This document provides a summary of the findings from a media monitoring project in Zambia surrounding the 2011 national elections. The project, led by the Press Association of Zambia and the Media Institute of Southern Africa, monitored 10 media outlets across 3 time periods: pre-election, election period, and post-election. Key findings include:
1) During the election period, state media strongly favored coverage of the ruling party while private media like The Post favored the opposition. Coverage lacked balance and input from ordinary citizens.
2) Post-election, state media diversified its coverage and reported more on governance issues and the views of opposition leaders and citizens. However, coverage still failed to provide full context.
The document summarizes the role of the media in Malawi's 2014 tripartite elections. It discusses how the media landscape has grown significantly since the 1990s. It also analyzes how different media outlets covered the elections in the pre, during and post periods. Specifically, it found that coverage was disproportionately focused on the presidential election and ruling party. The document also outlines efforts taken by organizations like MISA to ensure free and fair media coverage through activities like trainings, debates and monitoring. Finally, it discusses some of the challenges and interventions around media coverage of the elections.
Discuss the role of media in election. What are the laws of election in Bangl...Md. Sajjat Hossain
The media are essential to democracy, and a democratic election is impossible without media. A free and fair election is not only about the freedom to vote and the knowledge of how to cast a vote, but also about a participatory process where voters engage in public debate and have adequate information about parties, policies, candidates and the election process itself in order to make informed choices. Furthermore, media acts as a crucial watchdog to democratic elections, safeguarding the transparency of the process. Indeed, a democratic election with no media freedom, or stifled media freedom, would be a contradiction. ( ★★For making this content author used various online resources, it is share here only for those who want to know something about it. This content is not the author's primary/ own creating property. )
The document summarizes a report on the media coverage of the 2016 Zambian general election pre-campaign period. It finds that the public media focused more on electoral processes, events, and personalities rather than substantive issues or party policies. Coverage in private media was also issue-light and imbalanced, favoring the ruling party. Community media provided some coverage of poverty alleviation but generally focused more on processes than issues. The report recommends increasing coverage of citizen concerns like poverty, education, and health in relation to party platforms, balancing coverage among parties, and incorporating a wider range of sources in stories.
Media Monitoring Africa's Sabc final report 2019SABC News
This document summarizes a report by Media Monitoring Africa analyzing media coverage of South Africa's 2019 elections. It monitored over 3,000 election-related news items on SABC platforms from March to May 2019. The top topics covered were party politics, campaigning, and national politics, which made up about a third of coverage. Service delivery and protests received moderate coverage. Very few stories covered issues like gender, poverty, or refugees. Most sources cited in stories were politicians, with few ordinary citizens or experts featured. The report aims to evaluate the SABC's impartiality and independence in its election reporting.
Intenews Survey of Ukrainian Journalsits 2012 English Report Irina Negreyeva
U-Meida Project of Internews Network funded Journalists Survey. Implementer: InMind Factum Group. Field Work - september - November 2012. Report - Janaury 2013.
This document summarizes the findings of a study that analyzed over 600 civic journalism projects conducted between 1995-2000 across the United States. The key findings were:
1) Civic journalism was practiced in at least 1/5 of American newspapers, in almost every state. Projects addressed elections, community issues, and specific issues like race, immigration, and youth.
2) Civic journalism content developed over phases - starting with elections, then general community issues, and later focusing on specific issues. Techniques also evolved from early experiments to developing daily routines to new interactive approaches.
3) Projects showed commitment to traditional news values like informing the public, as well as civic values like problem-solving and deliberation.
The document analyzes media coverage of South Africa's 2019 national and provincial elections over a three month period from March to May 2019. It monitored over 10,000 news stories across various media platforms. The summary is:
1) Party politics, political campaigning, and national politics made up over a third of the news coverage, while important citizen issues like service delivery, poverty, and inequality received much less attention.
2) Sources in the news coverage were disproportionately from political parties and the government, while citizen voices and other groups received far less representation.
3) While citizen voices saw a rise in representation compared to previous elections, the media's coverage still focused more on political voices and rhetoric rather than addressing
DCBOE November 2014 After Action ReportDavid Levine
The document provides an after-action report on the November 4, 2014 general election in Washington D.C. It summarizes preparations for the election, including public outreach efforts, early voting, absentee voting, and Election Day operations. The report finds that preparations were extensive, but some errors occurred in pre-election publications. Procedures have since been strengthened to prevent future errors. Overall, the election was well-administered despite some minor issues that will continue to be addressed.
The document summarizes the role of the media in Malawi's 2014 tripartite elections. It discusses how the media landscape has grown significantly since the 1990s. It also analyzes how different media outlets covered the elections in the pre, during and post periods. Specifically, it found that coverage was disproportionately focused on the presidential election and ruling party. The document also outlines efforts taken by organizations like MISA to ensure free and fair media coverage through activities like trainings, debates and monitoring. Finally, it discusses some of the challenges and interventions around media coverage of the elections.
Discuss the role of media in election. What are the laws of election in Bangl...Md. Sajjat Hossain
The media are essential to democracy, and a democratic election is impossible without media. A free and fair election is not only about the freedom to vote and the knowledge of how to cast a vote, but also about a participatory process where voters engage in public debate and have adequate information about parties, policies, candidates and the election process itself in order to make informed choices. Furthermore, media acts as a crucial watchdog to democratic elections, safeguarding the transparency of the process. Indeed, a democratic election with no media freedom, or stifled media freedom, would be a contradiction. ( ★★For making this content author used various online resources, it is share here only for those who want to know something about it. This content is not the author's primary/ own creating property. )
The document summarizes a report on the media coverage of the 2016 Zambian general election pre-campaign period. It finds that the public media focused more on electoral processes, events, and personalities rather than substantive issues or party policies. Coverage in private media was also issue-light and imbalanced, favoring the ruling party. Community media provided some coverage of poverty alleviation but generally focused more on processes than issues. The report recommends increasing coverage of citizen concerns like poverty, education, and health in relation to party platforms, balancing coverage among parties, and incorporating a wider range of sources in stories.
Media Monitoring Africa's Sabc final report 2019SABC News
This document summarizes a report by Media Monitoring Africa analyzing media coverage of South Africa's 2019 elections. It monitored over 3,000 election-related news items on SABC platforms from March to May 2019. The top topics covered were party politics, campaigning, and national politics, which made up about a third of coverage. Service delivery and protests received moderate coverage. Very few stories covered issues like gender, poverty, or refugees. Most sources cited in stories were politicians, with few ordinary citizens or experts featured. The report aims to evaluate the SABC's impartiality and independence in its election reporting.
Intenews Survey of Ukrainian Journalsits 2012 English Report Irina Negreyeva
U-Meida Project of Internews Network funded Journalists Survey. Implementer: InMind Factum Group. Field Work - september - November 2012. Report - Janaury 2013.
This document summarizes the findings of a study that analyzed over 600 civic journalism projects conducted between 1995-2000 across the United States. The key findings were:
1) Civic journalism was practiced in at least 1/5 of American newspapers, in almost every state. Projects addressed elections, community issues, and specific issues like race, immigration, and youth.
2) Civic journalism content developed over phases - starting with elections, then general community issues, and later focusing on specific issues. Techniques also evolved from early experiments to developing daily routines to new interactive approaches.
3) Projects showed commitment to traditional news values like informing the public, as well as civic values like problem-solving and deliberation.
The document analyzes media coverage of South Africa's 2019 national and provincial elections over a three month period from March to May 2019. It monitored over 10,000 news stories across various media platforms. The summary is:
1) Party politics, political campaigning, and national politics made up over a third of the news coverage, while important citizen issues like service delivery, poverty, and inequality received much less attention.
2) Sources in the news coverage were disproportionately from political parties and the government, while citizen voices and other groups received far less representation.
3) While citizen voices saw a rise in representation compared to previous elections, the media's coverage still focused more on political voices and rhetoric rather than addressing
DCBOE November 2014 After Action ReportDavid Levine
The document provides an after-action report on the November 4, 2014 general election in Washington D.C. It summarizes preparations for the election, including public outreach efforts, early voting, absentee voting, and Election Day operations. The report finds that preparations were extensive, but some errors occurred in pre-election publications. Procedures have since been strengthened to prevent future errors. Overall, the election was well-administered despite some minor issues that will continue to be addressed.
Previous Reynolds Fellow Scott Swafford addressed attendees at the 2014 Missouri Press Association meeting about how small newspapers can better cover local elections.
Social media have become essential infrastructure for public debates and the forming of political opinion. In established democracies, traditional media still play a significant role, even if their content is distributed through social media, while in many new democracies or transition countries, social media have become the dominant platform of political exchange. Facebook’s ‘Free Basics’ initiative for 42 developing countries is creating a social media monopoly in these countries. In some countries, people have come to understand Facebook as ‘the internet’, since most online interaction is mediated through Facebook.
Political polling new technology and old politics 2bali2010
This document summarizes a seminar on public opinion polling, politics, and new technology. It discusses how polling is increasingly used for issue and strategy selection in political campaigns. While traditional campaigning like rallies remains, new media technologies are supplementing campaigns. Social networks and internet penetration are growing rapidly in Southeast Asia. The document also examines polling accuracy and how issues are selected for campaigns based on polling of target audiences. It explores how cyber space allows for monitoring public opinion online and the implications of new communication channels for political campaigns and public opinion.
Sharecast Initiative Nepal's National Media Landscape Wave II was conducted among 5555 sample in January-February 2017. This report compiles the toppling finding of the survey focusing on access to traditional and new media in Nepal. Please contact info@sharecast.org.np if you need further information or want to collaborate on the next survey which is planned in February 2018.
Internews/IDA Media Survey Findings_Nepal pdf Madhu Acharya
Internews and IDA conducted National Opinion Polls Wave III in September 2014. This presentation covers the media survey findings. An updated version of the survey finding will be shares first week of January 2015.
Communications transition report final edits (1)Candice Osborne
The document discusses improving communications between Jersey City government and residents. It recommends restructuring the communications office, expanding social media presence, and making more city services available online. Feedback found most residents were dissatisfied with interactions and unaware of current communication channels. The city needs to connect with residents through multiple platforms including email, websites and social media to become more responsive.
This document provides an executive summary and introduction to a research report on the rise and impact of youth citizen journalism in Singapore. The report examines how citizen journalism has affected youth political participation, purchasing behaviors, and opinions. It conducted surveys of 801 Singapore youth ages 18-35 on their consumption and perception of citizen journalism versus traditional media. Key findings included the impact of citizen journalism on raising political interest and shaping views of the 2011 general election, as well as its influence on youth purchasing habits compared to traditional media. The introduction provides background on citizen journalism, from its definition to how it started and different forms it takes locally in Singapore, particularly semi-independent sites like STOMP.
The document is a survey of civic health in Hoboken, NJ conducted in 2009. It evaluates 16 areas related to citizen rights and responsibilities. The survey finds that Hoboken does well in 7 areas, is lacking in 4 areas, and 5 areas need strengthening. Areas Hoboken does well in include developer disclosure of political contributions and regulations preventing pay-to-play. Areas lacking include bans on political fundraising in government offices and adult civic education classes. Areas needing improvement include controlling high campaign spending and expanding meeting minute availability online. The survey assessed conditions through records requests and interviews to evaluate Hoboken's civic infrastructure.
The document provides an after-action report on the April 1, 2014 primary election in Washington D.C. It summarizes election preparation activities including voter outreach, equipment and supply preparation, polling place selection, and election worker training. It also discusses early voting operations and notes some locations had lower than expected turnout. Issues identified during the election are discussed to improve future elections.
This document proposes electoral reforms in India to reduce the influence of money and muscle power in elections. It notes that a large percentage of winning candidates in the 2009 elections had high assets and pending criminal cases. The key proposals are to make candidates more accountable by requiring constituency-specific manifestos and affidavits of assets/criminal cases. This would better inform voters. Candidates would also participate in constituency-level debates to discuss their visions. While costing around $150 million nationally, this could make elections fairer by empowering voters to make more informed choices based on candidates' merits rather than their party or resources. Challenges around enforcement would need mitigation strategies like strict monitoring.
Abstract:
Public Relations have been an integral part of human communications, since time immoral. It developed as an art and science in the 20th century. Today, there is no sector, whether it be Government, Private or NGOs, who do edgy in their operations. The ever escalating cost of advertising too has contributed to the significant growth of this industry.
While Public Relations, known by other sophisticated names such as advocacy, spin doctor, spin in-spin out etc, has immensely contributed towards highlighting socio-cultural issues, development affairs, exploring the innovative inventions, maintaining and harnessing the organization goodwill in the market. As far as grassroots innovators are concerns they do have knowledge abundance, and some want to use this knowledge to try things out. Public Relations is the tool to promote and explore those knowledge abundance across the human being.
The document provides a summary of a media survey conducted in Ukraine in 2012. Key findings include:
- Respondents saw the main roles of media as providing news (48%) and protecting citizens' rights (25%).
- National TV news was the most trusted source of news (55%), followed by print media (38%) and the internet (35%).
- Regarding media literacy: 49% were aware of paid content in media but only 27% could recognize it. Over 80% did not know who owned the media.
- Awareness of the upcoming switch to digital broadcasting was over 70% but only 38% were aware of new transparency laws.
This document provides an introduction and methodology for a research proposal that will assess community policing and crime prevention in Moses Garoeb Constituency, Namibia. It begins with an orientation stating that the study will determine the impact of community policing on crime prevention and community participation levels. It then presents the problem statement noting high crime rates in Namibia. The objectives are to determine the impact of community policing and investigate community participation. Research questions are provided. The significance of the study and limitations are briefly discussed before concluding with an introduction to the literature review and methodology sections to follow. A quantitative research design using surveys is proposed.
This document summarizes the findings of a policy framework review on newcomer settlement in Winnipeg conducted by Richard Dilay of Kaplan Research Associates. The review examined policies of the three levels of government (federal, provincial, municipal), key public agencies, and settlement service providers. It involved document searches, interviews with government and agency representatives, and focus groups with service providers and funders. The review found that while Canada leads on immigration policy, settlement policy involves all levels of government. It also identified gaps in services for newcomers and provided recommendations to improve policies and fill these gaps. Recent increases in immigration to Manitoba have impacted settlement services.
This document provides an analysis of traditional modes of communication used by Howard County and Columbia Association in Maryland. It analyzes data from interviews, surveys, and a competitive study of other local governments. The key findings are that digital communication methods like websites and social media are becoming more important, while viewership of public access TV stations is difficult to track. The document recommends that the counties implement communication metrics to measure the impact of different methods and improve the efficiency of email communication, which remains an important channel.
The document summarizes the key aspects of the Global Fund's New Funding Model (NFM) application process. It describes the NFM's emphasis on enhancing civil society and key population participation at all stages. It provides an overview of the application timeline and stages, including development of a National Strategic Plan, country dialogue, concept note submission and review, grant-making, approval, and implementation. It offers guidance for key populations and advocates on meaningful involvement at each stage, especially in developing robust epidemiological data and ensuring representation in country dialogue.
This document proposes a research study on religion on television and its impact on viewers' lives. The study would analyze religious messages in TV programming, examine who watches religious TV and why, and investigate how viewing religious TV may influence viewers' religious beliefs, social networks, and involvement in local churches. The researchers plan to code religious content, survey viewers, and analyze existing data on programming and audiences to conduct an integrated examination of the nature and functions of religious television. The goal is to provide an objective empirical understanding to inform communications policy decisions.
32nd board meeting communities delegation country dialogue position paperclac.cab
The study analyzed engagement of key populations (KPs) in country dialogue processes in 11 countries. It found that while engagement of some KPs improved due to new Global Fund requirements, meaningful involvement of communities affected by TB, malaria, prisoners, MSM, transgender people, sex workers and people who inject drugs remained problematic. Political contexts, weak community systems, lack of support and punitive laws presented barriers. The report recommends the Global Fund enforce requirements on inclusive engagement, provide clear guidelines and resources to support capacity building, and require long-term investments in human rights and community strengthening in concept notes.
This document provides a guide to the characteristics of a democratic parliament in the 21st century. It examines what makes a parliament democratic through five key values: being representative, transparent, accessible, accountable, and effective. The guide illustrates each value with examples contributed by member parliaments of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, showing the diversity of ways these parliaments realize democratic principles in practice and address contemporary challenges. Its goal is to define parliament's role in democracy and identify good practices to help strengthen parliaments.
1) Political violence increased in Papua in 2009, led in part by the militant West Papua National Committee (KNPB) who saw no hope for independence through peaceful means. 2) The KNPB was involved in several violent incidents in Jayapura and Abepura in April 2009 around the time of elections. 3) Violence also increased in Puncak Jaya where the KNPB may have coordinated with local OPM commanders. While the KNPB claimed responsibility for some incidents, their direct role is unclear.
Previous Reynolds Fellow Scott Swafford addressed attendees at the 2014 Missouri Press Association meeting about how small newspapers can better cover local elections.
Social media have become essential infrastructure for public debates and the forming of political opinion. In established democracies, traditional media still play a significant role, even if their content is distributed through social media, while in many new democracies or transition countries, social media have become the dominant platform of political exchange. Facebook’s ‘Free Basics’ initiative for 42 developing countries is creating a social media monopoly in these countries. In some countries, people have come to understand Facebook as ‘the internet’, since most online interaction is mediated through Facebook.
Political polling new technology and old politics 2bali2010
This document summarizes a seminar on public opinion polling, politics, and new technology. It discusses how polling is increasingly used for issue and strategy selection in political campaigns. While traditional campaigning like rallies remains, new media technologies are supplementing campaigns. Social networks and internet penetration are growing rapidly in Southeast Asia. The document also examines polling accuracy and how issues are selected for campaigns based on polling of target audiences. It explores how cyber space allows for monitoring public opinion online and the implications of new communication channels for political campaigns and public opinion.
Sharecast Initiative Nepal's National Media Landscape Wave II was conducted among 5555 sample in January-February 2017. This report compiles the toppling finding of the survey focusing on access to traditional and new media in Nepal. Please contact info@sharecast.org.np if you need further information or want to collaborate on the next survey which is planned in February 2018.
Internews/IDA Media Survey Findings_Nepal pdf Madhu Acharya
Internews and IDA conducted National Opinion Polls Wave III in September 2014. This presentation covers the media survey findings. An updated version of the survey finding will be shares first week of January 2015.
Communications transition report final edits (1)Candice Osborne
The document discusses improving communications between Jersey City government and residents. It recommends restructuring the communications office, expanding social media presence, and making more city services available online. Feedback found most residents were dissatisfied with interactions and unaware of current communication channels. The city needs to connect with residents through multiple platforms including email, websites and social media to become more responsive.
This document provides an executive summary and introduction to a research report on the rise and impact of youth citizen journalism in Singapore. The report examines how citizen journalism has affected youth political participation, purchasing behaviors, and opinions. It conducted surveys of 801 Singapore youth ages 18-35 on their consumption and perception of citizen journalism versus traditional media. Key findings included the impact of citizen journalism on raising political interest and shaping views of the 2011 general election, as well as its influence on youth purchasing habits compared to traditional media. The introduction provides background on citizen journalism, from its definition to how it started and different forms it takes locally in Singapore, particularly semi-independent sites like STOMP.
The document is a survey of civic health in Hoboken, NJ conducted in 2009. It evaluates 16 areas related to citizen rights and responsibilities. The survey finds that Hoboken does well in 7 areas, is lacking in 4 areas, and 5 areas need strengthening. Areas Hoboken does well in include developer disclosure of political contributions and regulations preventing pay-to-play. Areas lacking include bans on political fundraising in government offices and adult civic education classes. Areas needing improvement include controlling high campaign spending and expanding meeting minute availability online. The survey assessed conditions through records requests and interviews to evaluate Hoboken's civic infrastructure.
The document provides an after-action report on the April 1, 2014 primary election in Washington D.C. It summarizes election preparation activities including voter outreach, equipment and supply preparation, polling place selection, and election worker training. It also discusses early voting operations and notes some locations had lower than expected turnout. Issues identified during the election are discussed to improve future elections.
This document proposes electoral reforms in India to reduce the influence of money and muscle power in elections. It notes that a large percentage of winning candidates in the 2009 elections had high assets and pending criminal cases. The key proposals are to make candidates more accountable by requiring constituency-specific manifestos and affidavits of assets/criminal cases. This would better inform voters. Candidates would also participate in constituency-level debates to discuss their visions. While costing around $150 million nationally, this could make elections fairer by empowering voters to make more informed choices based on candidates' merits rather than their party or resources. Challenges around enforcement would need mitigation strategies like strict monitoring.
Abstract:
Public Relations have been an integral part of human communications, since time immoral. It developed as an art and science in the 20th century. Today, there is no sector, whether it be Government, Private or NGOs, who do edgy in their operations. The ever escalating cost of advertising too has contributed to the significant growth of this industry.
While Public Relations, known by other sophisticated names such as advocacy, spin doctor, spin in-spin out etc, has immensely contributed towards highlighting socio-cultural issues, development affairs, exploring the innovative inventions, maintaining and harnessing the organization goodwill in the market. As far as grassroots innovators are concerns they do have knowledge abundance, and some want to use this knowledge to try things out. Public Relations is the tool to promote and explore those knowledge abundance across the human being.
The document provides a summary of a media survey conducted in Ukraine in 2012. Key findings include:
- Respondents saw the main roles of media as providing news (48%) and protecting citizens' rights (25%).
- National TV news was the most trusted source of news (55%), followed by print media (38%) and the internet (35%).
- Regarding media literacy: 49% were aware of paid content in media but only 27% could recognize it. Over 80% did not know who owned the media.
- Awareness of the upcoming switch to digital broadcasting was over 70% but only 38% were aware of new transparency laws.
This document provides an introduction and methodology for a research proposal that will assess community policing and crime prevention in Moses Garoeb Constituency, Namibia. It begins with an orientation stating that the study will determine the impact of community policing on crime prevention and community participation levels. It then presents the problem statement noting high crime rates in Namibia. The objectives are to determine the impact of community policing and investigate community participation. Research questions are provided. The significance of the study and limitations are briefly discussed before concluding with an introduction to the literature review and methodology sections to follow. A quantitative research design using surveys is proposed.
This document summarizes the findings of a policy framework review on newcomer settlement in Winnipeg conducted by Richard Dilay of Kaplan Research Associates. The review examined policies of the three levels of government (federal, provincial, municipal), key public agencies, and settlement service providers. It involved document searches, interviews with government and agency representatives, and focus groups with service providers and funders. The review found that while Canada leads on immigration policy, settlement policy involves all levels of government. It also identified gaps in services for newcomers and provided recommendations to improve policies and fill these gaps. Recent increases in immigration to Manitoba have impacted settlement services.
This document provides an analysis of traditional modes of communication used by Howard County and Columbia Association in Maryland. It analyzes data from interviews, surveys, and a competitive study of other local governments. The key findings are that digital communication methods like websites and social media are becoming more important, while viewership of public access TV stations is difficult to track. The document recommends that the counties implement communication metrics to measure the impact of different methods and improve the efficiency of email communication, which remains an important channel.
The document summarizes the key aspects of the Global Fund's New Funding Model (NFM) application process. It describes the NFM's emphasis on enhancing civil society and key population participation at all stages. It provides an overview of the application timeline and stages, including development of a National Strategic Plan, country dialogue, concept note submission and review, grant-making, approval, and implementation. It offers guidance for key populations and advocates on meaningful involvement at each stage, especially in developing robust epidemiological data and ensuring representation in country dialogue.
This document proposes a research study on religion on television and its impact on viewers' lives. The study would analyze religious messages in TV programming, examine who watches religious TV and why, and investigate how viewing religious TV may influence viewers' religious beliefs, social networks, and involvement in local churches. The researchers plan to code religious content, survey viewers, and analyze existing data on programming and audiences to conduct an integrated examination of the nature and functions of religious television. The goal is to provide an objective empirical understanding to inform communications policy decisions.
32nd board meeting communities delegation country dialogue position paperclac.cab
The study analyzed engagement of key populations (KPs) in country dialogue processes in 11 countries. It found that while engagement of some KPs improved due to new Global Fund requirements, meaningful involvement of communities affected by TB, malaria, prisoners, MSM, transgender people, sex workers and people who inject drugs remained problematic. Political contexts, weak community systems, lack of support and punitive laws presented barriers. The report recommends the Global Fund enforce requirements on inclusive engagement, provide clear guidelines and resources to support capacity building, and require long-term investments in human rights and community strengthening in concept notes.
This document provides a guide to the characteristics of a democratic parliament in the 21st century. It examines what makes a parliament democratic through five key values: being representative, transparent, accessible, accountable, and effective. The guide illustrates each value with examples contributed by member parliaments of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, showing the diversity of ways these parliaments realize democratic principles in practice and address contemporary challenges. Its goal is to define parliament's role in democracy and identify good practices to help strengthen parliaments.
1) Political violence increased in Papua in 2009, led in part by the militant West Papua National Committee (KNPB) who saw no hope for independence through peaceful means. 2) The KNPB was involved in several violent incidents in Jayapura and Abepura in April 2009 around the time of elections. 3) Violence also increased in Puncak Jaya where the KNPB may have coordinated with local OPM commanders. While the KNPB claimed responsibility for some incidents, their direct role is unclear.
The document summarizes the key outcomes and issues surrounding a recent peace conference on the conflict in Indonesian Papua. It discusses how the conference highlighted divisions between Papuan civil society and the Indonesian government in their approaches to addressing Papuan grievances. While the conference produced proposals for improved policies, its final declaration calling for formal independence negotiations concerned many and complicated the government's stance of avoiding political discussions. The document examines the conference origins and analyzes the challenges in building trust between sides for meaningful conflict resolution.
This quarterly report summarizes the activities of a business networking organization over the last 6 months. It states that 14 additional events were run, attracting 186 guests and members. 4 new sponsors were also acquired. A new club was launched in Red Deer and 2 new publications were produced. 49 new members joined through various means including referrals and social media. Goals for the next quarter include increasing memberships and referrals. Two new positions - social media coordinator and chapter scorekeeper - were added. Members are asked to help invite people from needed industries and review referral numbers from the last quarter.
Political Parties in Pakistan; A Long Way AheadNazeer Mahar
This document discusses political parties in Pakistan and the need for reforms. It notes that while democracy has increased globally over the past few decades, confidence in political parties is declining. In Pakistan specifically, voter turnout has dropped by 21.6% between 1970 and 2002 elections. Political parties have only been in power democratically for 27 of Pakistan's 57 years, and the frequent dismissal of governments and legislatures by military regimes has denied political parties the space to develop. The document calls for reforms at the state, party, and civil society levels to strengthen political parties and democratic governance in Pakistan.
1. The document discusses the market position of Walton Technologies Corporation in Bangladesh. It analyzes Walton's sales performance, dealer satisfaction, pricing, advertising, and other marketing activities through a survey of 40 dealers.
2. The survey finds some issues, such as delayed product delivery to distributors and low refrigerator sales. It also finds room for improvement in customer service, price points, and advertising effectiveness.
3. The report aims to evaluate Walton's market position and identify strengths and weaknesses to help the company boost sales through better promotional and distribution strategies. It provides recommendations based on the survey findings.
Meetings Mean Business Executive SummaryMarvin McTaw
This is the executive summary to the Meetings Mean Business industry report. The official title is "The Economic Significance of Meetings to the US Economy" and the full report can be downloaded for $595 at http://meetingsmeanbusiness.com/
Highlights from the report include
- US Industry size: 1.8 million meetings annually, 204 million attendees
- Total Direct Spending: $263 billion
- Total Economic Contributions: $907 billion
- Direct Contribution To GDP: $106 billion
Conclusion: the meetings business is big...really big
The document discusses the typical parts and structure of a report. It outlines the key sections as the title page, table of contents, executive summary, introduction, findings, conclusions, recommendations, bibliography/references, and appendices. It focuses on explaining the introduction section in detail. The introduction typically includes the purpose, background, method of investigation, and scope. It provides examples and emphasizes using the present tense for purpose and past tense for background. The method discusses primary and secondary sources of data.
REPORT WRITING:TYPES, FORMAT, STRUCTURE AND RELEVANCETulika Paul
This document discusses different types of reports, their formats and structures. It describes formal and informal reports. Formal reports have specific sections like introduction, body, conclusion and are used for official purposes. Informal reports are shorter and less formal, taking forms like memos. Common types of formal reports include informational, analytical and recommendation reports. The document outlines different formats for reports and their relevance for communication, decision making and sharing unknown information within organizations.
Analysing SABC Elections Coverage of the 2016 Local Government ElectionsWilliam Bird
The SABC covered the 2016 South African local government elections by focusing on larger political parties and national issues rather than local concerns. It analyzed party coverage, political ads, top issues, and protests. While the SABC framed protests as violent, it rarely showed violent footage. Overall, 10% of SABC stories were biased, though some programs like Xitsonga/Tshivenda News had higher rates at 34%. The report found the SABC treated local elections like national ones and there was a disconnect between what parties prioritized and what the SABC covered as important issues.
The document summarizes the findings of a media monitoring project in Myanmar from August 1 to September 15, 2017. It analyzes coverage in television, radio, newspapers and online media. Key findings include:
- State media and some private media devoted the most coverage to the government and military, portraying political actors positively.
- The National League for Democracy received the most party coverage.
- Coverage of the Rohingya crisis in Rakhine State largely reflected the government perspective due to access restrictions.
- International organizations accused Myanmar of ethnic cleansing, which the government denied. Some local media included more balanced international reporting.
In the Service of the Public_KyrgyzstanJackie Wilson
This document provides an overview of media developments in Kyrgyzstan, specifically regarding the transformation of the country's main state broadcaster, OTRK, into a public service media organization. It discusses Kyrgyzstan's political history and transitions to democracy since independence, the current media landscape, and reforms that have advanced OTRK's shift towards prioritizing the public interest. While progress has been made in establishing OTRK's independence and better serving citizens, it notes that much work remains to improve content quality and regional coverage, and that Kyrgyz media overall still face political and social pressures.
This document provides an overview of media development in Nigeria, focusing on Freedom Radio in Kano. It discusses Nigeria's history with periods of military rule and attempts at democracy. The media landscape is described, dominated by state-run broadcasters until deregulation in 1992 allowed private broadcasters. Freedom Radio is presented as an example of a privately-owned commercial radio station that aims to fulfill public service functions by creating a public sphere, supporting education/empowerment, and providing local content, while operating in a difficult environment with challenges around funding and journalist safety. The document examines Freedom Radio's ability to serve the public interest as an "alternative public service media" model in Nigeria.
This document discusses the relationship between media and politics. It explores how media shapes society through its funding sources and accountability/independence. Politicians have become dependent on media to reach voters and media content has become increasingly "mediatized" by politics. Specifically, the decline of traditional media has weakened its ability to hold politicians accountable as the fourth estate. However, media also relies on politics for content and politicians require media access to campaign. Ultimately, media and politics have a symbiotic but tense relationship in democratic societies.
Zambia: Democracy and Political Participation Dr Lendy Spires
This document summarizes the politics of constitutional reform in Zambia. It discusses how Zambia has had four constitutions over 49 years of independence, with the process being highly contested. Previous reform attempts did not meaningfully involve the public. While recent presidents tried to make the process more inclusive, it still fell short of expectations due to opposition demands for more participation and government insistence on control. Constitutional changes have rarely altered power dynamics or reflected public aspirations.
The document discusses the impact of social media on politics in Bangladesh. It analyzes how social media influences politics and political parties in the country in various ways, through both primary and secondary research. The document finds that social media has significant influence on political movements and allows politicians to more directly communicate with citizens. However, it can also spread misinformation if the information portrayed is inaccurate. The document examines different levels of influence from individual media workers to large organizations and how they can shape political coverage.
MAIN TRENDS IN MEDIA COVERAGE OF SOCIOPOLITICAL PROCESSES IN UKRAINE IN 2014-...DonbassFullAccess
The document analyzes trends in media coverage of socio-political events in Ukraine from 2014 to 2017 based on monitoring by NGO Detector Media. It finds that for many years, the political views expressed by private Ukrainian TV channels have been defined by the interests of their oligarchic owners rather than objective journalism. Following Ukraine's 2014 revolution, some channels began transforming into public broadcasters, but oligarchic media groups still dominate the landscape. The monitoring found violations of journalism standards increased in news coverage, especially invited commentary that censored opposing views. Overall the analysis shows oligarchic influence and lack of strong public media have hampered quality coverage of political issues important to Ukrainian society.
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Running head ROLE OF MEDIA IN THE SOCIETYROLE OF MEDIA IN T.docxcharisellington63520
Running head: ROLE OF MEDIA IN THE SOCIETY
ROLE OF MEDIA IN THE SOCIETY 15
Role of Media in the Society
Name:
Institution:
Date:
Media plays a very significant role in the society. In fact, the media is involved in every activity that takes place in the society (Raiz, 2010). Media is a very important aspect of the current society because it is very helpful in strengthening our society. In every activity taking place in the society, media acts as a mirror in that it seeks to reflect on all activities taking place in the society. Mirror can thus be seen as a very important tool that shapes the lives of the members of the society. Generally, the media seeks to inform the members of the public on the currently faced affairs, the new affairs in the society, and even on subjects such as fashion and gossip, as they are important in the entertainment world. Media thus seeks to distribute information to individuals that are located in different places, geographically.
Media is, thus, responsible for several roles, which include promotion of marketing and trading of prejudices and products, since advertisements for most of the products in the market is done through the different media channels. The core governing values of the media are supposed to be equity an rigorousness but this is not reflected in the ways through which media operate since, the current state of the media is characterized by self-aggrandizement and greed, the two values that have played a greater part in the poisoning of equity and righteousness, which were the initial virtues of the media. In the society, the media is responsible for several important activities. These activities include dissipation of the information, provision of entertainment to the public, promotion of correlation of the several parts that constitute our society, education of the public domain, and promotions and advertisements.
Media thus, plays a great part in influencing of the society in multiple ways. For instance, media for masses enables the members of the society to create their opinions on certain matters of public concern ad also in making judgments regarding such matters (Khondker, 2011). Furthermore, it is through the media that members of the society gain information concerning things that are taking place, both at their location and other geographical locations that are beyond the reach of the people in a given geographical area. Media thus, plays a significant role in ensuring that people get the information on matters happening in their surroundings and also the matters being experienced around the world. Despite the good attributes of media in the society, the media has been pointed out to cause some negative impacts on the youth members of the society. This is based on the proven fact that the content of the media has brought disorientation on the personalities and dreams of many youths. Following wh.
The document analyzes the impact of social media on Malaysia's 2013 general election. It finds that while the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition closed the social media gap with the opposition by 2013, it still saw declining electoral performance compared to 2008. Specifically, Barisan Nasional won fewer seats and a lower popular vote share in 2013 versus 2008, even as its social media presence grew and its leader Najib Razak dominated online. The opposition Pakatan Rakyat coalition improved its seat count and popular vote from 2008 despite having less consolidated social media platforms and leadership branding. Thus, social media's influence on actual voter behavior and election outcomes remains unclear in the Malaysian context.
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Similar to Media Book 2 MEEZ MISA ELECTIONS MONITORING (20)
4. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
MEDIA MONITORING
ELECTION PERIOD
tPerformance of the Zambian media was characterized by extreme
polarization:
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This document is the final media monitoring report of the 'Zambia Elections
Media Monitoring Project (ZEMMP), a collaboration between the Press
Association of Zambia (PAZA) and the Media Institute of Southern Africa,
(MISA-Zambia) and supported by BBC MediaAction (formerly the BBCWorld
ServiceTrust) which set out to understand the quality of election-related news
coverage in the Zambian media.The media monitoring project was funded by
the UNDP.
Media monitoring, in the form of content analysis, was conducted at three
critical points;prior to the start of the electoral campaign,during the campaign
and election period, and after the elections. It is important to note that the
media monitoring provides a strong indication of the state of the media in
Zambia. However it does not give an all encompassing picture of the media
performance in Zambia. Across the lifespan of the project a total of 27 days of
media output were monitored. Top level key findings include:
The public media (both print and
broadcast) only reported positive
stories on the ruling party, the
Movement for Multi-party
Democracy (MMD) and negative
or no stories on the opposition
parties.
Muvi TV and Radio Phoenix
generally provided fair and
balanced coverage of the 2011
Elections.
The Post Newspaper primarily printed positive Patriotic Front
(PF) stories and negative MMD stories.
Government, political party officials and other elites
dominated coverage and sourcing with no critical analysis of
how stories affected the public.
1
In general, the media
did not fulfil its duty
to provide the public
with balanced, fair
and equitable
information that
allows them to make
informed choices.
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
5. ?
POST-ELECTION PERIOD:
?
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COMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS
In general,the media did not fulfil its duty to provide the public
with balanced, fair and equitable information that allows them
to make informed choices.
Public media has begun to diversify
their coverage beyond the
ruling party
Governance topics are being
covered in some depth, but
generally failed to provide specific
contextual information to
audiences.
We note reduced reliance on
government and/or party officials
as news sources.
There has been a noticeable improvement in balancing of news
in the public media.Overall,60% of all stories are now receiving
balanced treatment compared to 25% before the elections
(Media Monitoring Report PAZA/MISA 23/1/2012).
It is also evident that there is a shift towards reporting how
policies affect the ordinary citizen and a greater focus on
human interest stories. According to the Media Monitoring
Report published in January 2012,just 47% of all stories before
the general elections contained the human angle aspect whilst
this figure has now risen to 75%.
In an effort to triangulate the findings from the media monitoring,the ZEEMP
project team conducted qualitative research to find out what Zambian citizens
thought about the way the media reported the 2011 general elections.This
research included in-depth interviews with a sample of representatives from
Civil Society Organisations (CSO) and focus group discussions with
representatives of various communities across Zambia.Top level key findings
include:
2
According to the
Media Monitoring
Report published in
January 2012, just 47%
of all stories before
the general elections
contained the human
angle aspect whilst
this figure has now
risen to 75%.
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
6. AUDIENCE FOCUS GROUPS
CSO IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS
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?
?
?
?
?
Participants in the focus groups were nearly unanimous in noting that media
coverage of different political groups was dependent on media ownership and
varied greatly depending on media house.
Concerns were raised about media sources in election-related stories
observing the focus was on people representing institutions or specific
political groups and the views of ordinary citizens were generally neglected.
This gave a sense that the media became a tool for party campaigning.
Participants noted some improvement in the way the public media reported
after the elections. Participants also noted that more news stories covered
opposition leaders and ordinary citizens.
Despite these changes,members of the public are cognisant of the limitations
present in the Zambian media and are eager for a space that provides news and
information reflecting the views and concerns of everyday citizens and not just
the leading political parties.
In general,CSO representatives:
Expressed a desire that the media widen their news coverage
of political parties and move beyond the main players.
Voiced concern over the function of the public media and its
duty to accurately report on national issues since they are
funded from taxpayers' money.
Felt that the ruling party at the time of the election had a strong
influence over public media election coverage.
Observed the need for the media to broaden the discussion
space about political and developmental issues to include
ordinary Zambians,especially those in the rural areas.
Noted a change in the way the public media reported
governance issues and an increase of opposition political
leaders featured in news items since the change of government.
Emphasised the importance that such changes in the media's
coverage of governance and election issues continue, and not
revert back to party-based reporting at the next election cycle.
3
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
7. 1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUNDAND CONTEXT
This report comprises the final media monitoring report of the ‘Zambia
Elections Media Monitoring Project’(ZEMMP), a collaboration between the
PressAssociation of Zambia (PAZA) and the Media Institute of SouthernAfrica
(MISA-Zambia), and supported by BBC Media Action (formerly the BBC
World Service Trust) which set out to understand the quality of election-
related news coverage in the Zambian media.
Media monitoring was part of a wider project, ‘Media for Ethical Election
Coverage in Zambia’ (MEEZ) project, which ran from July 2011 through
February 2012 and sought to contribute to a tangible shift towards issue-
based political reporting, with a more specific purpose to enhance the
Zambian media's capacity to provide balanced, ethical and issue-based
coverage of the September 2011 Zambia general elections and beyond.The
project was funded by the UNDP.
During the 1991 general elections, multi-party politics was reintroduced in
Zambia with the sweeping victory of the opposition party,the 'Movement for
Multi-party Democracy' (MMD). Since 1991 Zambia has had five general
elections each marked by relatively smooth transitions of power. Although
infringements of the Electoral Code of Conduct have occurred, overall,
elections have been judged free and fair since then.
Since the reinstitution of multi-party democracy in Zambia, the media
landscape has been liberalised and consequently there has been an enormous
increase in independent, commercial and community media (radio, print and
TV) across Zambia.This has also meant that access to different sources of
information (not just state media) has improved dramatically. An example of
this dramatic increase in media is the fact that there is now more than fifty (50)
community and private radio stations spread across Zambia offering
communities an alternative to the state broadcasters.The Zambia National
Broadcasting Corporation (ZNBC) broadcasts both TV and radio
programming, and government affiliated newspapers the Zambia Daily Mail
andTheTimes of Zambia are also relatively well distributed in Zambia.
4
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
8. Of the independent and commercial media houses in operation none truly
have a nation-wide presence but the Post enjoys a significant circulation, and
Radio Phoenix and Q-FM plus Muvi-TV can be picked up on the Copperbelt.
This increase in media houses and access to alternative information has helped
stimulate a lively and varied debate on current affairs and politics amongst
Zambians.
During recent years the media landscape in Zambia has become increasingly
polarised with media houses blatantly choosing sides (i.e. being clearly pro-
government or clearly pro-opposition).A certain amount of partisanship is
normal but unfortunately some of the leading media houses seem to have
abandoned all pretext of fair and unbiased reporting to support their chosen
party.This practice was already substantially curtailing the flow of reliable and
credible information to the Zambian public.
Along with the extreme polarisation of some of the leading media houses
another worrying trend was noted; namely a consistent move away from
reporting on real issues, policies and story content towards focusing on
personalities by using the increasingly shrill sound bites of different politicians.
PAZA and MISA-Zambia with support from BBC Media Action designed the
media monitoring to provide a robust analysis of the socio-political context
and the character of the media in Zambia today.
5
Journalists covering ballot counting during the 2011 elections in Lusaka
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
9. The rationale for this project emanated from a rapid situational analysis that
showed high levels of extreme media polarisation as perceived by the public.
And in the run-up to the September 2011 general elections,PAZA and MISA-
Zambia saw it as imperative to undertake this activity as a contribution to
enhancing media capacity in coverage of elections in Zambia.With both short
term and long term objectives,it was hoped that the evidence gathered from
the monitoring period as well as insights learnt from the project would greatly
contribute to achieving the stated objectives.
This report represents the final product of the ZEMMP project and is
presented in three main parts;
Media monitoring and;
Community perceptions of election coverage by the media
Conclusions and recommendations
Activities carried out as part of media monitoring called for the analysis of
content in the Zambian media at three critical points;prior to the start of the
electoral campaign, during the campaign and election period, and after the
elections. Its objective was to assess whether the Zambian media were
adhering to the Electoral Code of Conduct as well as to more general
journalistic principles and ethics in their reporting of election-related and
governance issues. Across the lifespan of the project, a total of 27 days of
media output were monitored. Table 1 shows the dates of all media
monitoring activities.
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?
2.0 MEDIA MONITORING
2.1 MONITORING DESIGNAND METHODOLOGY
Table 1:Media monitoring Schedule
6
Phase Monitoring dates
Pre-election 31 July – 5 August, 2011
Pre-election
tracker
25-26 August, 2011
Election-period 14-26 September, 2011
Post-election (I) 2-5 November, 2011
Post-election (II) 5-8 December, 2011
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
10. 2.2 MEDIA HOUSES
Table 2:Monitored media houses
2.3 CONTENT MONITORED
Individual media houses were selected for monitoring due to whether they
were state (public),private, or community-owned media,and on the basis of
nation-wide circulation and regional representation.As far as possible given
the technical challenges of media monitoring, the same media houses were
monitored during each phase. A total of ten media houses were selected for
monitoring with state media represented by ZNBCTV,ZNBC Radio,Times of
Zambia, and The Zambia Daily Mail; private media by The Post Newspaper,
Radio Phoenix and Muvi TV; and community media by Radio Oblate Liseli,
Radio Mano and Radio Musi-o-Tunya (Table 2).
Community media were not included during the initial pre-election
monitoring. However, feedback from the initial monitoring report suggested
that it was necessary to include a sampling of community media to provide a
more complete picture of media reporting in Zambia. Oblate Radio Liseli and
Radio Musi-o-Tunya participated in both election-period monitoring and post-
election monitoring. Radio Mano was included in election period monitoring,
but did not participate in post-elections monitoring.
Monitoring focused specifically on the daily news output of the selected media
houses. For the broadcast media, the main daily news output was monitored.
Print publications were monitored in their entirety.
State/Public media Private media Community media
ZNBCTV Radio Phoenix Oblate Radio Liseli
ZNBC Radio MuviTV Radio Musi-o-Tunya
Zambia Daily Mail The Post Newspaper Radio Mano
Times of Zambia
7
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
11. PRE-ELECTIONAND ELECTION PHASE
POST-ELECTION PHASE
During the pre-election and election-period, monitoring analysed only
‘election-related’ news items. Specific stories were deemed to be
election-related and selected for analysis on the basis of a two-step
definition.
First,each story had to include one of a selection of key words or phrases,
including Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ), a party name, party
candidate or party official, or election. Second, the story also had to
substantially refer to the 2011 elections.Of the qualifying stories for each
station or publication on a given day of the monitoring period,a maximum
of five stories were randomly selected for analysis.
As in the previous two phases, post-election monitoring continued to
primarily focus on news output.In this phase,however,the methodology
was modified to take into consideration the expected shift in news
content in the sampled media houses as a result of the end of the election
period. In this manner the methodology ensured relevancy and ability to
capture the right sample for analysis.
To reflect the change on focus of stories, under this phase,‘governance’
related stories were sampled for analysis.A story was considered to be
‘governance’ related if it looked at issues relating to community livelihood,
service delivery, governance policy statements, national economic
decisions and general poverty alleviation. International stories were
excluded from the monitoring across all media.
For both the print and electronic media all local news items were
monitored, with the exception of sports, weather reports and feature
articles. For the print media a maximum of seven (7) stories were then
randomly selected for analysis. Under the electronic media all the
qualifying stories were analysed.
8
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
12. 2.4 DATA CAPTURE
2.5 MONITORING INSTRUMENTS
2.6 MONITORING CHALLENGES
3.0 MONITORING FINDINGS
3.1 PRE-ELECTION PERIOD
News bulletins from both radio andTV were captured using a device called the
‘TV Card’.This enabled the safe storage and retrieval at a later stage of the
media content for analysis.For print media,copies were purchased and stored
safely from which stories for analysis were sampled.
All data was coded using a standardised code-frame.All researchers analysing
content were trained in how to use and interpret the code-frame. Following
each phase of monitoring, the code-frame was reviewed and any possible
improvements made.
The ZEMMP project experienced several challenges in implementing media
monitoring. Many of these were technical in nature. Power cuts resulted in
some community radio stations struggling to capture and or send their media
content to the monitoring team. Further, back-ups of all electronic content
should be made as there was one instance where the electronic file containing
captured media content became corrupted and unusable. Finally, media
monitoring is a time and resource-heavy activity. Capturing media content,
managing the data, and analysing and reporting on it all requires careful
planning and implementation.
Between 31st July and 5thAugust,and again during 25th and 26thAugust 2011,
the Zambia Elections Media Monitoring Project team conducted media
monitoring of election-related news content from selected media houses
across Zambia.The objective of the monitoring was to understand the quality
of election-related coverage leading up to the 2011 elections. While no
reporting was intended from this round of preliminary activities, the
endeavour helped inform the process by which monitoring activities would be
conducted and allowed for pre-testing of methodology.
9
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
13. 3.2 ELECTION PERIOD MONITORING FINDINGS
tThe people featured in election stories change depending on whether
media is public,private or community-owned.
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tBoth public and private media stories included subjective treatment of
the political parties they covered.
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?
Between 14th and 26th September 2011, the Zambia Elections Media
Monitoring Project team conducted media monitoring of election-related
news content from ten media houses across Zambia. The objective of the
monitoring was to understand the quality of election-related coverage at the
height of the 2011 elections. Its main findings were:
Stories in the public media were more likely to feature MMD
candidates or officials,who appeared in more than one quarter
of all stories on ZNBCTV, The Zambia Daily Mail andTimes of
Zambia.
Stories in the private media were more likely to feature PF
candidates or officials, who appeared in 40% of all stories
published byThe Post Newspaper.
Stories from the community media were the most likely to
feature ordinary citizens, who appeared in 25% of all their
stories.
Of the stories in the public media featuring MMD candidates or
officials, one third (33%) of them treated the MMD explicitly
positively.
Of the stories in the private media (in particular the Post
newspaper) that featured PF candidates or officials, nearly
one half (48%) treated the PF explicitly positively.
With a divide in the parties appearing in the public and private
media and a degree of subjective treatment, only one third
(34%) of all stories were judged to have given an overall
balanced treatment of the topics they covered.
This was highest among the community media, where 54% of
the stories were judged to have provided an overall balanced
treatment.
10
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
14. tStories tended to rely on a single source and their content was driven
by the statements and activities of two main political parties.
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tPublic media stories were skewed towards covering the ruling party,
whichever it might be.
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tStories focused on the upcoming vote, but did not provide citizens
with information on the policies and substantive issues that affect their
lives.
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?
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More than half (54%) of all stories featured only a single source.
The two main parties in the recent elections,the MMD and PF,
were each the source of 19% of all stories.The UPND was a
source for only 6% of stories and other parties only 4%.
After the election results were announced, the use of MMD
officials as sources for stories in public media dropped from
61% to 19%.
The public media also featured PF candidates and officials more
frequently after the election result announcement.
Explicitly positive treatment of the PF officials appearing in
stories also increased in the public media,rising from 6% prior
to the election result announcement to 41% following it.
Agriculture and health issues were each the main topic of only
1% of all stories.
Less than half (47%) of all stories included information as to
how the topic covered would affect ordinary people.
Approximately one in ten (11%) stories included specific
information about policies espoused by the government or
political parties.
At the height of the 2011 elections, the
performance of the Zambian media was
characterised by extreme polarisation.With some
private media and in particular the Post
Newspaper supporting opposition voices and the
public media the views of the ruling party,
regardless of which, the media’s duty to provide
the public with information that allows them to make informed choices about
which candidates to support appears to have been lost.
11
At the height of the
2011 elections, the
performance of the
Zambian media was
characterized by
extreme
polarisation.
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
15. This research demonstrates that there is an on-going need to create public
spaces in the Zambian media that are unbiased and prioritise the needs of
citizens over that of either party.
3.3 POST-ELECTION MONITORING FINDINGS
tStories in the media focused on corruption and a variety of other
governance issues, but did not provide citizens with specific
information on policies.
?
This monitoring phase covered media stories between 2nd and 5th November
2011and again from 5th to 8th December 2011 as part of the larger effort to
enhance the capacity of the Zambian media to provide balanced, ethical and
issue-based coverage in news stories. The objective of the post-election
monitoring was to understand the quality of governance-related coverage
after national elections held on 20th September 2011.Content from a total of
398 news stories from nine (9) media houses were analysed as part of this
endeavour.Its main findings were:
Corruption and anti-corruption was the most frequent central
topic of stories, accounting for 25% of all stories in the
monitoring period.
12
Part of the audience and media personnel at a ZEMMP media breakfast, December 2011
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
16. ?
?
Many stories continued to have a single source and most still featured a
familiar group of national government, civil society and political party
officials – not average citizens.
?
?
?
?
tWhile governance stories tended to present a fairly balanced
treatment of their subject matter, nearly half contained a single point
of view and few provided audiences with multiple perspectives on a topic.
?
?
?
?
Three quarters (75%) of all stories provided information about
how the central topic affects ordinary people;an increase from
65% in November 2011 monitoring.
Despite this, less than a quarter (23%) of all stories included
specific information regarding policies of the government,
political parties or others; a slight decrease from November
2011 monitoring.
Approximately half of all stories (48%) had a single source.52%
of all stories had multiple sources.
Whether featuring multiple sources or just one, stories still
relied heavily on a small group of sources. 69% of all stories
from the public media used national government personnel as a
source, as did 47% of all private and community media stories.
MMD, PF, and UPND officials were also popular sources.
Only 14% of all stories included the voices of ordinary people.
Half of all stories (50%) featured a single viewpoint,while nearly
half (48%) of all stories included multiple points of view.
Overall,stories with points of view in opposition to each other
on the main topic consisted of less than one fifth of all stories
(18%).
While presenters and journalists tended not to explicitly
support a point of view, some stories were covered in a way
that created the impression of support for a particular political
party.
Overall, 60% of all stories were deemed to have provided a
balanced treatment of the subject matter they covered.But this
varied widely among media houses, with 88% of Muvi TV and
86% Zambia Daily Mail stories balanced. Only 20% of ZNBC
Radio and 21% of stories in The Post Newspaper were
balanced.
t
13
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
17. Based on two rounds of post-election media monitoring since the September
2011 elections, certain trends in the media’s coverage of governance issues
became apparent. Governance topics were covered in some depth, but
generally failed to provide specific contextual information to audiences.
Government officials, political party officials and other elites continued to
dominate coverage and sourcing although there has been an improvement
with more stories with a human interest angle. Stories presented only a
limited perspective on the subject matter and despite little explicit support for
particular parties, the balance with which governance issues were covered
varied widely. The public media showed a significant improvement in terms of
balance. MuviTV also showed a consistent balance in their reporting.
In an effort to triangulate the findings from the media monitoring regarding the
quality of election coverage, the ZEEMP project team conducted qualitative
research to find out what Zambian citizens thought about the way the media
reported the 2011 general elections.This research included six (6) in-depth
interviews with a sample of representatives from Civil Society Organisations
and sixteen (16) focus group discussions with representatives of various
communities across Zambia. This section of the final report presents the main
findings of such research.
The qualitative research conducted comprised of 16 focus group
discussions with members of the public.Focus group discussions allowed
for detailed exploration of participants’ views on media coverage of
elections and governance issues. Focus group discussions also enabled
the research to capture a variety of perspectives from Zambian citizens of
different backgrounds and interests.
4.0 COMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS OF
MEDIA COVERAGE OFTHE ELECTIONS
4.1 INTRODUCTION
4.2 METHODOLOGY
4.2.1 FOCUS GROUPS
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ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
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18. To capture a variety of perspectives, research divided the country into
three geographical zones:Northern,Central and Southern.The Northern
zone represents Luapula, Northern, North-western and the Copperbelt
provinces. The Central zone consists of Central, Lusaka and Eastern
provinces, and the Southern zone consists of Western and Southern
Provinces. Each zone was structured considering the similarities in
cultural and ethnic groupings among the provinces within the zone.
Due to the topic of the research, only individuals who are regular media
consumers were recruited to each focus group. This media consumption
parameter required that a participant either listened to the radio or
watchedTV three or more days in an average week.
To enable conversation and to encourage free-flowing discussion,age and
gender were also taken into account when recruiting participants. In
terms of age, participation was limited to people of voting age (18 years
and above).Groups were divided into two different age ranges:18-35 and
36 year of age and older, with a diversity of ages within each group. Each
group included individuals with a variety of different income levels,with a
requirement that each participant earns a minimum income of some form
equivalent to K200,000 per month. A complete breakdown of each of the
16 focus groups by location,gender and age follows:
Locality
Urban Rural
Lusaka Choma
Kitwe Kapiri
Mposhi
Geographic Zone
Northern Central Southern
Kitwe Lusaka Choma
Kapiri Mposhi
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ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
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19. Each focus group was conducted using the same discussion guide to
enable direct comparison of findings between groups.
In addition to the focus group discussions,a series of in-depth interviews
were conducted with civil society stakeholders to understand their views
of how the media performed in reporting elections and governance issues.
These interviews were conducted with the following six (6)
representatives of civil society who participated in the studio audience
during the Muvi television 2011 presidential debates:
1. Sheik Chifuwe, Chairperson, Press Freedom Committee of the Post
Newspaper
2. Horace Chilando, Executive Director, Zambia Centre for Inter-party
Dialogue (ZCID)
3. Goodwell Lungu, Executive Director, Transparency International
Zambia (TIZ)
4. Ifoma Mulewa, Information and Programmes Officer, Caritas Zambia
5. Engwase Mwale, Executive Director, Non-governmental Organisation
Coordinating Council (NGOCC)
6. William Mweemba, Past President,LawAssociation of Zambia (LAZ)
4.2.2 IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS
Choma Lusaka
Male, 18-35 Female, 18-35 Male, 18-35 Female, 18-
35
Male, 36 + Female, 36 + Male, 36 + Female, 36 +
Kapiri Kitwe
Male, 18-35 Female, 18-35 Male, 18-35 Female, 18-
35
Male, 36 + Female, 36 + Male, 36 + Female, 36 +
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20. 4.3 AUDIENCE FOCUS GROUP FINDINGS
Media monitoring before, during and after the elections demonstrated that
media coverage of different political groups was dependent on media
ownership and varied greatly depending on
the individual media house. Participants in
the focus groups were nearly unanimous in
supporting these findings. Focus group
participants described how the state-
owned media houses tended to report
more about activities that involved the
ruling party, which at the time of the
election was the Movement for Multiparty
Democracy (MMD). Participants cited ZNBC, Times of Zambia and the
Zambia Daily Mail as having been biased towards the Movement for Multiparty
Democracy (MMD) to the exclusion of the Patriotic Front (PF) and the United
Party for National Development (UPND).
Participants said that there was simply no difference between the ruling party
and government activities when it comes to the way state media houses
reported.
Participants recognized that this was not
the ideal way that media should conduct
itself. They complained about what they
called 'bad journalism.' One of the
participants described the situation:
As can be seen from the quote, participants did not limit their criticism to the
public media.They said some private media houses also demonstrated clear
allegiances to particular parties in their coverage.
“Journalists lack(ed) objectivity in the way they covered the elections,
especially The Post for Sata and ZNBC for RB (Rupiah Banda).This is
very bad for professional journalism.The Post covered negatively all the
other candidates which is very bad.The MMD using ZNBC were also
bent on destroying the PF through Chanda Chimba's programmes
(Stand up for Zambia)”.
Male, 36+, Choma
17
"ZNBC Radio had too
much MMD messages and
de-campaigning PF."
Female, 18-35, Kitwe
“ZNBC TV was biased
towards MMD prior to
the elections. The PF and
UPND were not covered
at all”
Male, 36+, Kapiri Mposhi
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
21. Some described how The Post Newspaper covered the UPND and the PF
when the two parties were in a political pact, but with the dissolution of the
political pactThe Post focussed on reporting the PF campaign activities to the
exclusion of the UPND.When the UPND and the MMD were covered inThe
Post Newspaper they were usually covered negatively. A participant from
Choma summed up the perceptions of many in saying,“the private media ...went
to extremes to lie just like the public media did in their coverage of the run-up to the
elections.”
Several participants also raised concerns about the people the media used as
sources in election related stories.They felt that the media focused on covering
people representing institutions and those aligned with specific political groups
in particular. Ordinary persons were neglected and their views not
represented in the media's coverage of the elections.
Participants called for the media to seriously consider incorporating the views
of members of the public in their coverage of elections and other
developmental issues.
Participants felt that the media created a scenario where the same set of
individuals were used as sources of news or to comment on news issues. These
individuals were known to the public to have had clear political allegiances,
which diminished the value of what they had to say. Focus
groups participants said that the media should take more
responsibility for reporting unbiased data and put more
effort into reporting issues in detail, accurately and
without relying on a known battery of sources. They said
that the result of this dynamic situation was that the
media propagated the views of specific political parties
and became a tool for party campaigning.
Some participants noted improvements in the way the public media reported
after the elections. They said the public media now included opposition leaders
and ordinary citizens more in the news stories. As a young man from Choma
stated, “...I never used to watch ZNBCTV before elections.” This shift in how the
public media covered different political parties was also evident in the media
monitoring.
18
“...I never used
to watch
ZNBC TV
before
elections.”
Male 18 - 35, Choma
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
22. It remains clear however, from both the findings of the monitoring and
discussions with focus group participants, that despite these changes,
members of the public are cognisant of the limitations present in the Zambian
media and are eager for a space that provides them with news and information
that reflects the views and concerns of everyday citizens and not just the
leading political parties.
A majority of CSO representatives expressed a desire that the media widen
their news coverage of political parties beyond the main players. Most
representatives were also concerned about the function of the public media,
which they said had a duty to accurately report on national issues since they
are funded from taxpayers' money. Similar to the focus group participants,
CSO representatives felt that the ruling party at the time of the election had a
strong influence in the way the public media covered political parties and the
election campaigns. Goodwell Lungu, Executive Director of Transparency
International Zambia (TIZ) noted:
Interviewees suggested that the public media should be free from direct
operational control of the government and more able to provide independent
programming and news. Similar concerns
were raised about the performance of
private media.
In addition to their criticism regarding the
media's coverage of the elections, CSO
representatives were also concerned
about the types of issues and nature of
media coverage of governance and general
development topics.
4.4 CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS (CSO) IN-DEPTH INTERVIEW
FINDINGS
“...The public media were extremely biased in that they gave the MMD
more coverage.They even blocked some stakeholder views which they
felt were anti-government or anti- MMD. For example, TIZ had a
running programme on ZNBC which was blocked even when it was fully
paid for.They even refunded the money we had paid. They went into
defaming all those perceived to be anti-government”.
19
“The private media,
especially The Post, gave
too much coverage to the
Patriotic Front, [more]
than anyone else”
William Mweemba, Past President,
Law Association of Zambia (LAZ)
ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
FINAL SUMMATIVE REPORT
23. They said that the media needed to devote more time to covering the sorts of
issues that citizens were concerned with and give less focus to “character
assassination” of political leaders.
Similar to the focus group participants, CSO representatives observed the
need for the media to broaden the discussion space about political and
developmental issues to include ordinary Zambians, especially those in the
rural areas.
Since the change of government, however, some CSO representatives felt
there had been a change in the way the public media reported governance
issues. They described how they felt there was an improved number of
opposition political leaders featured in news items. Finally, interviewees
expressed how important it was that such changes in the media's coverage of
governance and election issues continue, and not revert back to party-based
reporting at the next election cycle.
This research conducted under the auspices of the 'Zambia Elections Media
Monitoring Project' (ZEMMP),a collaboration between the PressAssociation
of Zambia (PAZA) and the Media Institute of SouthernAfrica in Zambia (MISA-
Zambia), and supported by BBC Media Action (formerly the BBC World
Service Trust) has demonstrated that there is an on-going need to create
public spaces in the Zambian media that are unbiased,and prioritise the needs
of citizens over that of whichever party is in power.
The public had expressed little faith in the media coverage of the politicians
prior to the 2011 elections.They now say they are seeing positive changes in
the way the media, especially pubic media, is reporting on governance issues.
This indicates that capacity building activities around impartiality of media and
public service broadcasting values with journalists and media houses can have
a positive effect and that these can actually report fairly and accurately once
they are provided with the training and the political space to do so.
5.0 CONCLUSIONSAND RECOMMENDATIONS
(THE WAY FORWARD)
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ZAMBIA ELECTIONS MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT (ZEMMP)
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24. PAZA and MISA-Zambia recommend the following steps to ensure that the
positive changes that are beginning to take shape continue:
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There is need to introduce legislation that would de-link the
ruling party from operations of the public media.
Government should recapitalise the public media to improve
the production capacity.
There is a need to invest in building up a media monitoring
framework that continuously monitors the quality of media
output in Zambia.
There is a need for the major public and private media houses
to institutionalise general public service broadcasting values
and ethics,and a greater appreciation of engaging and valuing
audiences.
There is a need for continued training and retraining of
journalists to enhance their journalistic skills with a particular
focus on editorial values.
A broad representation of Zambian citizens should be
included in discussions on how the media, and in particular
the public media,can contribute to an improved public space
for discussion and deliberation of governance issues beyond
the electoral cycle.
Government must consider amending or totally repealing
antiquated laws that impede press freedom such as laws
on criminal libel and prohibited publications.
There is a need to enact the Freedom of Information Bill
urgently.
The appointment of the Independent BroadcastingAuthority
must be done as soon as possible. The appointment should
not be done by the Minister, but rather through a public,
consultative process.
There is need to expedite the establishment of a media self-
regulatory body.
There is need to strengthen internal self-regulatory systems
such as application of editorial and debate guidelines, within
media outlets.
Government must not appoint heads of public media.
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