.3% of the demonetised banknotes,
or ₹15.30 lakh crore of the ₹15.41 lakh crore that had been demonetised, were
deposited with the banking system. The banknotes that were not deposited were
worth ₹10,720 crore.[66]
Commentators concluded that the government failed in its
aim of purging black money from the economy.[13]
Evasion
A jewellery store in a shopping mall with a notice "We accept ₹500 and ₹1,000 notes", even after they were
no longer valid banknotes.
There were reports of people circumventing the restrictions imposed on exchange
transactions by conducting multiple transactions at different bank branches, and by
sending hired people, employees, and followers in groups to exchange large
amounts of demonetised banknotes at banks.[67][68]
In Gujarat, Delhi and many other
major cities, sales of gold increased post-demonetisation, surging the price as much
as ₹45,000 (US$600) from the ruling price of ₹31,900 (US$420) per 10 grams
(0.35 oz).[69][70]
The Enforcement Directorate raided several forex establishments
making backdated entries.[71]
Money laundering using backdated accounting was
carried out by co-operative banks,[72]
jewellers,[73]
sellers of mobile phones,[74]
and
several other businesses.[75]
The cash deposited into hundis (cash collection boxes in temples and gurudwaras)
are exempted from inquiry by the tax department; this is sometimes to launder
money.[76][77]
After the demonetisation, there was a spike in donations in the form of
the demonetised banknotes in temples.[78][79][80][81]
People booked large numbers of
railway tickets to dispose of unaccounted cash. This came to the notice of the Indian
Railways authorities, who imposed restrictions to check evasion.[82][83]
Counterfeit banknotes
Number of counterfeit banknotes detected in banks (April – March)[84]
Denomination 2015–16 2016–17 2017–18
₹1 2 3 4
₹2 and ₹5 2 80 1
₹10 134 523 287
₹20 96 324 437
₹50 6,453 9,222 23,447
₹100 221,447 177,195 239,182
₹200 NA NA 79
₹500 (old) 261,695 317,567 127,918
₹500 (new) NA 199 9,892
₹1000 143,099 256,324 103,611
₹2000 NA 638 17,929
Total 632,926 762,027 522,783
After demonetisation, there was an increase in the number of
counterfeit ₹100 and ₹50 banknotes. The number of
counterfeit ₹500 and ₹1,000 (demonetised version) banknotes saw an increase in
2016–17 and subsequently a decline in 2017–18. But in 2017–18, there was an
increase in counterfeit ₹500 and ₹2,000 (new version) banknotes than the previous
year.[84]
There has been no significant change in the number of counterfeit banknotes
detected. In 2017–18, the number of detected counterfeit banknotes was close to the
number before demonetisation.[85]
Additionally, after demonetisation, only 0.0035% of
the ₹1,000 banknotes were found to be counterfeit.[86]
Tax collection
The number of income tax returns filing increased from 43.3 million to 52.9 million
between the financial year of 2016 and 2017, which was not a significant increase
compared to the increase between 2015 and 2016. The tax compliance had
increased with a number of income tax returns filing increased but the majority of
them were from salaried and non-business class. The income tax collections
increased in the financial year of 2017 due to Income Disclosure Scheme 2016. If
adjusted for it, the increase in tax collection was modest. The tax-to-GDP ratio has
increased due to expanding tax base.[87][85]
An analysis of the economic data shows
that there has been no substantial increase in the number of new tax payers or direct
tax collection due to demonetisation.[88][87][89]
Indirect tax/GDP ratio also remained on
the trend path and had no visible impact.[90]
The use of demonetised banknotes was allowed for the payment of municipal and
local civic body taxes, leading to a jump in their revenue collections. For example,
the Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation reported collecting about ₹160
crore (US$21 million) in cash payments of outstanding and advance taxes within the
first four days of demonetisation.[91]
Digital payments
The push for digital payments was one of the stated intentions of
demonetisation.[92][93][94][95]
There was immediate and sharp jump in digital payments in
November–December 2016 owing to shortages of cash. The debit card point of sales
transactions was twice the size of value suggested by trends before demonetisation.
The value of credit cards increased but no sharp growth was seen. The mobile wallet
transactions picked up immediately after demonetisation, followed by a dip in mid-
2017 due to easing cash shortages. There was again sharp rise thereafter. By April
2018, the volume of the digital payments had doubled.[92]
After return of the cash, the
growth in digital payment had been modest.[85][92]
The currency-to-GDP ratio was 12.1% in 2015–16. It declined to 8.8% in 2016–17
due to demonetisation but increased again to 10.9% in 2017–18.[84]
The currency-to-
GDP ratio was only marginally lower compared to levels before demonetisation.[85]
Banknotes in circulation
Cash in circulation[96]
On 28 October 2016, the total banknotes in circulation in India were valued at ₹17.77
lakh crore (US$240 billion); what proportion of this derived
from ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes was unknown. In its annual report of March 2016,
the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) stated that total banknotes in circulation
valued ₹16.42 lakh crore (US$220 billion) of which nearly 86% (around ₹14.18 lakh
crore (US$190 billion)) derived from ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes. In terms of volume,
the report stated that 24% (around 22.03 billion) of the total 9026.6 crore
(90.26 billion) banknotes in circulation were ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes.[97]
Before demonetisation (November 2016), there were banknotes worth ₹17.97 lakh
crore (US$240 billion) in the market. The demonetised banknotes constituted 86.4%
of it.[66]
The banknotes in circulation had reached to the level before demonetisation in
March 2018.[85]
By March 2018, there were banknotes worth ₹18.03 lakh
crore (US$240 billion) in the market; an increase of 9.9%. New banknotes
of ₹2,000 and ₹500 constitute 80.6% of it. So there was only 5.8% increase in small
domination banknotes.[66]
The volume of banknotes in the market increased by
2.1%.[84]
The banknotes in circulation had further increased to ₹19.5 lakh
crore (US$260 billion) in September 2018[98]
and ₹21.41 lakh crore (US$280 billion) in
March 2019, 19.14% higher than the level before demonetisation.[99]
Five years after
demonetisation, the currency in circulation was at a record high of ₹29.17 lakh
crore (US$390 billion) on 29 October 2021.[100][101]
Terrorism and internal security
Initially there was a decrease in the activities and attacks by Maoist
and Naxalite radical groups, which was attributed to lack of finance following
demonetisation. The surrender rate had reached its highest.[102][103][104][105][106]
The
activities returned within few months.[107][108]
There was a decrease in the terror
activities in Jammu and Kashmir.[109][110]
Other effects
Cashless ATM as on 1 December
Shortage of cash
Queue at an ATM for ₹100 banknotes in Howrah, on 8 November 2016, 22:23 (IST)
The scarcity of cash due to demonetisation led to chaos, and people faced difficulties
in depositing or exchanging the demonetised banknotes due to long queues outside
banks and ATMs across India.[8][9][111][112]
The ATMs were short of cash for months after
demonetisation.[113][114][115][116]
During the demonetisation, the unaccounted money worth ₹610 crore were seized
by the police and tax officials across India which included ₹110 crore in new
banknotes.[117]
Reports in the media noted that although the general public faced a
severe cash shortage, some individuals were able to amass crores in new
banknotes; they thus described the demonetisation exercise as being futile.[118][119][120]
Transport
The All India Motor Transport Congress claimed that about 800,000 truck drivers and
conductors were affected with the shortage of cash, with around 400,000 trucks
stranded at major highways across India.[121]
Major toll plazas in Gujarat and on the
Delhi-Mumbai highways also saw long queues as toll plaza operators refused the
demonetised banknotes.[122]
The Ministry of Road Transport and
Highways subsequently announced a suspension of toll collections on all national
highways across the country until 2 December as well as acceptance of
demonetised ₹500 banknotes as a toll from 2 to 15 December.[123]
Stock market
As a combined effect of demonetisation and the US presidential election, the stock
market indices dropped to an around six-month low in the week following the
announcement. The day after the demonetisation announcement, BSE
SENSEX crashed nearly 1,689 points and NIFTY 50 plunged by over 541
points.[15]
By the end of the intraday trading section on 15 November 2016, the BSE
SENSEX index was lower by 565 points and the NIFTY 50 index was below 8100
intraday.[124]
There were marginal effects on the stock market during November–
December 2016.[125]
A data study (July 2016 – February 2017) of 54 companies
across 13 sectors listed with the NSE showed that companies in cement, cotton and
rubber sectors showed an increase in total trades while companies in automotive,
clothing, foods, paper, real estate, retail, steel, sugar, tea and textiles sectors
showed a decrease in total trades after demonetisation.[126]
Demonetisation had a
negative impact on stock market returns evidenced from NIFTY 50 and other NIFTY
sectoral indices.[127]
Industrial output[
There was a reduction in industrial output as industries were hit by the cash
shortage.[128]
The Purchasing Managers' Index (PMI) fell to 46.7 in November 2016
from 54.5 in October 2016, recording its sharpest reduction in three years.[129]
A
reading above 50 indicates growth and a reading below shows contraction. This
indicates a slowdown in both manufacturing and services industries.[130]
The PMI
report also showed that the reduction in inflation in November 2016 was due to a
shortage in money supply.[129]
The growth in eight core sectors such as cement, steel and refinery products, which
constitute 38% of the Index of industrial production (IIP), was only to 4.9 percent in
November 2016 as compared with 6.6 percent a month ago.[130][131]
Agriculture
Transactions in the agriculture sector are heavily dependent on cash and were
adversely affected by the demonetisation.[132]
Due to scarcity of the new banknotes,
many farmers have insufficient cash to purchase seeds, fertilisers and pesticides
needed for the plantation of rabi crops usually sown around mid-
November.[133]
Farmers and their unions conducted protest rallies
in Gujarat, Amritsar and Muzaffarnagar against the demonetisation as well as
against restrictions imposed by the Reserve Bank of India on district cooperative
central banks which were ordered not to accept or exchange the demonetised
banknotes.
The shortage of cash led to plunge in demand which in turn led to a crash in the
prices of crops. Farmers were unable to recover even the costs of transportation
from their fields to the market from the low prices offered. Some farmers dumped
their produce in protest against the government.
Demonetisation resulted in the relative erosion of agricultural wages and weak
bargaining power of farmers for their produce.
Real GDP growth rate
Real GDP growth rate – Quarterly (%)
Real GDP growth rate – Year-on-Year
(%)
Real GDP growth rate[143][144][145][146] (base year 2011–12)
Financial Year Quarter Quarterly Yearly
2015–16
Q1 (April–June) 7%
8%[147]
Q2 (July–September) 7.4%
Q3 (October–December) 7.2%
Q4 (January–March) 9.1%
2016–17
Q1 (April–June) 7.9%
7.1%[147]
Q2 (July–September) 7.5%
Q3 (October–December) 7%
Q4 (January–March) 6.1%
2017–18
Q1 (April–June) 5.7%
6.5%
Q2 (July–September) 6.3%
Q3 (October–December) 7.2%
Q4 (January–March) 7.6%
2018–19 Q1 (April–June) 7.7%
Global analysts cut their
forecasts of India's
real GDP growth rate for the
financial year 2016–17 by 0.5 to
3% due to
demonetisation.[148][149]
India's
GDP in 2016 is estimated to be
US$2.25 trillion, hence, each 1 per cent reduction in growth rate represents a
shortfall of US$22.5 billion (₹ 1.54 lakh crore) for the Indian economy.[150]
According
to Societe Generale, quarterly GDP growth rates would drop below 7% for an entire
year at a stretch for the first time since June 2011.[151]
The Q4'16–17 rate was 6.1% as against a forecast of 7.1% by economists.[152]
The
rate for the financial year 2016–17 was 7.1%, a reduction from the 8% in 2015–
16.[153]
This drop was attributed to demonetisation by economists.[154]
The GDP growth rate for Q1'17–18 dropped to 5.7%, compared to 7.9% a year
ago,[155]
the lowest since March 2014. This drop was attributed to demonetisation as
well as inventory drawdown by companies due to the forthcoming implementation of
the Goods and Service Tax.[156][143]
The GDP started to recover from Q2'17–18 and
clocked 8.2% in Q2'18–19.[144][146][157]
Employment[
There was a loss of jobs and a decline in wages due to demonetisation, particularly
in the unorganised and informal sector and as well as in small
enterprises.[162][163][164][165]
Migrant workers were adversely affected by
demonetisation.[166][167]
According to the report prepared by the Centre for Monitoring Indian
Economy (CMIE), the number of employed people was 401 million in January–April
2016, 403 million during May–August 2016, and 406.5 million in September–
December 2016. After demonetisation in November 2016, the number fell to 405
million in January–April 2017. So there was fall of 1.5 million in number of people
employed.[159]
CMIE also reported that the number of persons employed was 406.7
million in 2016–17 which fell by 0.1% to 406.2 million in 2017–18. So the
employment had stagnated which resulted in employment rate decline. The
employment rate fell from 42.59% in 2016–17 to 41.45% in 2016–17. The
unemployment rate also declined from 7.51% in 2016–17 to 4.66% in 2017–18
because of the shrinking employed force. The number of the employed force fell
from 439.7 million in 2016–17 to 426.1 million in 2017–18. CMIE attributed the
impact to demonetisation as well as implementation of Goods and Services Tax in
July 2017.[158][160]
It is estimated that 1.5 million jobs were lost, according to The Guardian.[168]
Cost to banks
Before demonetisation, the RBI had spent ₹3,421 crore to print banknotes in 2015–
2016 (July to June). The cost of printing new banknotes escalated to ₹7,965 crore in
2016–17 and ₹4,912 crore in 2017–18.[66]
This resulted in a decline in the dividend
paid to the government from ₹65,876 crore in 2015–16 to ₹30,659 crore in 2016–17
Q2 (July–September) 8.2%
Q3 (October–December)
Q4 (January–March)
and ₹50,000 crore in 2017–18.[66][169][170]
It was estimated that this decrease in income
for the government could cause the fiscal deficit for the financial year 2016–17 to
increase from the targeted 3.2% to 3.4%.[171]
The Indian Air Force was paid ₹29.41
crore to move banknotes after demonetisation.[172]
The banks incurred the cost in collection, storage and movement of banknotes
across the country as well as in re-calibrating the ATMs.[173]
Welfare schemes
Demonetisation negatively impacted the Midday Meal Scheme due to the shortage
of funds.
Deaths
Several people were reported to have died from standing in queues for hours to
exchange their demonetised banknotes. Deaths were also attributed to lack of
medical help due to refusal of demonetised banknotes by hospitals. By the end of
December 2016, political opposition leaders claimed that over 100 people had died
due to demonetisation. In March 2017, the government stated that they received no
official report on deaths connected to demonetisation. Later in December 2018, the
then Finance Minister Arun Jaitley reported in parliament that four people, three bank
personnel and one customer of the State Bank of India, died during demonetisation.
Legal issues
A public interest litigation (PIL) was filed in Madras High Court by M. Seeni Ahmed,
General Secretary of the Indian National League, to scrap the decision of
demonetisation. The High Court dismissed the PIL, stating that it could not interfere
in monetary policies of the government. Similar PILs were also filed in the Supreme
Court of India. In November 2017, the Supreme Court of India referred all cases
related to demonetisation to constitutional bench to review the legality of the
demonetisation, implementation irregularities and violation of people's rights by limits
on cash withdrawals.[194]
The government had initially announced that any person who is unable to deposit the
demonetised banknotes by 31 December 2016 would be given an opportunity to do
so until a later date.[1]
However, the government allowed only Non-Resident
Indians (NRIs) to deposit demonetised banknotes after 31 December 2016.[195]
As a
result, many people were left stranded with demonetised banknotes. People
petitioned the courts to allow a deposit of the demonetised banknotes.[196]
In
November 2017, the Supreme Court dismissed 14 petitions related to
demonetisation, and asked petitioners to file pleas with a constitutional bench which
would deal with cases related to demonetisation.[197]
Reactions
Reactions of economists
Most economists across the ideological spectrum, except some partisan ones, were
broadly critical of the demonetisation as an economic policy.[198]
Indian-American economist Jagdish Bhagwati praised the demonetisation.[199]
Nobel
laureate Amartya Sen, severely criticised the demonetisation move, calling it a
"despotic action" among other things. Former Senior Vice-President and Chief
Economist of the World Bank Kaushik Basu, called it a 'major mistake' and said that
the 'damage' is likely to be much greater than any possible benefits. Pronab Sen,
former Chief Statistician and Planning Commission of India member, called it a
"hollow move" since it did not really address any of the purported goals of tackling
black money or fake currency. Prabhat Patnaik, a former professor of economics at
the Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi called the move 'witless' and 'anti-people'. He
criticised the simple way in which black money was assumed as "a hoard of cash",
saying that it would have little effect in eliminating "black activities" while "causing
much hardship to common people."
Nobel laureate Richard Thaler praised the demonetisation as "This is a policy I have
long supported", but didn't seem positive towards the introduction of Rs.2000
banknote.[208]
Economist and journalist T. N. Ninan wrote in the Business
Standard that demonetisation 'looks like a bad idea, badly executed on the basis of
some half-baked notions'.[209]
Steve Forbes described the move as 'Sickening And
Immoral'.[210]
He stated that "What India has done is commit a massive theft of
people's property without even the pretense of due process—a shocking move for a
democratically elected government."[210]
Nobel laureate Paul Krugman said that it is
difficult to see gains from demonetisation, while there may be significant costs to
it.[211]
Economic analyst Vivek Kaul stated in a BBC article that "demonetisation had
been a failure of epic proportions."[14]
Reactions of industrialists
The decision met with mixed initial reactions. Several bankers like Arundhati
Bhattacharya (Chairperson of State Bank of India) and Chanda Kochhar (MD & CEO
of ICICI Bank) appreciated the move in the sense that it would help curb black
money.[212]
Businessmen Anand Mahindra (Mahindra Group), Sajjan Jindal (JSW
Group), Kunal Bahl (Snapdeal and FreeCharge) also supported the move adding
that it would also accelerate e-commerce. Infosys founder N. R. Narayana
Murthy praised the move.
Deepak Parekh (Chairman of HDFC) had initially appreciated the decision of
demonetisation, but later said that the move had derailed the economy, and
expressed skepticism about its outcome. Industrialist Rajiv Bajaj criticised
demonetisation, saying that not just the execution, but the concept of demonetisation
was wrong in itself.[217]
Political reactions
Indian National Congress spokesperson Randeep Surjewala welcomed the move but
remained skeptical on the consequences that would follow. Chief Minister of
Bihar Nitish Kumar supported the move. The demonetisation also got support from
the then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh Nara Chandrababu Naidu. Former Chief
Election Commissioner of India S. Y. Quraishi said demonetisation could lead to long
term electoral reforms. Indian social activist Anna Hazare hailed demonetisation as a
"revolutionary step". Former President of India Pranab Mukherjee welcomed the
demonetisation move by calling it a "bold step". Chief Ministers of several Indian
states like Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal and Pinarayi Vijayan have criticised
and led major protests against the decision in their states and in parliament. Initially,
the move to demonetise and try to hinder black money was appreciated, but the
manner in which it was carried out by causing hardships to common people was
criticised.[236]
A Parliamentary panel report in April 2017 stated that rural households and honest
taxpayers were the worst hit by demonetisation.[237]
It said that it was not just the poor
that suffered, but the manufacturing sector was impacted too.[238]
According to the
panel, demonetisation created significant disruption throughout economy, because it
was carried out without prior study or research.[239][240]
An Indian National Congress led
opposition which includes 13 political parties, opposed the government on the issue
of demonetisation in the Winter Session of the Indian Parliament.[241][242][243][244]
On 16 November 2016, Mamata Banerjee led a delegation comprising political
parties of Trinamool Congress, Aam Aadmi Party, BJP ally Shiv Sena and National
Conference to Rashtrapati Bhawan to protest against the decision of demonetisation.
A memorandum was submitted to the President of India Pranab
Mukherjee demanding rollback of the decision.[245][11]
Prem Chand Gupta, a member of the Rashtriya Janata Dal, questioned a statement
of Modi from the unscheduled TV broadcast on 8 November, "If it was planned 10
months ago, how did RBI Governor Urjit Patel sign on new note?". Praful Patel, a
member of the Nationalist Congress Party, stated that "the government was not even
prepared to recalibrate the ATMs while announcing the move. People's suffering are
unimaginable. Nobody is questioning the government's intention, but you are
unprepared to execute the move". Later, the former Chief Minister of Uttar
Pradesh Mayawati stated the situation to "a financial emergency", by saying "It looks
as if Bharat has shut down." Also, Sitaram Yechury from the Communist Party of
India, questioned the government on the demonetisation move by stating "only 6% of
black money in India is in cash to drive his point that demonetisation won't curb illicit
wealth."[246]
On 17 November 2016, a rally against demonetisation, led by Chief Minister of
Delhi Arvind Kejriwal and his West Bengal counterpart Mamata Banerjee at Azadpur
Mandi, the biggest vegetable and fruits wholesale market in New Delhi was
organised.[247]
On 24 November 2016, former prime minister Manmohan Singh said "this scheme
will hurt small industries, the farming sector. The GDP can decline by about 3
percent due to this move". He termed the demonetisation as an "organised loot,
legalised plunder of the common people".[248][249]
Strikes were organised across India. Opposition parties like the Indian National
Congress, Bahujan Samaj Party, Trinamool Congress,[250]
DMK, JD(U),
AIADMK, Nationalist Congress Party, Left, Rashtriya Janata Dal and the Samajwadi
Party[251]
decided to observe 'Akrosh Diwas' as, a protest campaign day on 28
November [252][253]
and launch protests in front of banks, demanding that money be
returned to people.[254]
In the state of Bihar, 15 trains were blocked and stranded,
while the states of West Bengal, Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh saw protest
marches and rallies led by opposition parties.[255]
In the state of Kerala, shops and
business establishments were shut, with schools and colleges closed throughout the
state, while movements of private vehicles were also disrupted in Northern Kerala.[255]
Former Indian Chief Election Commissioner, O. P. Rawat stated that 'the note ban
had absolutely no impact on black money', and that record amounts of money had
been seized in polls held after demonetisation.[256]
International reactions
By and large, initial international response was positive which saw the move as a
bold crackdown on corruption.[257][258][259]
The International Monetary Fund's
spokesperson Gerry Rice told that it supported the efforts to fight corruption and
illegal finances but cautioned about the disruptions.[257]
Chinese state media Global Times praised the move and termed it as "fierce fight
against black money and corruption."[258]
Former Prime Minister of Finland and Vice-
President of European Commission Jyrki Katainen welcomed the demonetisation
move stressing that bringing transparency will strengthen the Indian
economy.[260][261]
BBC's South Asia Correspondent Justin Rowlatt in his article praised
the move for its secrecy.[262]
Tim Worstall termed the demonetisation as welcome
macroeconomic effect in his article in Forbes magazine.[263]
Swedish Minister of
Enterprise Mikael Damberg supported the move by calling it a bold decision.[259]
The demonetisation also came in for sharp criticism from media outside
India,[264][265]
with The New York Times saying that the demonetisation was "atrociously
planned" and that it did not appear to have combatted black money,[266][267]
while an
article in The Guardian stated that "Modi has brought havoc to India".[264]
The Harvard
Business Review called it "a case study in poor policy and even poorer
execution".[268]
The frequent change in the narrative on objectives of the
demonetisation to its visible impact on the poorest of the poor made other critiques
calling the government's narrative as spins in view of the "pointless suffering on
India's poorest."[269]
Political impact
Akshay Mangala, an Assistant Professor at Harvard Business School, called the
move "the politics of visible disruption". He noted that the people might attribute the
implementation shortcomings to institutional weakness while the government could
take credit for its attempt to curb the black money. He also noted that it may result in
the public opinion in favour of the government which is led by the BJP if the
opposition parties, led by the INC, fail to form the countervailing narrative.[270]
MIT
associated academics Abhijit Banerjee and Namrata Kala also opined the same.[198]
The BJP and its allies formed the government in six out of seven state legislative
assemblies which went to the elections in 2017, including the most populous
state, Uttar Pradesh.[198][271][272][273]
BJP improved its performance
in Uttarakhand[271][273][274]
and Himachal Pradesh.[275][276]
In Manipur and Goa, INC secured
the plurality while BJP came second and formed the government with the help of its
allies.[273][277]
In Gujarat, BJP worsened its performance but retained the
majority.[278][275]
The BJP and its allies lost to the INC in Punjab.[273]
Long term impact
In 2019, India experienced an economic slowdown which was attributed to
demonetisation and several other factors.[279][280]
In 2020, a large number of users switched to digital payments with ease following the
increase in Covid-19 pandemic in India. The rise in digital payments and cashless
transactions is attributed to the demonetisation.[281]
As of November 2021, further increase in digital payments and bank notes in
circulation was seen.[282]
In popular culture
 Puthan Panam, a 2017 film directed by Renjith based on the issue of black money and
demonetisation.
 Aadu 2, a 2017 film revolves around demonetisation.
 Golak Bugni Bank Te Batua, a 2018 Punjabi film also revolves around demonetisation.
 Chappad Phaad Ke, a 2019 Disney+Hotstar film revolves around demonetisation
 Choked, a 2020 Netflix film directed by Anurag Kashyap is set in backdrop of
demonetisation.
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OUR National Monetisation
Pipeline: unlocking value in
brownfield projects via the
private sector
The government has unveiled a four-year National Monetisation Pipeline
worth an estimated Rs 6 lakh crore.
The government on Monday unveiled a four-year National Monetisation Pipeline (NMP)
worth an estimated Rs 6 lakh crore. It aims to unlock value in brownfield projects by
engaging the private sector, transferring to them revenue rights and not ownership in the
projects, and using the funds so generated for infrastructure creation across the country.
The NMP has been announced to provide a clear framework for monetisation and give
potential investors a ready list of assets to generate investment interest. The government has
stressed that these are brownfield assets, which have been “de-risked” from execution risks,
and therefore should encourage private investment. Structuring the monetisation transactions,
providing a balance risk profile of assets, and effective execution of the NMP will be key
challenges.
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What is monetisation?
In a monetisation transaction, the government is basically transferring revenue rights to
private parties for a specified transaction period in return for upfront money, a revenue share,
and commitment of investments in the assets. Real estate investment trusts (REITs) and
infrastructure investment trusts (InvITs), for instance, are the key structures used to monetise
assets in the roads and power sectors. These are also listed on stock exchanges, providing
investors liquidity through secondary markets as well. While these are a structured financing
vehicle, other monetisation models on PPP (Public Private Partnership) basis include:
Operate Maintain Transfer (OMT), Toll Operate Transfer (TOT), and Operations,
Maintenance & Development (OMD). OMT and TOT have been used in highways sector
while OMD is being deployed in case of airports.
Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman said: “There is no land here, this entire (NMP) is
talking about brownfield projects where investments have already been made, where there is
a completed asset which is either languishing or it is not fully monetised or is under-utilised.
So by bringing in private participation in this you will be able to monetise it better and ensure
further investment in infrastructure building.”
What is the government’s plan?
Roads, railways and power sector assets will comprise over 66% of the total estimated value
of the assets to be monetised, with the remaining upcoming sectors including telecom,
mining, aviation, ports, natural gas and petroleum product pipelines, warehouses and
stadiums. In terms of annual phasing by value, 15% of assets with an indicative value of Rs
0.88 lakh crore are envisaged for rollout in the current financial year. The NMP will run co-
terminus with the National Infrastructure Pipeline of Rs 100 lakh crore announced in
December 2019. The estimated amount to be raised through monetisation is around 14% of
the proposed outlay for the Centre of Rs 43 lakh crore under NIP.
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200 crore
What is the list of assets?
The assets on the NMP list include: 26,700 km of roads, railway stations, train operations and
tracks, 2,8608 Ckt km worth of power transmission lines, 6 GW of hydroelectric and solar
power assets, 2.86 lakh km of fibre assets and 14,917 towers in the telecom sector, 8,154 km
of natural gas pipelines and 3,930 km of petroleum product pipelines. In the roads sector, the
government has already monetised 1,400 km of national highways worth Rs 17,000 crore.
Another five assets have been monetised through a PowerGrid InvIT raising Rs 7,700 crore.
Also, 15 railway stations, 25 airports and the stake of central government in existing airports
and 160 coal mining projects, 31 projects in 9 major ports, 210 lakh MT of warehousing
assets, 2 national stadia and 2 regional centres, will be up for monetisation. Redevelopment
of various government colonies and hospitality assets including ITDC hotels is expected to
generate Rs 15,000 crore.
What are the challenges?
Among the key challenges that may affect the NMP roadmap are: lack of identifiable
revenues streams in various assets, level of capacity utilisation in gas and petroleum pipeline
networks, dispute resolution mechanism, regulated tariffs in power sector assets, and low
interest among investors in national highways below four lanes. While the government has
tried to address these challenges in the NMP framework, execution of the plan remains key to
its success. Structuring of monetisation transactions is being seen as key. The slow pace of
privatisation in government companies including Air India and BPCL, and less-than-
encouraging bids in the recently launched PPP initiative in trains, indicate that attracting
private investors interest is not that easy.
“Monetisation potential of toll road assets, though being a market-tested asset class with
established monetisation models, is limited by the percentage of stretches having fourlane
and above configuration. The total length of national highway (NH) stretches with four-lane
and above is estimated to be about 23% of the total NH network,” as per the NMP
framework. The government has tried to address this with a plan to monetise assets that are
four-lane and above.
The MNP framework notes that other key impediments to the monetisation process are asset-
specific challenges such as presence of an identifiable revenue stream. This is specifically
relevant to the railway sector, which has seen limited PPP success as a mode of project
delivery.
Konkan Railway, for instance, has multiple stakeholders, including state governments, which
own stake in the entity. Creating an effective monetisation transaction structure could be a bit
challenging in this case.
Monetisation of government assets- pros &
cons, writes Kiran Nanda
The project envisions leasing of select government assets like roads, power lines,
mines and stadiums for a specified period, after which the asset will be returned
back to the government. Funds so generated will be invested in greenfield
infrastructure. NMP will run parallel to National Infrastructure Pipeline (NIP) and
Gati Shakti programme.NMP is an ongoingplan for “asset recycling”.
Despite numerous past disappointments,the government has
courageouslyannounced a number ofwell-studied infrastructure
programmes,which include the four-yearNMP envisagingmonetization
of Rs 6 lakh crore worth of specified core & non-core infrastructure
assets.
The project envisions leasing of select government assets like roads, power
lines, mines and stadiums for a specified period, after which the asset will
be returned back to the government. Funds so generated will be invested in
greenfield infrastructure. NMP will run parallel to National Infrastructure
Pipeline (NIP) and Gati Shakti programme. This coordinated move will
not only speed the infra development but also be the driving force towards
creating sustainable infrastructure and ensuring the seamless movement of
goods & services.
In the process, employment opportunities will get generated and ease of
doing business will also get facilitated. The Finance Ministry is reported to
be working with other ministries, departments and state governments to
quickly implement these three major reform programmes.
The focus is on supply-side reforms to ease structural infrastructure
bottlenecks including cost reduction instead of merely concentrating on
economic normalization. Full support will come from the fact that the
government has continuously been taking meaningful facilitative measures
like economic stimulus packages along with timely structural reforms in
various sectors that would play a pivotal role in India’s economic recovery
process.
GST is being reformed to achieve its potential. NaBFID- National Bank
for Financing Infrastructure and Development is being set up to support
long term infra financing. The government is also setting up a ‘National
Land Monetization Corporation’. Government is likely to bring ‘Canada
Lands Company’ on board to assist in the operations of this SPV. NMP
will be implemented through relevant changes in existing contractual
modes/regulatory regimes as well as capital market instruments like
Infrastructure Investment Trusts (InvITs)/ Real Estate Investment Trust
(REITs). These financial instruments would facilitate investors to invest in
completed real estate and infrastructure assets with a low ticket size and
adequate liquidity, thereby making the plan inclusive.
PROS include unshackling the unproductive PSUs; boosting investors’
confidence; minimizing completion risk (roughly 50% of government
assets ready for monetization); NMP’s integration with NIP and Gati
Shakti would resolve the historical irritant of delay in project
implementation and optimal utilization of national infrastructure.
Bureaucratic silos are being done away with. States’ participation is being
ensured. NMP is not about generating revenues, but about efficient
management and stewardship of public infrastructure.
The government has been continuously taking facilitative measures to
make the NMP a success. Finance Minister has desired multilateral
development banks to intensify private sector capital mobilization for
inclusive and green development. Notably, the government’s thinking
marks a historic shift on how India henceforth would be conducting the
business of developing infrastructure. There is even talk of initiating
changes in the administrative framework at the ground level. PM
visualizes the initiative to be integrative and transformational.
CONS — Though the monetization programme holds grand promise,
experiences of Land Portal initiative failure, Railway auction debacle and
lacklustre performance of disinvestments all paint a dismal scenario
creating doubts about whether the monetization plan would be able to
attract adequate buyers. Executing NMP on such a large scale is bound to
face bottlenecks.
Even with the assistance of highly qualified experts, it can become
difficult to evaluate which specific government-owned assets should be
leased out first and what benchmarks should be short-listed for projecting
cash inflows for assets, especiallywhen many may be illiquid. Opposition
parties view the programme as a daylight robbery, creating a monopoly of
a select few when the USA, South Korea and China are trying to control
monopolies/duopolies. Monetization policy should have been debated in
Parliament. There can also arise legal challenges.
It is imperative that all infrastructure initiatives get underpinned by a
stable and predictable policy and regulatory framework ideally suited for a
liberalizedenvironment. Another imperative is that the government’s
Institutional monitoring mechanism needs strengthening by associating
professionals from Industry Associations/Chambers of Commerce &
Industry with it. Trust, being basic for a flowering of a true partnership, is
being repeatedly emphasized by the authorities. Mindset and thought
processes need to shift to the realization that profit-making is not a zero-
sum game that ignores public interest.
Supportive policy measures taken to build the trust are like doing away
with the retrospective provision; PLI scheme which being pro-growth and
pro-investment has been receivedwell by both domestic and foreign
investors; Telecom relief measures are being received well and timely
Public-Private Partnership breaching the space frontier at an opportune
time when several Indian and international companies have bet on satellite
communications as the next frontier to provide internet connectivity at the
retail level; Forest Act is being amended to ease land availabilityfor the
private sector for use of non-forestry purposes.
After Air India privatization, the government hopes to close BPCL stake
sale and LIC IPO by March 2022. Contractual frameworks need to
consider the state as a partner and not sovereign. This will also require the
government to tread cautiously on separating its regulatory role from the
asset-owning one. Gati Shakti by bringing together various ministries with
a view to remove the bottlenecks in project implementation would be an
enabler towards making multiplier factors in the vast infrastructure sector
work effectively. Besides, the issue of user charges is bound to come up.
Care has to be taken that user charges are kept rational.
The monetization programme is undoubtedly ambitious but not new.
Success cases of monetization in India have been quite a few but these
were carriedout on a smaller scale like franchising of the Electricity sector
in Bhiwandi, which resulted in a reduction in losses from 70% to 30%.
Monetization was also successful in the case of the construction of the
Mumbai Pune Highway.
Asset monetization has been widely successful abroad. What is required is
a different constructive mindset amongst all stakeholders along with
greater clarity on the actual terms of the deals. If basic issues especially
pertaining to the valuation of individual assets get sorted out, the scheme
could enjoy mammoth win-win potential. Ultimate success will lie in the
quality of NMP’s execution
Publishedon:Saturday,November06,2021, 08:38 AMIST
INITIATIVES

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National monetisation project

  • 1. Introduction Recently, Union Finance Minister unveiled the Centre’s four-year infrastructure asset monetization programme to raise ₹6 trillion under the National Monetization Pipeline (NMP) project. Under the ambitious NMP, the government has identified 13 sectors — including airports, railways, roads, shipping, gas pipeline among others— which will be privatized as the government aims to monetize its brownfield infrastructure assets. The monetization plan was first announced in the annual budget speech in February 2021. It will serve as a medium-term road map for the government’s asset sale initiative. The plan is well-conceived, as it brings several intended monetization and divestment plans under one umbrella- National Monetization Pipeline (NMP). It is also timely given the government’s strained fiscal condition after the COVID-19 pandemic. Let’s go through it in detail. What is the NMP project?  The National Monetization Pipeline involves leasing out central government assets valued at around Rs 6 lakh crore over a four-year period ending in 2024-25. NMP represents an alternative to an outright sale of assets.  The major idea is to lease out brownfield projects, proceeds from which can be used to finance greenfield projects.  Only underutilized assets will be monetized.  The ownership of the assets monetized, though, will remain with the government, with the private players taking on the operational risk.  Major sectors: The top three sectors by value identified for asset monetization include roads (27%), railways (25%), and power (15%) in the value of the total asset. While roads, railways, and power account for around 65% of the proceeds of the program. It also includes sectors such as telecom, aviation, mining, and warehousing. o The potential models of road asset monetization would be Toll Operate Transfer (ToT) and Infrastructure Investment Trust (InvIT).  Participation of states: The central government is also incentivizing states to participate in this program.  For the FY22, the government through its asset monetization program plans to raise ₹88,000 crores.  Govt plans to correlate NMP with the National Infrastructure Project announced earlier.  An empowered committee has been constituted to implement and monitor the Asset Monetization program. The Core Group of Secretaries on Asset Monetization (CGAM) will be headed by the Cabinet Secretary.
  • 2. Objective of NMP The desired goal is to provide a clear framework for monetization and give potential investors a ready list of assets to generate their interest. NMP aims to monetize the existing asset base and using its proceeds for new infrastructure creation, recycling the future assets and build multiplier effect on growth and revive credit flow. Rationale behind Asset Monetization A developing country like India needs asset monetization for the following reasons:  Financing the infrastructure creation: With a massive infrastructure deficit, finding resources to build physical assets is a difficult task. Hence, the government wants to monetize existing infrastructure assets by leasing them out to private firms for a fixed tenure under a revenue-sharing model.  Easing fiscal burden: It will help the authorities ease fiscal constraints and free up balance sheets for more greenfield infrastructure creation. For example, a stadium, built by the government that remains idle for the most part of the year, can be leased to a private party that can efficiently manage it by organizing cultural functions and allowing  the  public  to  use  it  for  a  fee.  It could also provide States with the additional resources needed to sustain public investment during this period of stressed public finances. What is the monetization of assets? Under this, the government transfers revenue rights of an asset to private parties for a specified transaction period, in return for upfront money, a revenue share, and commitment of investments in the assets. Real estate investment trusts (REITs) and infrastructure investment trusts (InvITs), for instance, are the key structures used to monetize assets in the roads and power sectors. Other monetization models on PPP (Public Private Partnership) basis include:  Operate Maintain Transfer (OMT)
  • 3.  Toll Operate Transfer (TOT)  Operations, Maintenance & Development (OMD) OMT and TOT have been used in the highways sector, while OMD is being deployed in the case of airports. Is asset monetization new to India? No. India has been monetizing assets for a long time through public-private partnerships (PPP). In India, the concept was suggested by a committee led by Vijay Kelkar on the roadmap for fiscal consolidation in 2012. The committee had suggested that the government start monetization as a key instrument to raise resources for development.  The Delhi airport has been built through the PPP mode. The project that started in 2006 has been completed at a total cost of ₹12,500 crores, enabling world-class infrastructure creation with no additional cost to AAI.  In 2020, the Maharashtra State Road Development Corp. Ltd awarded the tolling rights of the Mumbai-Pune Expressway and old  Mumbai-Pune corridor for ₹8,262 crores. Global examples Australia: Asset recycling has been enacted in Australia through the Asset Recycling Initiative (ARI) of the federal government, which during the 2014-15 budget announced the Infrastructure Growth Package (IGP), a 10-year vision of infrastructure investment in the nation. ARI was aimed at encouraging states to recycle assets and utilize the sale proceeds for productivity-enhancing infrastructure by asking private firms to fund and run public infrastructure. This helped unlock more than $17 billion in infrastructure development across Australia. Issues/Challenges 1. Making it attractive for the private sector: As ownership is not being transferred, GoI will retain oversight through the contract period. The contract, however, needs to be flexible enough to make it attractive for a private entity. Finding the balance within a government framework has been challenging in the past. o The slow pace of privatization in government companies including Air India and BPCL, and less-than-encouraging bids in the recently launched PPP initiative in trains, indicate that attracting private investors’ interest is not that easy. 2. Creation of a regulatory framework: Another challenge is creating a regulatory framework to deal with a monopoly, which is something that will happen in the railway projects under NMP. 3. Structural challenges: Proper maintenance of asset register and title and encroachment may adversely affect the monetization plan. Similarly, land unavailability, delayed approvals and clearances, policy constraints, and lack of coordination among stakeholders could hinder the project’s progress 4. Privatization of a state-owned industry can also cause job-loss anxieties among its workers.
  • 4. 5. With proposed concession periods running up to 60 years for some assets, NMP deals, by contrast, could pose a long-term headache if they are not structured with end-user interests in mind, balancing the profit and utility motives. 6. The sharing of risk and rewards between the public and private partners needs to be weighed carefully for each sector. Checks and balances are needed for actual infrastructure usage versus projections at the time of bidding. 7. Due to current economic situation, revenue projections for PPP assets could be deflated now, leading to lower bids followed by super-normal gains for the operator in the future. 8. Other challenges: Lack of identifiable revenues streams in various assets, level of capacity utilization in gas and petroleum pipeline networks, dispute resolution mechanism, regulated tariffs in power sector assets, and low interest among investors in national highways below four lanes. Suggestions/measures  Preventing a monopoly: The government needs to avoid a situation where a few firms capture most of the assets.  Structuring the deals: The key to success lies in the way the deals are structured to make them attractive enough for enhanced private sector participation.  Smooth implementation: It would be important for the government to get the first few projects in each sector right to start things in the right direction. Smooth implementation of the first Rs 10,000 crore will determine the fate of the Rs 6 trillion monetization plan. Hence, achieving the first-year target of Rs 0.8 trillion is very important to build confidence in the market.  Proper regulation: To maximize their profit over a limited time frame, investors would want to raise prices, limit competition or cut back on maintenance. Hence, we need proper bureaucratic ability and regulatory mechanisms to prevent this from happening.  The central government and specifically the defence forces and the railways are sitting on substantial amounts of land within major urban centres. It may be easier to lease out some of this land since price benchmarks would be available from the cost of privately- owned land in nearby areas. Any capital expenditure incurred by private parties to make such land usable could be deducted from the upfront leasing fees payable to the government Way forward NMP represents an alternative to an outright sale of assets. Its success will depend on execution. Source: Indian Express, Live Mint, Times of India, The Hindu, Livemint 2, Times of India 2, Indian Express 2 2016 Indian banknote demonetisation From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to navigationJump to search
  • 5. 2016 Indian banknote demonetisation Queues outside a bank to exchange demonetised banknotes in Kolkata on 10 November 2016 Date 8 November 2016 Time 20:15 IST (14:45 UTC) Location India Motive Curbing black money  On 8 November 2016, the Government of India announced the demonetisation of all ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes of the Mahatma Gandhi Series. It also announced the issuance of new ₹500 and ₹2,000 banknotes in exchange for the demonetised banknotes.[1] Prime Minister Narendra Modi claimed that the action would curtail the shadow economy, increase cashless transactions and reduce the use of illicit and counterfeit cash to fund illegal activity and terrorism. The announcement of demonetisation was followed by prolonged cash shortages in the weeks that followed, which created significant disruption throughout the economy. People seeking to exchange their banknotes had to stand in lengthy queues, and several deaths were linked to the rush to exchange cash. According to a 2018 report from the Reserve Bank of India, approximately 99.3% of the demonetised banknotes, or ₹15.30 lakh crore (15.3 trillion) of the ₹15.41 lakh crore that had been demonetised, were deposited with the banking system, leading analysts to state that the effort had failed to remove black money from the economy. The BSE SENSEX and NIFTY 50 stock indices fell over 6 percent on the day after the announcement. The move reduced the country's industrial production and its GDP growth rate. It is estimated that 1.5 million jobs were lost. The move also saw a significant increase in digital and cashless transactions through out the country. Initially, the move received support from several bankers as well as from some international commentators. The move was also criticised as poorly planned and unfair, and was met with protests, litigation, and strikes against the government in several places across India. Debates also took place concerning the move in both houses of Parliament. Contents
  • 6.  1Background  2Demonetisation process o 2.1Preparation and announcement o 2.2Information leak rumours o 2.3Cash exchange and withdrawal o 2.4Ordinance and Acts  3Objectives and outcomes o 3.1Shifting of goalposts o 3.2Black money  3.2.1Evasion o 3.3Counterfeit banknotes o 3.4Tax collection o 3.5Digital payments o 3.6Banknotes in circulation o 3.7Terrorism and internal security  4Other effects o 4.1Shortage of cash o 4.2Transport o 4.3Stock market o 4.4Industrial output o 4.5Agriculture o 4.6Real GDP growth rate o 4.7Employment o 4.8Cost to banks o 4.9Welfare schemes o 4.10Deaths  5Legal issues  6Reactions o 6.1Reactions of economists o 6.2Reactions of industrialists o 6.3Political reactions o 6.4International reactions  7Political impact  8Long term impact  9In popular culture  10See also  11References  12External links Background The Indian government had demonetised banknotes on two prior occasions—once in 1946 and once in 1978—and in both cases, the goal was to combat tax evasion via "black money" held outside the formal economic system.[23] In 1978, the Janata Party coalition government demonetised banknotes of ₹1,000, ₹5,000 and ₹10,000, again in the hopes of curbing counterfeit money and black money.[24] In 2012, the Central Board of Direct Taxes recommended against demonetisation, saying in a report that "demonetisation may not be a solution for tackling black money or shadow economy, which is largely held in the form of benami properties, bullion and jewelry."[25][26] According to data from income tax probes, black money holders kept only 6% or less of their wealth as cash, suggesting that targeting this cash would not be a successful strategy.[27]
  • 7. Demonetisation process Demonetised ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes of the Mahatma Gandhi Series Preparation and announcement The plan to demonetise the ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes was initiated between six and ten months before it was a report by the State Bank of India (SBI) analysed possible strategies and effects of demonetisation.[28] In May 2016, the Reserve Bank of India had started preparing for new banknotes and confirmed the design of ₹2,000 banknotes in August 2016. The printing of new banknotes started in October when the news stories of forthcoming new banknotes appeared in the media.[29][30][31] On 27 October 2016, the Hindi daily Dainik Jagran published a report quoting RBI sources speaking of the forthcoming of ₹2,000 banknotes alongside withdrawal of ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes.[32][33] On 21 October 2016, The Hindu Business Line had also published a report on the forthcoming ₹2,000 banknote.[34] The Union cabinet was informed about the plan on 8 November 2016 in a meeting in the evening called by the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.[35] Soon after the meeting, Modi announced the demonetisation in an unscheduled live national televised address at 20:15 IST.[36][37] He declared circulation of all ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes of the Mahatma Gandhi Series as invalid effective from the midnight of the same day, and announced the issuance of new ₹500 and ₹2,000 banknotes of the Mahatma Gandhi New Series in exchange for the demonetised banknotes.[38] Information leak rumours In an interview of prominent businessmen 'allegedly' claimed after the announcement of demonetisation that they had received prior tip-offs and rumours warning of the move and after seeing leaked photos of new ₹2,000 notes "knew what was coming", allowing them to gambit their money by converting into smaller denominations.[39] A BJP MLA from Rajasthan, Bhawani Singh Rajawat, casually claimed in a video that wealthy businessmen were informed about the demonetisation before it occurred. He later denied making the comments.
  • 8. Cash exchange and withdrawal People gathered at ATM of Axis Bank on 16 November 2016 in Mehsana, Gujarat to withdraw cash following deposit of demonetised banknotes in bank. The Reserve Bank of India stipulated that the demonetised banknotes could be deposited with banks over a period of fifty days until 30 December 2016. The banknotes could also be exchanged for legal tender over the counter at all banks. The limit for such exchange was ₹4,000 per person from 8 to 13 November, was increased to ₹4,500 from 14 to 17 November, and reduced to ₹2,000 from 18 to 25 November.[1][42][43][44] The exchange of banknotes was stopped completely on 25 November, although the government had previously stated that the volume of exchange would be increased after that date.[45] International airports also facilitated an exchange of banknotes for foreign tourists and out-bound travellers, amounting to a total value of ₹5,000 per person.[46] Fuel pumps, government hospitals, railway and airline booking counters, state-government recognised dairies and ration stores, and crematoriums were allowed to accept the demonetised banknotes until 2 December 2016.[47] Cash withdrawals from bank accounts were restricted to ₹10,000 per day and ₹20,000 per week per account from 10 to 13 November.[1] This limit was increased to ₹24,000 per week from 14 November 2016.[42][43] Limits on cash withdrawals from Current accounts/ Cash credit accounts/ Overdraft accounts were withdrawn later. RBI increased the withdrawal limit from Savings Bank account to ₹50,000 from the earlier ₹24,000 on 20 February 2017 and then on 13 March 2017, it removed all withdrawal limits from savings bank accounts.[48] A daily limit on withdrawals from ATMs was also imposed varying from ₹2,000 per day until 14 November,[49] and ₹2,500 per day until 31 December.[42][43] This limit was increased to ₹4,500 per day from 1 January,[50] and again to ₹10,000 from 16 January 2017.[48] From 17 November, families were allowed to withdraw ₹250,000 for wedding expenses. Farmers were permitted to withdraw ₹25,000 per week against crop loans.[44][51] Ordinance and Acts The Specified Bank Notes (Cessation of Liabilities) Ordinance, 2016 was issued on 28 December 2016, ending the liability of the government for the demonetised banknotes. The ordinance also imposed fines on people found carrying out transactions with them after 8 November 2016, or holding more than ten of them after 30 December 2016. It provided for the exchange of the banknotes after 30 December for people who had been outside India between 9 November and 30 December.[52][53] The Specified Bank Notes (Cessation of Liabilities) Act, 2017 was notified on 1 March 2017, replacing the ordinance.[54]
  • 9. Objectives and outcomes The government said that the main objective of the exercise was curbing black money, which included income which had not been reported and thus was untaxed; money gained through corruption, illegal goods sales and illegal activities such as human trafficking; and counterfeit currency. Other stated objectives included expanding the tax base and increasing the number of taxpayers; reducing the number of transactions carried out by cash; reducing the finances available to terrorists and radical groups such as Maoists and Naxalites; and integrating the formal and informal economies.[55][56][57][58][59] Shifting of goalposts The government was described as 'shifting the goalposts'[60][61][62] with respect to the goals of the demonetisation exercise. The initial stated goal was to curb black money, corruption, and terrorism, but as it became apparent that almost all the cash was being exchanged,[63] the goals were expanded to include making India a cashless economy, neutralisation of money held by Maoists, terrorists and human traffickers, among others.[64] Black money The government estimated that ₹5 lakh crore, or approximately 20%, of the demonetised banknotes would be permanently removed from circulation.[65] However, according to a 2018 report from the RBI, 99.3% of the demonetised banknotes, or ₹15.30 lakh crore of the ₹15.41 lakh crore that had been demonetised, were deposited with the banking system. The banknotes that were not deposited were worth ₹10,720 crore.[66] Commentators concluded that the government failed in its aim of purging black money from the economy.[13] Evasion A jewellery store in a shopping mall with a notice "We accept ₹500 and ₹1,000 notes", even after they were no longer valid banknotes. There were reports of people circumventing the restrictions imposed on exchange transactions by conducting multiple transactions at different bank branches, and by sending hired people, employees, and followers in groups to exchange large amounts of demonetised banknotes at banks.[67][68] In Gujarat, Delhi and many other major cities, sales of gold increased post-demonetisation, surging the price as much as ₹45,000 (US$600) from the ruling price of ₹31,900 (US$420) per 10 grams (0.35 oz).[69][70] The Enforcement Directorate raided several forex establishments making backdated entries.[71] Money laundering using backdated accounting was carried out by co-operative banks,[72] jewellers,[73] sellers of mobile phones,[74] and several other businesses.[75]
  • 10. The cash deposited into hundis (cash collection boxes in temples and gurudwaras) are exempted from inquiry by the tax department; this is sometimes to launder money.[76][77] After the demonetisation, there was a spike in donations in the form of the demonetised banknotes in temples.[78][79][80][81] People booked large numbers of railway tickets to dispose of unaccounted cash. This came to the notice of the Indian Railways authorities, who imposed restrictions to check evasion.[82][83] Counterfeit banknotes Number of counterfeit banknotes detected in banks (April – March)[84] Denomination 2015–16 2016–17 2017–18 ₹1 2 3 4 ₹2 and ₹5 2 80 1 ₹10 134 523 287 ₹20 96 324 437 ₹50 6,453 9,222 23,447 ₹100 221,447 177,195 239,182 ₹200 NA NA 79 ₹500 (old) 261,695 317,567 127,918 ₹500 (new) NA 199 9,892 ₹1000 143,099 256,324 103,611 ₹2000 NA 638 17,929 Total 632,926 762,027 522,783 After demonetisation, there was an increase in the number of counterfeit ₹100 and ₹50 banknotes. The number of counterfeit ₹500 and ₹1,000 (demonetised version) banknotes saw an increase in 2016–17 and subsequently a decline in 2017–18. But in 2017–18, there was an increase in counterfeit ₹500 and ₹2,000 (new version) banknotes than the previous year.[84] There has been no significant change in the number of counterfeit banknotes detected. In 2017–18, the number of detected counterfeit banknotes was close to the number before demonetisation.[85] Additionally, after demonetisation, only 0.0035% of the ₹1,000 banknotes were found to be counterfeit.[86] Tax collection The number of income tax returns filing increased from 43.3 million to 52.9 million between the financial year of 2016 and 2017, which was not a significant increase compared to the increase between 2015 and 2016. The tax compliance had
  • 11. increased with a number of income tax returns filing increased but the majority of them were from salaried and non-business class. The income tax collections increased in the financial year of 2017 due to Income Disclosure Scheme 2016. If adjusted for it, the increase in tax collection was modest. The tax-to-GDP ratio has increased due to expanding tax base.[87][85] An analysis of the economic data shows that there has been no substantial increase in the number of new tax payers or direct tax collection due to demonetisation.[88][87][89] Indirect tax/GDP ratio also remained on the trend path and had no visible impact.[90] The use of demonetised banknotes was allowed for the payment of municipal and local civic body taxes, leading to a jump in their revenue collections. For example, the Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation reported collecting about ₹160 crore (US$21 million) in cash payments of outstanding and advance taxes within the first four days of demonetisation.[91] Digital payments The push for digital payments was one of the stated intentions of demonetisation.[92][93][94][95] There was immediate and sharp jump in digital payments in November–December 2016 owing to shortages of cash. The debit card point of sales transactions was twice the size of value suggested by trends before demonetisation. The value of credit cards increased but no sharp growth was seen. The mobile wallet transactions picked up immediately after demonetisation, followed by a dip in mid- 2017 due to easing cash shortages. There was again sharp rise thereafter. By April 2018, the volume of the digital payments had doubled.[92] After return of the cash, the growth in digital payment had been modest.[85][92] The currency-to-GDP ratio was 12.1% in 2015–16. It declined to 8.8% in 2016–17 due to demonetisation but increased again to 10.9% in 2017–18.[84] The currency-to- GDP ratio was only marginally lower compared to levels before demonetisation.[85] Banknotes in circulation Cash in circulation[96] On 28 October 2016, the total banknotes in circulation in India were valued at ₹17.77 lakh crore (US$240 billion); what proportion of this derived from ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes was unknown. In its annual report of March 2016, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) stated that total banknotes in circulation valued ₹16.42 lakh crore (US$220 billion) of which nearly 86% (around ₹14.18 lakh crore (US$190 billion)) derived from ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes. In terms of volume, the report stated that 24% (around 22.03 billion) of the total 9026.6 crore (90.26 billion) banknotes in circulation were ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes.[97] Before demonetisation (November 2016), there were banknotes worth ₹17.97 lakh crore (US$240 billion) in the market. The demonetised banknotes constituted 86.4% of it.[66] The banknotes in circulation had reached to the level before demonetisation in March 2018.[85] By March 2018, there were banknotes worth ₹18.03 lakh crore (US$240 billion) in the market; an increase of 9.9%. New banknotes of ₹2,000 and ₹500 constitute 80.6% of it. So there was only 5.8% increase in small domination banknotes.[66] The volume of banknotes in the market increased by 2.1%.[84] The banknotes in circulation had further increased to ₹19.5 lakh crore (US$260 billion) in September 2018[98] and ₹21.41 lakh crore (US$280 billion) in
  • 12. March 2019, 19.14% higher than the level before demonetisation.[99] Five years after demonetisation, the currency in circulation was at a record high of ₹29.17 lakh crore (US$390 billion) on 29 October 2021.[100][101] Terrorism and internal security Initially there was a decrease in the activities and attacks by Maoist and Naxalite radical groups, which was attributed to lack of finance following demonetisation. The surrender rate had reached its highest.[102][103][104][105][106] The activities returned within few months.[107][108] There was a decrease in the terror activities in Jammu and Kashmir.[109][110] Other effects Cashless ATM as on 1 December Shortage of cash Queue at an ATM for ₹100 banknotes in Howrah, on 8 November 2016, 22:23 (IST) The scarcity of cash due to demonetisation led to chaos, and people faced difficulties in depositing or exchanging the demonetised banknotes due to long queues outside banks and ATMs across India.[8][9][111][112] The ATMs were short of cash for months after demonetisation.[113][114][115][116] During the demonetisation, the unaccounted money worth ₹610 crore were seized by the police and tax officials across India which included ₹110 crore in new
  • 13. banknotes.[117] Reports in the media noted that although the general public faced a severe cash shortage, some individuals were able to amass crores in new banknotes; they thus described the demonetisation exercise as being futile.[118][119][120] Transport The All India Motor Transport Congress claimed that about 800,000 truck drivers and conductors were affected with the shortage of cash, with around 400,000 trucks stranded at major highways across India.[121] Major toll plazas in Gujarat and on the Delhi-Mumbai highways also saw long queues as toll plaza operators refused the demonetised banknotes.[122] The Ministry of Road Transport and Highways subsequently announced a suspension of toll collections on all national highways across the country until 2 December as well as acceptance of demonetised ₹500 banknotes as a toll from 2 to 15 December.[123] Stock market As a combined effect of demonetisation and the US presidential election, the stock market indices dropped to an around six-month low in the week following the announcement. The day after the demonetisation announcement, BSE SENSEX crashed nearly 1,689 points and NIFTY 50 plunged by over 541 points.[15] By the end of the intraday trading section on 15 November 2016, the BSE SENSEX index was lower by 565 points and the NIFTY 50 index was below 8100 intraday.[124] There were marginal effects on the stock market during November– December 2016.[125] A data study (July 2016 – February 2017) of 54 companies across 13 sectors listed with the NSE showed that companies in cement, cotton and rubber sectors showed an increase in total trades while companies in automotive, clothing, foods, paper, real estate, retail, steel, sugar, tea and textiles sectors showed a decrease in total trades after demonetisation.[126] Demonetisation had a negative impact on stock market returns evidenced from NIFTY 50 and other NIFTY sectoral indices.[127] Industrial output[ There was a reduction in industrial output as industries were hit by the cash shortage.[128] The Purchasing Managers' Index (PMI) fell to 46.7 in November 2016 from 54.5 in October 2016, recording its sharpest reduction in three years.[129] A reading above 50 indicates growth and a reading below shows contraction. This indicates a slowdown in both manufacturing and services industries.[130] The PMI report also showed that the reduction in inflation in November 2016 was due to a shortage in money supply.[129] The growth in eight core sectors such as cement, steel and refinery products, which constitute 38% of the Index of industrial production (IIP), was only to 4.9 percent in November 2016 as compared with 6.6 percent a month ago.[130][131] Agriculture Transactions in the agriculture sector are heavily dependent on cash and were adversely affected by the demonetisation.[132] Due to scarcity of the new banknotes, many farmers have insufficient cash to purchase seeds, fertilisers and pesticides needed for the plantation of rabi crops usually sown around mid- November.[133] Farmers and their unions conducted protest rallies in Gujarat, Amritsar and Muzaffarnagar against the demonetisation as well as
  • 14. against restrictions imposed by the Reserve Bank of India on district cooperative central banks which were ordered not to accept or exchange the demonetised banknotes. The shortage of cash led to plunge in demand which in turn led to a crash in the prices of crops. Farmers were unable to recover even the costs of transportation from their fields to the market from the low prices offered. Some farmers dumped their produce in protest against the government. Demonetisation resulted in the relative erosion of agricultural wages and weak bargaining power of farmers for their produce. Real GDP growth rate Real GDP growth rate – Quarterly (%) Real GDP growth rate – Year-on-Year (%) Real GDP growth rate[143][144][145][146] (base year 2011–12) Financial Year Quarter Quarterly Yearly 2015–16 Q1 (April–June) 7% 8%[147] Q2 (July–September) 7.4% Q3 (October–December) 7.2% Q4 (January–March) 9.1% 2016–17 Q1 (April–June) 7.9% 7.1%[147] Q2 (July–September) 7.5% Q3 (October–December) 7% Q4 (January–March) 6.1% 2017–18 Q1 (April–June) 5.7% 6.5% Q2 (July–September) 6.3% Q3 (October–December) 7.2% Q4 (January–March) 7.6% 2018–19 Q1 (April–June) 7.7%
  • 15. Global analysts cut their forecasts of India's real GDP growth rate for the financial year 2016–17 by 0.5 to 3% due to demonetisation.[148][149] India's GDP in 2016 is estimated to be US$2.25 trillion, hence, each 1 per cent reduction in growth rate represents a shortfall of US$22.5 billion (₹ 1.54 lakh crore) for the Indian economy.[150] According to Societe Generale, quarterly GDP growth rates would drop below 7% for an entire year at a stretch for the first time since June 2011.[151] The Q4'16–17 rate was 6.1% as against a forecast of 7.1% by economists.[152] The rate for the financial year 2016–17 was 7.1%, a reduction from the 8% in 2015– 16.[153] This drop was attributed to demonetisation by economists.[154] The GDP growth rate for Q1'17–18 dropped to 5.7%, compared to 7.9% a year ago,[155] the lowest since March 2014. This drop was attributed to demonetisation as well as inventory drawdown by companies due to the forthcoming implementation of the Goods and Service Tax.[156][143] The GDP started to recover from Q2'17–18 and clocked 8.2% in Q2'18–19.[144][146][157] Employment[ There was a loss of jobs and a decline in wages due to demonetisation, particularly in the unorganised and informal sector and as well as in small enterprises.[162][163][164][165] Migrant workers were adversely affected by demonetisation.[166][167] According to the report prepared by the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE), the number of employed people was 401 million in January–April 2016, 403 million during May–August 2016, and 406.5 million in September– December 2016. After demonetisation in November 2016, the number fell to 405 million in January–April 2017. So there was fall of 1.5 million in number of people employed.[159] CMIE also reported that the number of persons employed was 406.7 million in 2016–17 which fell by 0.1% to 406.2 million in 2017–18. So the employment had stagnated which resulted in employment rate decline. The employment rate fell from 42.59% in 2016–17 to 41.45% in 2016–17. The unemployment rate also declined from 7.51% in 2016–17 to 4.66% in 2017–18 because of the shrinking employed force. The number of the employed force fell from 439.7 million in 2016–17 to 426.1 million in 2017–18. CMIE attributed the impact to demonetisation as well as implementation of Goods and Services Tax in July 2017.[158][160] It is estimated that 1.5 million jobs were lost, according to The Guardian.[168] Cost to banks Before demonetisation, the RBI had spent ₹3,421 crore to print banknotes in 2015– 2016 (July to June). The cost of printing new banknotes escalated to ₹7,965 crore in 2016–17 and ₹4,912 crore in 2017–18.[66] This resulted in a decline in the dividend paid to the government from ₹65,876 crore in 2015–16 to ₹30,659 crore in 2016–17 Q2 (July–September) 8.2% Q3 (October–December) Q4 (January–March)
  • 16. and ₹50,000 crore in 2017–18.[66][169][170] It was estimated that this decrease in income for the government could cause the fiscal deficit for the financial year 2016–17 to increase from the targeted 3.2% to 3.4%.[171] The Indian Air Force was paid ₹29.41 crore to move banknotes after demonetisation.[172] The banks incurred the cost in collection, storage and movement of banknotes across the country as well as in re-calibrating the ATMs.[173] Welfare schemes Demonetisation negatively impacted the Midday Meal Scheme due to the shortage of funds. Deaths Several people were reported to have died from standing in queues for hours to exchange their demonetised banknotes. Deaths were also attributed to lack of medical help due to refusal of demonetised banknotes by hospitals. By the end of December 2016, political opposition leaders claimed that over 100 people had died due to demonetisation. In March 2017, the government stated that they received no official report on deaths connected to demonetisation. Later in December 2018, the then Finance Minister Arun Jaitley reported in parliament that four people, three bank personnel and one customer of the State Bank of India, died during demonetisation. Legal issues A public interest litigation (PIL) was filed in Madras High Court by M. Seeni Ahmed, General Secretary of the Indian National League, to scrap the decision of demonetisation. The High Court dismissed the PIL, stating that it could not interfere in monetary policies of the government. Similar PILs were also filed in the Supreme Court of India. In November 2017, the Supreme Court of India referred all cases related to demonetisation to constitutional bench to review the legality of the demonetisation, implementation irregularities and violation of people's rights by limits on cash withdrawals.[194] The government had initially announced that any person who is unable to deposit the demonetised banknotes by 31 December 2016 would be given an opportunity to do so until a later date.[1] However, the government allowed only Non-Resident Indians (NRIs) to deposit demonetised banknotes after 31 December 2016.[195] As a result, many people were left stranded with demonetised banknotes. People petitioned the courts to allow a deposit of the demonetised banknotes.[196] In November 2017, the Supreme Court dismissed 14 petitions related to demonetisation, and asked petitioners to file pleas with a constitutional bench which would deal with cases related to demonetisation.[197] Reactions Reactions of economists Most economists across the ideological spectrum, except some partisan ones, were broadly critical of the demonetisation as an economic policy.[198] Indian-American economist Jagdish Bhagwati praised the demonetisation.[199] Nobel laureate Amartya Sen, severely criticised the demonetisation move, calling it a
  • 17. "despotic action" among other things. Former Senior Vice-President and Chief Economist of the World Bank Kaushik Basu, called it a 'major mistake' and said that the 'damage' is likely to be much greater than any possible benefits. Pronab Sen, former Chief Statistician and Planning Commission of India member, called it a "hollow move" since it did not really address any of the purported goals of tackling black money or fake currency. Prabhat Patnaik, a former professor of economics at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi called the move 'witless' and 'anti-people'. He criticised the simple way in which black money was assumed as "a hoard of cash", saying that it would have little effect in eliminating "black activities" while "causing much hardship to common people." Nobel laureate Richard Thaler praised the demonetisation as "This is a policy I have long supported", but didn't seem positive towards the introduction of Rs.2000 banknote.[208] Economist and journalist T. N. Ninan wrote in the Business Standard that demonetisation 'looks like a bad idea, badly executed on the basis of some half-baked notions'.[209] Steve Forbes described the move as 'Sickening And Immoral'.[210] He stated that "What India has done is commit a massive theft of people's property without even the pretense of due process—a shocking move for a democratically elected government."[210] Nobel laureate Paul Krugman said that it is difficult to see gains from demonetisation, while there may be significant costs to it.[211] Economic analyst Vivek Kaul stated in a BBC article that "demonetisation had been a failure of epic proportions."[14] Reactions of industrialists The decision met with mixed initial reactions. Several bankers like Arundhati Bhattacharya (Chairperson of State Bank of India) and Chanda Kochhar (MD & CEO of ICICI Bank) appreciated the move in the sense that it would help curb black money.[212] Businessmen Anand Mahindra (Mahindra Group), Sajjan Jindal (JSW Group), Kunal Bahl (Snapdeal and FreeCharge) also supported the move adding that it would also accelerate e-commerce. Infosys founder N. R. Narayana Murthy praised the move. Deepak Parekh (Chairman of HDFC) had initially appreciated the decision of demonetisation, but later said that the move had derailed the economy, and expressed skepticism about its outcome. Industrialist Rajiv Bajaj criticised demonetisation, saying that not just the execution, but the concept of demonetisation was wrong in itself.[217] Political reactions Indian National Congress spokesperson Randeep Surjewala welcomed the move but remained skeptical on the consequences that would follow. Chief Minister of Bihar Nitish Kumar supported the move. The demonetisation also got support from the then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh Nara Chandrababu Naidu. Former Chief Election Commissioner of India S. Y. Quraishi said demonetisation could lead to long term electoral reforms. Indian social activist Anna Hazare hailed demonetisation as a "revolutionary step". Former President of India Pranab Mukherjee welcomed the demonetisation move by calling it a "bold step". Chief Ministers of several Indian states like Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal and Pinarayi Vijayan have criticised and led major protests against the decision in their states and in parliament. Initially, the move to demonetise and try to hinder black money was appreciated, but the
  • 18. manner in which it was carried out by causing hardships to common people was criticised.[236] A Parliamentary panel report in April 2017 stated that rural households and honest taxpayers were the worst hit by demonetisation.[237] It said that it was not just the poor that suffered, but the manufacturing sector was impacted too.[238] According to the panel, demonetisation created significant disruption throughout economy, because it was carried out without prior study or research.[239][240] An Indian National Congress led opposition which includes 13 political parties, opposed the government on the issue of demonetisation in the Winter Session of the Indian Parliament.[241][242][243][244] On 16 November 2016, Mamata Banerjee led a delegation comprising political parties of Trinamool Congress, Aam Aadmi Party, BJP ally Shiv Sena and National Conference to Rashtrapati Bhawan to protest against the decision of demonetisation. A memorandum was submitted to the President of India Pranab Mukherjee demanding rollback of the decision.[245][11] Prem Chand Gupta, a member of the Rashtriya Janata Dal, questioned a statement of Modi from the unscheduled TV broadcast on 8 November, "If it was planned 10 months ago, how did RBI Governor Urjit Patel sign on new note?". Praful Patel, a member of the Nationalist Congress Party, stated that "the government was not even prepared to recalibrate the ATMs while announcing the move. People's suffering are unimaginable. Nobody is questioning the government's intention, but you are unprepared to execute the move". Later, the former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Mayawati stated the situation to "a financial emergency", by saying "It looks as if Bharat has shut down." Also, Sitaram Yechury from the Communist Party of India, questioned the government on the demonetisation move by stating "only 6% of black money in India is in cash to drive his point that demonetisation won't curb illicit wealth."[246] On 17 November 2016, a rally against demonetisation, led by Chief Minister of Delhi Arvind Kejriwal and his West Bengal counterpart Mamata Banerjee at Azadpur Mandi, the biggest vegetable and fruits wholesale market in New Delhi was organised.[247] On 24 November 2016, former prime minister Manmohan Singh said "this scheme will hurt small industries, the farming sector. The GDP can decline by about 3 percent due to this move". He termed the demonetisation as an "organised loot, legalised plunder of the common people".[248][249] Strikes were organised across India. Opposition parties like the Indian National Congress, Bahujan Samaj Party, Trinamool Congress,[250] DMK, JD(U), AIADMK, Nationalist Congress Party, Left, Rashtriya Janata Dal and the Samajwadi Party[251] decided to observe 'Akrosh Diwas' as, a protest campaign day on 28 November [252][253] and launch protests in front of banks, demanding that money be returned to people.[254] In the state of Bihar, 15 trains were blocked and stranded, while the states of West Bengal, Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh saw protest marches and rallies led by opposition parties.[255] In the state of Kerala, shops and business establishments were shut, with schools and colleges closed throughout the state, while movements of private vehicles were also disrupted in Northern Kerala.[255] Former Indian Chief Election Commissioner, O. P. Rawat stated that 'the note ban had absolutely no impact on black money', and that record amounts of money had been seized in polls held after demonetisation.[256]
  • 19. International reactions By and large, initial international response was positive which saw the move as a bold crackdown on corruption.[257][258][259] The International Monetary Fund's spokesperson Gerry Rice told that it supported the efforts to fight corruption and illegal finances but cautioned about the disruptions.[257] Chinese state media Global Times praised the move and termed it as "fierce fight against black money and corruption."[258] Former Prime Minister of Finland and Vice- President of European Commission Jyrki Katainen welcomed the demonetisation move stressing that bringing transparency will strengthen the Indian economy.[260][261] BBC's South Asia Correspondent Justin Rowlatt in his article praised the move for its secrecy.[262] Tim Worstall termed the demonetisation as welcome macroeconomic effect in his article in Forbes magazine.[263] Swedish Minister of Enterprise Mikael Damberg supported the move by calling it a bold decision.[259] The demonetisation also came in for sharp criticism from media outside India,[264][265] with The New York Times saying that the demonetisation was "atrociously planned" and that it did not appear to have combatted black money,[266][267] while an article in The Guardian stated that "Modi has brought havoc to India".[264] The Harvard Business Review called it "a case study in poor policy and even poorer execution".[268] The frequent change in the narrative on objectives of the demonetisation to its visible impact on the poorest of the poor made other critiques calling the government's narrative as spins in view of the "pointless suffering on India's poorest."[269] Political impact Akshay Mangala, an Assistant Professor at Harvard Business School, called the move "the politics of visible disruption". He noted that the people might attribute the implementation shortcomings to institutional weakness while the government could take credit for its attempt to curb the black money. He also noted that it may result in the public opinion in favour of the government which is led by the BJP if the opposition parties, led by the INC, fail to form the countervailing narrative.[270] MIT associated academics Abhijit Banerjee and Namrata Kala also opined the same.[198] The BJP and its allies formed the government in six out of seven state legislative assemblies which went to the elections in 2017, including the most populous state, Uttar Pradesh.[198][271][272][273] BJP improved its performance in Uttarakhand[271][273][274] and Himachal Pradesh.[275][276] In Manipur and Goa, INC secured the plurality while BJP came second and formed the government with the help of its allies.[273][277] In Gujarat, BJP worsened its performance but retained the majority.[278][275] The BJP and its allies lost to the INC in Punjab.[273] Long term impact In 2019, India experienced an economic slowdown which was attributed to demonetisation and several other factors.[279][280] In 2020, a large number of users switched to digital payments with ease following the increase in Covid-19 pandemic in India. The rise in digital payments and cashless transactions is attributed to the demonetisation.[281]
  • 20. As of November 2021, further increase in digital payments and bank notes in circulation was seen.[282] In popular culture  Puthan Panam, a 2017 film directed by Renjith based on the issue of black money and demonetisation.  Aadu 2, a 2017 film revolves around demonetisation.  Golak Bugni Bank Te Batua, a 2018 Punjabi film also revolves around demonetisation.  Chappad Phaad Ke, a 2019 Disney+Hotstar film revolves around demonetisation  Choked, a 2020 Netflix film directed by Anurag Kashyap is set in backdrop of demonetisation. References[edit] 1. ^ Jump up to:a b c d "Withdrawal of Legal Tender Status for ₹ 500 and ₹ 1000 Notes: RBI Notice (Revised)". Reserve Bank of India. 9 November 2016. Retrieved 9 November 2016. 2. ^ "Modi urges country to become a cashless society". The Hindu. 27 November 2016. 3. ^ "Here is what PM Modi said about the new Rs 500, Rs 2000 notes and black money". India Today. 8 November 2016. Retrieved 9 November 2016. 4. ^ "Notes out of circulation". The Times of India. 8 November 2016. 5. ^ Saikia, Bijoy Sankar (18 November 2016). "Demonetisation may drag India behind China in GDP growth, rob fastest-growing economy tag". The Economic Times. Retrieved 5 January 2017. 6. ^ "The dire consequences of India's demonetisation initiative". The Economist. 3 December 2016. Retrieved 5 January 2017. 7. ^ "Demonetization Announcement Anniversary 2017 | Onmanorama". OnManorama. Retrieved 7 November 2017. 8. ^ Jump up to:a b "India demonetisation: Chaos as ATMs run dry". Al Jazeera. 9 November 2016. Retrieved 9 November 2016. 9. ^ Jump up to:a b "Demonetisation: Chaos grows, queues get longer at banks, ATMs on weekend". Indian Express. 12 November 2016. 10. ^ "100 days of demonetisation: Stories of hardship". Al Jazeera. 11. ^ Jump up to:a b "India: Demonetisation takes its toll on the poor". Al Jazeera. 16 November 2016. Retrieved 17 November 2016. 12. ^ "Demonetisation Death Toll Rises To 25 And It's Only Been 6 Days". huffingtonpost. Archived from the original on 16 November 2016. Retrieved 15 November 2016. 13. ^ Jump up to:a b Mundy, Simon; Kazmin, Amy; Stacey, Kiran (31 August 2017). "India demonetisation failed to purge black money". Financial Times. Retrieved 31 August 2017. 14. ^ Jump up to:a b "India rupee: Illegal cash crackdown failed – bank report". BBC News. 30 August 2017. Retrieved 31 August 2017. 15. ^ Jump up to:a b Rukhaiyar, Ashish (9 November 2016). "Sensex crashes 1,689 points on black money crackdown, U.S. election". The Hindu. Retrieved 9 November 2016. 16. ^ "Thanks to Demonetisation and GST, India's GDP growth hit a 4-year low at 6.5 per cent". India Today. Retrieved 2 October 2018. 17. ^ "Demonetisation drive that cost India 1.5m jobs fails to uncover 'black money'". the Guardian. 30 August 2018. Retrieved 31 July 2021. 18. ^ "Moving from Cash to Cashless Economy: Toward Digital India". Korea Distribution Science Association. 19. ^ "Demonetisation debate in Parliament: Disaster, says Chidambaram; high cash economy corrupt, counters Jaitley : India, News – India Today". Indiatoday.intoday.in. 9 February 2017. Retrieved 26 June 2017. 20. ^ "Demonetisation: Opposition calls for countrywide protest on November 28". The Indian Express. 23 November 2016. Retrieved 23 November 2016. 21. ^ "Demonetisation: Opposition parties join hands, to hold 'protest day' on November 28". The Indian Express. 23 November 2016. Retrieved 24 November 2016.
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  • 30.  The helicopter CDS General Bipin Rawat was in  What is the symbolism of SP's red cap? CLICK HERE FOR MORE What is monetisation? In a monetisation transaction, the government is basically transferring revenue rights to private parties for a specified transaction period in return for upfront money, a revenue share, and commitment of investments in the assets. Real estate investment trusts (REITs) and infrastructure investment trusts (InvITs), for instance, are the key structures used to monetise assets in the roads and power sectors. These are also listed on stock exchanges, providing investors liquidity through secondary markets as well. While these are a structured financing vehicle, other monetisation models on PPP (Public Private Partnership) basis include: Operate Maintain Transfer (OMT), Toll Operate Transfer (TOT), and Operations, Maintenance & Development (OMD). OMT and TOT have been used in highways sector while OMD is being deployed in case of airports. Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman said: “There is no land here, this entire (NMP) is talking about brownfield projects where investments have already been made, where there is a completed asset which is either languishing or it is not fully monetised or is under-utilised. So by bringing in private participation in this you will be able to monetise it better and ensure further investment in infrastructure building.” What is the government’s plan? Roads, railways and power sector assets will comprise over 66% of the total estimated value of the assets to be monetised, with the remaining upcoming sectors including telecom, mining, aviation, ports, natural gas and petroleum product pipelines, warehouses and stadiums. In terms of annual phasing by value, 15% of assets with an indicative value of Rs 0.88 lakh crore are envisaged for rollout in the current financial year. The NMP will run co- terminus with the National Infrastructure Pipeline of Rs 100 lakh crore announced in December 2019. The estimated amount to be raised through monetisation is around 14% of the proposed outlay for the Centre of Rs 43 lakh crore under NIP. Don't miss from Explained |Why India’s competition regulator fined Maruti Suzuki Rs 200 crore What is the list of assets? The assets on the NMP list include: 26,700 km of roads, railway stations, train operations and tracks, 2,8608 Ckt km worth of power transmission lines, 6 GW of hydroelectric and solar
  • 31. power assets, 2.86 lakh km of fibre assets and 14,917 towers in the telecom sector, 8,154 km of natural gas pipelines and 3,930 km of petroleum product pipelines. In the roads sector, the government has already monetised 1,400 km of national highways worth Rs 17,000 crore. Another five assets have been monetised through a PowerGrid InvIT raising Rs 7,700 crore. Also, 15 railway stations, 25 airports and the stake of central government in existing airports and 160 coal mining projects, 31 projects in 9 major ports, 210 lakh MT of warehousing assets, 2 national stadia and 2 regional centres, will be up for monetisation. Redevelopment of various government colonies and hospitality assets including ITDC hotels is expected to generate Rs 15,000 crore. What are the challenges? Among the key challenges that may affect the NMP roadmap are: lack of identifiable revenues streams in various assets, level of capacity utilisation in gas and petroleum pipeline networks, dispute resolution mechanism, regulated tariffs in power sector assets, and low interest among investors in national highways below four lanes. While the government has tried to address these challenges in the NMP framework, execution of the plan remains key to its success. Structuring of monetisation transactions is being seen as key. The slow pace of privatisation in government companies including Air India and BPCL, and less-than- encouraging bids in the recently launched PPP initiative in trains, indicate that attracting private investors interest is not that easy. “Monetisation potential of toll road assets, though being a market-tested asset class with established monetisation models, is limited by the percentage of stretches having fourlane and above configuration. The total length of national highway (NH) stretches with four-lane and above is estimated to be about 23% of the total NH network,” as per the NMP framework. The government has tried to address this with a plan to monetise assets that are four-lane and above. The MNP framework notes that other key impediments to the monetisation process are asset- specific challenges such as presence of an identifiable revenue stream. This is specifically relevant to the railway sector, which has seen limited PPP success as a mode of project delivery. Konkan Railway, for instance, has multiple stakeholders, including state governments, which own stake in the entity. Creating an effective monetisation transaction structure could be a bit challenging in this case.
  • 32. Monetisation of government assets- pros & cons, writes Kiran Nanda The project envisions leasing of select government assets like roads, power lines, mines and stadiums for a specified period, after which the asset will be returned back to the government. Funds so generated will be invested in greenfield infrastructure. NMP will run parallel to National Infrastructure Pipeline (NIP) and Gati Shakti programme.NMP is an ongoingplan for “asset recycling”. Despite numerous past disappointments,the government has courageouslyannounced a number ofwell-studied infrastructure programmes,which include the four-yearNMP envisagingmonetization of Rs 6 lakh crore worth of specified core & non-core infrastructure assets. The project envisions leasing of select government assets like roads, power lines, mines and stadiums for a specified period, after which the asset will be returned back to the government. Funds so generated will be invested in greenfield infrastructure. NMP will run parallel to National Infrastructure Pipeline (NIP) and Gati Shakti programme. This coordinated move will not only speed the infra development but also be the driving force towards creating sustainable infrastructure and ensuring the seamless movement of goods & services. In the process, employment opportunities will get generated and ease of doing business will also get facilitated. The Finance Ministry is reported to be working with other ministries, departments and state governments to quickly implement these three major reform programmes. The focus is on supply-side reforms to ease structural infrastructure bottlenecks including cost reduction instead of merely concentrating on economic normalization. Full support will come from the fact that the government has continuously been taking meaningful facilitative measures like economic stimulus packages along with timely structural reforms in
  • 33. various sectors that would play a pivotal role in India’s economic recovery process. GST is being reformed to achieve its potential. NaBFID- National Bank for Financing Infrastructure and Development is being set up to support long term infra financing. The government is also setting up a ‘National Land Monetization Corporation’. Government is likely to bring ‘Canada Lands Company’ on board to assist in the operations of this SPV. NMP will be implemented through relevant changes in existing contractual modes/regulatory regimes as well as capital market instruments like Infrastructure Investment Trusts (InvITs)/ Real Estate Investment Trust (REITs). These financial instruments would facilitate investors to invest in completed real estate and infrastructure assets with a low ticket size and adequate liquidity, thereby making the plan inclusive. PROS include unshackling the unproductive PSUs; boosting investors’ confidence; minimizing completion risk (roughly 50% of government assets ready for monetization); NMP’s integration with NIP and Gati Shakti would resolve the historical irritant of delay in project implementation and optimal utilization of national infrastructure. Bureaucratic silos are being done away with. States’ participation is being ensured. NMP is not about generating revenues, but about efficient management and stewardship of public infrastructure. The government has been continuously taking facilitative measures to make the NMP a success. Finance Minister has desired multilateral development banks to intensify private sector capital mobilization for inclusive and green development. Notably, the government’s thinking marks a historic shift on how India henceforth would be conducting the business of developing infrastructure. There is even talk of initiating
  • 34. changes in the administrative framework at the ground level. PM visualizes the initiative to be integrative and transformational. CONS — Though the monetization programme holds grand promise, experiences of Land Portal initiative failure, Railway auction debacle and lacklustre performance of disinvestments all paint a dismal scenario creating doubts about whether the monetization plan would be able to attract adequate buyers. Executing NMP on such a large scale is bound to face bottlenecks. Even with the assistance of highly qualified experts, it can become difficult to evaluate which specific government-owned assets should be leased out first and what benchmarks should be short-listed for projecting cash inflows for assets, especiallywhen many may be illiquid. Opposition parties view the programme as a daylight robbery, creating a monopoly of a select few when the USA, South Korea and China are trying to control monopolies/duopolies. Monetization policy should have been debated in Parliament. There can also arise legal challenges. It is imperative that all infrastructure initiatives get underpinned by a stable and predictable policy and regulatory framework ideally suited for a liberalizedenvironment. Another imperative is that the government’s Institutional monitoring mechanism needs strengthening by associating professionals from Industry Associations/Chambers of Commerce & Industry with it. Trust, being basic for a flowering of a true partnership, is being repeatedly emphasized by the authorities. Mindset and thought processes need to shift to the realization that profit-making is not a zero- sum game that ignores public interest. Supportive policy measures taken to build the trust are like doing away with the retrospective provision; PLI scheme which being pro-growth and
  • 35. pro-investment has been receivedwell by both domestic and foreign investors; Telecom relief measures are being received well and timely Public-Private Partnership breaching the space frontier at an opportune time when several Indian and international companies have bet on satellite communications as the next frontier to provide internet connectivity at the retail level; Forest Act is being amended to ease land availabilityfor the private sector for use of non-forestry purposes. After Air India privatization, the government hopes to close BPCL stake sale and LIC IPO by March 2022. Contractual frameworks need to consider the state as a partner and not sovereign. This will also require the government to tread cautiously on separating its regulatory role from the asset-owning one. Gati Shakti by bringing together various ministries with a view to remove the bottlenecks in project implementation would be an enabler towards making multiplier factors in the vast infrastructure sector work effectively. Besides, the issue of user charges is bound to come up. Care has to be taken that user charges are kept rational. The monetization programme is undoubtedly ambitious but not new. Success cases of monetization in India have been quite a few but these were carriedout on a smaller scale like franchising of the Electricity sector in Bhiwandi, which resulted in a reduction in losses from 70% to 30%. Monetization was also successful in the case of the construction of the Mumbai Pune Highway. Asset monetization has been widely successful abroad. What is required is a different constructive mindset amongst all stakeholders along with greater clarity on the actual terms of the deals. If basic issues especially pertaining to the valuation of individual assets get sorted out, the scheme
  • 36. could enjoy mammoth win-win potential. Ultimate success will lie in the quality of NMP’s execution Publishedon:Saturday,November06,2021, 08:38 AMIST INITIATIVES