Heidelberg Knowledge and Coopetition
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This document discusses the concept of co-opetition, where firms simultaneously compete and cooperate. It describes how firms and organizations define their boundaries based on antagonistic, cooperative, or neutral relations with others. It also discusses how co-opetition can create situations of adverse selection and asymmetric information as firms try to compete and cooperate for the same market space. The document explores how concepts from ecology and ethology can help understand co-opetition, and suggests that co-opetition creates an environment of "adverse learning" for organizations.
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![Philippe Baumard Professor, Ecole Polytechnique CRG & UC Berkeley Institute of Business and Economic Research [email_address] Sixth Interdisciplinary Symposium on Knowledge and Space Sept. 17-20, 2008 Villa Bosch Studio, Heidelberg](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/heidelbergpb2-12769761225136-phpapp01/85/Heidelberg-Knowledge-and-Coopetition-1-320.jpg)
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CULTURES OF CONFLICT: HOW LEADERS AND MEMBERS SHAPE CONFLICT
CULTURES IN ORGANIZATIONS
MICHELE J. GELFAND
Department of Psychology
University of Maryland, College Park
College Park, MD 20742
LISA M. LESLIE
University of Minnesota
KIRSTEN KELLER
Rand Corporation
CARSTEN K. W. DEDREU
University of Amsterdam
INTRODUCTION
Why do some organizations develop cultures where conflict is managed productively
whereas others have cultures where members work against one another, sabotaging each other in
and out of the boardroom? Southwest Airlines, for example, has been argued to have a
collaborative conflict culture (Gittell, 2003), whereas organizations such as Playco describe
themselves as having a dominating conflict culture, approaching conflict like they are in “the old
west” or through “warfare games” (Morill, 1995, p. 195). Still others, such as the now defunct
Wang laboratories, are known to have avoidant cultures, in which people actively suppress
conflict at all costs (Finkelstein, 2005). For psychologists, many questions remain unasked and
unanswered: Is there any evidence that conflict cultures exist at the organizational level? If so,
how do such distinct conflict cultures develop? What role do leaders and organizations play in
shaping the development of conflict cultures? Answers to these questions cannot be found in the
psychological literature on conflict, which has focused on conflict management styles at the
individual and small group level and has yet to examine whether and how distinct conflict
cultures develop at higher levels of analysis.
In the present research, we start with the premise that although individuals have
idiosyncratic preferences for different conflict management strategies, organizational contexts
provide strong situations (Johns, 2006; O’Reilly & Chatman, 1996) that serve to define socially
shared and normative ways to manage conflict—what we refer to as conflict cultures—which
ultimately minimize individual variation in conflict management strategies (De Dreu, van
Dierendonck, & Dijkstra, 2004; Gelfand, Leslie, & Keller, 2008). Because norms typically
develop around fundamental problems that need to be managed in any social system (Schein,
1992; Schwartz, 1994), and conflict is an inherent problem in all organizational systems, we
expect that distinct conflict cultures can develop in many, if not all, organizations. Accordingly,
we first examine whether we can empirically establish conflict cultures and distinguish different
conflict culture types. We then examine possible antecedents of different conflict cultures –
where do they come from, who shapes conflict cultures and why?
DO CONFLICT CULTURES EXIST?
Individual members of organizations have distinct ways of managing workplace
conflicts. Some prefer a pro-active approach and easily engage in constructive negotiations and
collaborative problem solving. Others are inclined to compete and dominate the conflict partner.
T.
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Career Development:
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Why is understanding yourself important in your career development? How can you ensure that an employer will realize that you have a clear grasp of who you are and what you have to offer?
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Tech, Society and Culture:
If the scientific test of a scientific theory is accepted by the community of men and women who are called scientists, does that mean that anything is acceptable as long as enough of the right people agree with it? Does that mean there is no such thing as scientific truth? How, if at all, does science differ from politics, art, or religion, in that case?
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Baase states that it is not just technology that changes so quickly, but also the impacts which they have upon society. Do you agree? How does that align with the assertion in the lecture that we are now living in a third great technological transformation called the Knowledge Revolution? Have computers truly changed our lives so much that we can call this a revolution like the Industrial Revolution of the 18th century?
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Social Psychology:
Discrimination is a behavior rooted in a preexisting attitude: prejudice. In the textbook, social and motivational sources of prejudice are covered (see pp. 319-331). We will begin by considering prejudice as it relates to older people. Please follow this link (Representations of Aging in the Mass Media), and read the article on the power of the mass media to define how we perceive aging Americans. According to the article, what are the typical representations (words and images that are used) of older people in the mass media?
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2)
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2)
3)
TABLE 1.
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Annu. Rev. Psychol. 1998. 4965–85Copyright © 1998 by Annual.docx
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 1998. 49:65–85
Copyright © 1998 by Annual Reviews Inc. All rights reserved
INTERGROUP CONTACT THEORY
Thomas F. Pettigrew
Department of Psychology, University of California, Santa Cruz, California 95064;
e-mail: [email protected]
KEY WORDS: affective ties, ingroup reappraisal, group categorization
ABSTRACT
Allport specified four conditions for optimal intergroup contact: equal group
status within the situation, common goals, intergroup cooperation and
authority support. Varied research supports the hypothesis, but four prob-
lems remain. 1. A selection bias limits cross-sectional studies, since preju-
diced people avoid intergroup contact. Yet research finds that the positive ef-
fects of cross-group friendship are larger than those of the bias. 2. Writers
overburden the hypothesis with facilitating, but not essential, conditions. 3.
The hypothesis fails to address process. The chapter proposes four processes:
learning about the outgroup, changed behavior, affective ties, and ingroup
reappraisal. 4. The hypothesis does not specify how the effects generalize to
other situations, the outgroup or uninvolved outgroups. Acting sequentially,
three strategies enhance generalization—decategorization, salient categori-
zation, and recategorization. Finally, both individual differences and societal
norms shape intergroup contact effects. The chapter outlines a longitudinal
intergroup contact theory. It distinguishes between essential and facilitating
factors, and emphasizes different outcomes for different stages of contact.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
Allport’s Intergroup Contact Hypothesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
INITIAL EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
RECENT EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
The Causal Sequence Problem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Independent Variable Specification Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Unspecified Processes of Change Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
The Generalization of Effects Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
FOUR PROCESSES OF CHANGE THROUGH INTERGROUP CONTACT. . . . . . . . . . . 70
THREE TYPES OF GENERALIZATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
0066-4308/98/0201-0065$08.00
65
A REFORMULATION OF INTERGROUP CONTACT THEORY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
Individual Dif.
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The document summarizes a seminar presentation on developing competitive advantage through knowledge rents and asymmetries. It discusses how firms traditionally rely on poor and superficial knowledge in competition rather than deep understanding. It then outlines strategies for building long-term competitive advantage based on developing rich customer knowledge and expertise in one's industry through techniques like customer personalization and community management. As a case study, it examines the French online gaming platform GOA.com and its strategies for capturing and retaining customers through building personal relationships and adapting to community behavior.
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Do Chimpanzees Learn Reputation by Observation? Evidence from Direct and Ind...
Can chimpanzees learn the reputation of strangers indirectly by observation? Or are such stable behavioral attributions made exclusively by first-person interactions? To address this question, we let seven chimpanzees observe unfamiliar humans either consistently give (generous donor) or refuse to give (selfish donor) food to a familiar human recipient (Exps. 1 and 2) and a conspecific (Exp 3). While chimpanzees did not initially prefer to beg for food from the generous donor (Exp 1), after continued opportunities to observe the same behavioral exchanges, four chimpanzees developed a preference for gesturing to the generous donor (Exp 2), and transferred this preference to novel unfamiliar donor pairs, significantly preferring to beg from the novel generous donors on the first opportunity to do so. In Experiment Three, four chimpanzees observed novel selfish and generous acts directed toward other chimpanzees by human experimenters. During the first half of testing, three chimpanzees exhibited a preference for the novel generous donor on the first trial. These results demonstrate that chimpanzees can infer the reputation of strangers by eavesdropping on third-party interactions.
Social Psychology. By Theresa Lowry-Lehnen. Lecturer of Psychology
Social psychology examines how people's thoughts, feelings, and behaviors are influenced by the actual, imagined or implied presence of others. Some key topics studied include social cognition, attitudes, prejudice, conformity, obedience, and interpersonal relationships. The field has developed over time through influential early scholars and the emergence of experimental research methods. Important early studies included experiments on social facilitation and conformity. Later landmark studies by Milgram and Zimbardo demonstrated how social roles and obedience to authority can strongly shape behavior in disturbing ways. Theories by scholars such as Festinger, Bandura, Tajfel, and Weiner helped explain key social phenomena such as cognitive dissonance, social learning, social identity, and attribution. Social psychology continues to provide
Sense of community
This document summarizes previous research on the concept of sense of community. It begins by reviewing six studies that explored elements like neighboring, length of residency, home ownership, and satisfaction in relation to sense of community. It then critiques the limitations of these studies, such as a lack of a unified theoretical framework. The document proposes a new definition of sense of community consisting of four elements: membership, influence, integration and fulfillment of needs, and shared emotional connection. It discusses each element in more detail and how they contribute to developing a sense of community.
CULTURES OF CONFLICT HOW LEADERS AND MEMBERS SHAPE CONFLICT .docx
CULTURES OF CONFLICT: HOW LEADERS AND MEMBERS SHAPE CONFLICT
CULTURES IN ORGANIZATIONS
MICHELE J. GELFAND
Department of Psychology
University of Maryland, College Park
College Park, MD 20742
LISA M. LESLIE
University of Minnesota
KIRSTEN KELLER
Rand Corporation
CARSTEN K. W. DEDREU
University of Amsterdam
INTRODUCTION
Why do some organizations develop cultures where conflict is managed productively
whereas others have cultures where members work against one another, sabotaging each other in
and out of the boardroom? Southwest Airlines, for example, has been argued to have a
collaborative conflict culture (Gittell, 2003), whereas organizations such as Playco describe
themselves as having a dominating conflict culture, approaching conflict like they are in “the old
west” or through “warfare games” (Morill, 1995, p. 195). Still others, such as the now defunct
Wang laboratories, are known to have avoidant cultures, in which people actively suppress
conflict at all costs (Finkelstein, 2005). For psychologists, many questions remain unasked and
unanswered: Is there any evidence that conflict cultures exist at the organizational level? If so,
how do such distinct conflict cultures develop? What role do leaders and organizations play in
shaping the development of conflict cultures? Answers to these questions cannot be found in the
psychological literature on conflict, which has focused on conflict management styles at the
individual and small group level and has yet to examine whether and how distinct conflict
cultures develop at higher levels of analysis.
In the present research, we start with the premise that although individuals have
idiosyncratic preferences for different conflict management strategies, organizational contexts
provide strong situations (Johns, 2006; O’Reilly & Chatman, 1996) that serve to define socially
shared and normative ways to manage conflict—what we refer to as conflict cultures—which
ultimately minimize individual variation in conflict management strategies (De Dreu, van
Dierendonck, & Dijkstra, 2004; Gelfand, Leslie, & Keller, 2008). Because norms typically
develop around fundamental problems that need to be managed in any social system (Schein,
1992; Schwartz, 1994), and conflict is an inherent problem in all organizational systems, we
expect that distinct conflict cultures can develop in many, if not all, organizations. Accordingly,
we first examine whether we can empirically establish conflict cultures and distinguish different
conflict culture types. We then examine possible antecedents of different conflict cultures –
where do they come from, who shapes conflict cultures and why?
DO CONFLICT CULTURES EXIST?
Individual members of organizations have distinct ways of managing workplace
conflicts. Some prefer a pro-active approach and easily engage in constructive negotiations and
collaborative problem solving. Others are inclined to compete and dominate the conflict partner.
T.
Chapter EightPlay, Games,and InteractionIn this chapter,
This document summarizes and critiques existing theories of play, games, and socialization. It argues that most theories divorce these concepts from their social contexts and fail to distinguish between play and games. The document proposes a theory of play and games based on symbolic interactionism. It defines interaction as occurring within a place that includes actors, setting, objects, rules, relationships, and definitions. Play and games would then be analyzed as specific types of interaction occurring within this framework.
Review of kincheloe (ed.) 2004 multiple intelligences reconsidered
This document provides a summary and review of the book "Multiple Intelligences Reconsidered" edited by Joe L. Kincheloe, which contains criticism of Howard Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences from various scholars. The book examines multiple intelligences from perspectives such as cognitive psychology, neuroscience, feminism and more. It raises important questions about the sociopolitical issues and power dynamics not addressed by Gardner's theory. Several authors provide critiques of specific intelligences, such as the favoring of dominant discourses in linguistic intelligence, the isolation of mathematical intelligence, and the ignorance of environmental influences on personal intelligences. The volume offers critical reflection on both the functions and limitations of the multiple intelligences theory.
chapter 1
This document outlines the key topics that will be covered in Lecture 1, including an introduction to sociology using C.Wright Mills' concept of the sociological imagination. It discusses the contrast between theory and empirical approaches, as well as quantitative and qualitative sociology. As a practical example, it examines how sociology can provide insight into understanding the gender wage gap by analyzing individuals' experiences within their social contexts and structures.
Symbolic interactionism and family studies
1. Symbolic interactionism is a sociological perspective that views society and the self as emerging from social interaction and the interpretation of shared symbols. Reality and all that is humanly significant, like the self and culture, are seen as social products that arise from symbolic interactions.
2. Key concepts in symbolic interactionism include meaning, which resides in the actions that symbols elicit; situational definitions, in which people act based on how situations are defined regardless of objective reality; and self-concept formation, which emerges through reflected appraisals and the internalization of roles.
3. There are divisions within symbolic interactionism between those who emphasize studying the process of reality construction qualitatively and those who use quantitative methods to study
Career DevelopmentWhy is understanding yourself important in .docx
Career Development:
Why is understanding yourself important in your career development? How can you ensure that an employer will realize that you have a clear grasp of who you are and what you have to offer?
1)
2)
3)
Why is understanding yourself important in your career development? How can you ensure that an employer will realize that you have a clear grasp of who you are and what you have to offer?
1)
2)
3)
Tech, Society and Culture:
If the scientific test of a scientific theory is accepted by the community of men and women who are called scientists, does that mean that anything is acceptable as long as enough of the right people agree with it? Does that mean there is no such thing as scientific truth? How, if at all, does science differ from politics, art, or religion, in that case?
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Baase states that it is not just technology that changes so quickly, but also the impacts which they have upon society. Do you agree? How does that align with the assertion in the lecture that we are now living in a third great technological transformation called the Knowledge Revolution? Have computers truly changed our lives so much that we can call this a revolution like the Industrial Revolution of the 18th century?
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Social Psychology:
Discrimination is a behavior rooted in a preexisting attitude: prejudice. In the textbook, social and motivational sources of prejudice are covered (see pp. 319-331). We will begin by considering prejudice as it relates to older people. Please follow this link (Representations of Aging in the Mass Media), and read the article on the power of the mass media to define how we perceive aging Americans. According to the article, what are the typical representations (words and images that are used) of older people in the mass media?
1)
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3)
This discussion references TCO 2, on factors contributing to aggressive behavior in young children. The textbook reports that studies have found that violent television content tends to elicit aggressive behavior by young children although there are other factors of importance (See below Table 1). This example clearly indicates multiple causality, as discussed in the Week 1 Lecture.
What other independent variables, in addition to graphic violence in television content, may contribute to childhood aggression? (Do not forget to think about both personal and situational causes.)
1)
2)
3)
TABLE 1.
Picture this scene from one of Bandura's experiments (Bandura & others, 1961). A preschool child is put to work on an interesting art activity. An adult is in another part of the room, where there are Tinker Toys, a mallet, and a big, inflated “Bobo” doll. After a minute of working with the Tinker Toys, the adult gets up and for almost 10 minutes attacks the inflated doll. She pounds it with the mallet, kicks it, and throws it, while yelling, “Sock him in the nose…. Knock him down…. Kick him.”
After observing this outburst, the child is taken to a different r ...
Chapters
The document discusses the causes and impacts of conflict on children in Nuwagaon, Nepal. It begins by providing background on conflict behavior and how conflict can have both negative and positive outcomes. It then discusses several causes of conflict in Nuwagaon, including political ideologies, power structures, and economic issues. The document notes that conflict has various impacts on children, such as psychological trauma, disruption of education, and recruitment as child soldiers. It aims to analyze the specific causes of conflict in Nuwagaon and assess the consequences of conflict on children in the area.
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 1998. 4965–85Copyright © 1998 by Annual.docx
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 1998. 49:65–85
Copyright © 1998 by Annual Reviews Inc. All rights reserved
INTERGROUP CONTACT THEORY
Thomas F. Pettigrew
Department of Psychology, University of California, Santa Cruz, California 95064;
e-mail: [email protected]
KEY WORDS: affective ties, ingroup reappraisal, group categorization
ABSTRACT
Allport specified four conditions for optimal intergroup contact: equal group
status within the situation, common goals, intergroup cooperation and
authority support. Varied research supports the hypothesis, but four prob-
lems remain. 1. A selection bias limits cross-sectional studies, since preju-
diced people avoid intergroup contact. Yet research finds that the positive ef-
fects of cross-group friendship are larger than those of the bias. 2. Writers
overburden the hypothesis with facilitating, but not essential, conditions. 3.
The hypothesis fails to address process. The chapter proposes four processes:
learning about the outgroup, changed behavior, affective ties, and ingroup
reappraisal. 4. The hypothesis does not specify how the effects generalize to
other situations, the outgroup or uninvolved outgroups. Acting sequentially,
three strategies enhance generalization—decategorization, salient categori-
zation, and recategorization. Finally, both individual differences and societal
norms shape intergroup contact effects. The chapter outlines a longitudinal
intergroup contact theory. It distinguishes between essential and facilitating
factors, and emphasizes different outcomes for different stages of contact.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
Allport’s Intergroup Contact Hypothesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
INITIAL EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
RECENT EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
The Causal Sequence Problem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Independent Variable Specification Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Unspecified Processes of Change Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
The Generalization of Effects Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
FOUR PROCESSES OF CHANGE THROUGH INTERGROUP CONTACT. . . . . . . . . . . 70
THREE TYPES OF GENERALIZATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
0066-4308/98/0201-0065$08.00
65
A REFORMULATION OF INTERGROUP CONTACT THEORY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
Individual Dif.
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CULTURES OF CONFLICT HOW LEADERS AND MEMBERS SHAPE CONFLICT .docx
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Annu. Rev. Psychol. 1998. 4965–85Copyright © 1998 by Annual.docx
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