This document discusses three cases that raise ethical issues regarding psychologists' involvement in evaluating inmates' competency for execution.
The first case discusses Dr. George Denkowski who artificially inflated inmates' IQ scores and adaptive functioning levels to find them competent for execution, violating ethical standards. The second case discusses efforts to forcibly treat an inmate to restore competency for execution, citing ethical concerns. The third case discusses conflicting expert testimony on an inmate's competency, where the defense expert was deemed biased for never testifying for the prosecution.
These cases highlight tensions between psychologists' ethical obligations, legal responsibilities when working within the criminal justice system, and influences of working for the prosecution or as a state employee. They suggest the need for
A Reasoned Argument Against Banning Psychologists Involvement In Death Penal...Martha Brown
This article argues that psychologists should not be banned from involvement in death penalty cases for several reasons:
1) There is no consensus that capital punishment is a human rights violation under U.S. law.
2) The legal system has procedural safeguards like appellate review to address flaws, unlike torture which was the impetus for banning psychologist involvement.
3) Psychologists provide relevant information to legal decision-makers as expert witnesses and do not determine the legal outcome. Their involvement can help prevent human rights violations by identifying mitigating factors or competence issues.
4) Individual psychologists must consider how their own biases could affect work, but transparency and cross-examination can help ensure evaluations are impartial. Psychologists should
Unit 5 project elizabeth hall psychological rolesElizabeth Hall
Forensic psychologists play important roles in the criminal justice system, including law enforcement, corrections, and the courts. In law enforcement, police psychologists assist with tasks like candidate assessment, officer counseling, and providing psychological expertise to investigations. In corrections, psychologists evaluate and treat inmates' mental health issues and help manage facility crises. In the courts, psychologists may serve as expert witnesses, advising legal teams and the court on psychological research and examinations. Across all roles, forensic psychologists face ethical challenges regarding issues like confidentiality and dual relationships, requiring adherence to standards from the APA and related organizations.
Module 1 OverviewIn Module 1 readings, you will begin to l.docxraju957290
Module 1 Overview
In Module 1 readings, you will begin to learn about the major distinctions among the various definitions of forensic psychology. Which definition do you think makes the most sense? As you begin to consider the roles that forensic mental health professionals assume, it is important to remember that they work in service of the legal system. They need to provide information that is helpful to the legal system in fulfilling its duties. In order to better understand the relationship between the law and the work of forensic mental health professionals, you will begin to study landmark court decisions and their impact on forensic practice. You will begin to make plans for the fieldwork that you will conduct later in the course. For now, you will simply need to develop a list of potential field placements—places you would like to visit.
· Describe key processes and players within the legal and correctional systems.
· Define and analyze the impact of landmark case law on the practice of forensic psychology.
· Define key psycholegal concepts (e.g., competency, insanity, dangerousness) and the role of forensic mental health professionals and legal theory in relation to the application of these concepts.
· Identify and evaluate key data sources related to the populations served by the practice of forensic psychology (e.g., National Uniform Crime Reports, court decisions, statistics related to competence and sanity defenses, demographics of prison populations, etc.).
· Compare and contrast how forensic mental health professionals work within mental health, corporate, government, legal, and correctional systems.
· Examine sources of professional ethical standards (e.g., APA, ACA).
History of Forensic Psychology
Search your textbook for the important benchmarks in the history of forensic psychology. These benchmarks highlight the important trends that have continued to influence the field. Many of the trends started from seemingly small questions. Here is a good example. Suppose that I were to ask you to tell me what the weather was one week ago today. Can you recall the weather one week ago? In your recollection, how confident do you feel that what you recall is in fact accurate?
Questions such as these were of interest to J. McKeen Cattell. In 1893, Cattell performed an experiment that had implications for the psychology of eyewitness testimony (Psych Central, 2013). Cattell asked college students a variety of questions (e.g., the weather one week earlier) and asked them to rate how confident they felt about their answers. Cattell learned that just because people believe they had provided a correct answer or recollection, they were not always able to do so. Furthermore, Cattell learned that just because individuals rate themselves as confident in their answers, their confidence ratings do not necessarily reflect the accuracy of their answers. Can you see how this experiment had important implications for the courtroom?
...
Ellsworth A. Fersch, J r . 3 Ethical Issues for Psychol.docxgidmanmary
Ellsworth A. Fersch, J r .
3
Ethical Issues for Psychologists
in Court Settings
There is little doubt that all of the participants
in the criminal justice system call upon their
own notions of psychology in an effort to see
that justice is done in the courts or at least to
see that their own side wins. Even the adversary
system is said to embody important psycholog-
ical principles: the importance of confronting
one’s accusers, of being able to cross-examine
witnesses, of having evidence presented orally
by the individuals concerned, and of preventing
hearsay testimony. And the components of the
court setting-including the traditional sym-
bols, the location of the participants, and
even the judge’s attire-are said to spring from
psychological truths about fairness and the ap-
pearance of fairness (American Friends Service
Committee, 1971; Donnelly, Goldstein, &
Schwartz, 1962; Freedman, 1975; Saks &
Hastie, 1978).
The role of commonsense psychology is un-
limited in the courts. More recently, the role of
the specific scientific and professional field of
psychology has been increasing in the courts.
When the findings of scientific psychology back
the practices of commonsense psychology, there
is of course no conflict, and hardly any note is
taken of the relation between the folk wisdom
and the scientific findings. It is only when the
two conflict that there is much stir: Thus, in
questions of eyewitness identification (Loftus,
1979) or of jury selection (Saks, 1976), for
example, scientific psychology is set against
commonsense psychology. While the courts rely
on eyewitness identification, scientific psychol-
ogy seems to say that such identification is
shaky and unreliable; and while lawyers select
jury members through their own collective psy-
chology, scientific psychology seems to say that
such methods are haphazard and potentially
self-defeating. It is primarily in these instances
of conflict between the traditional and newer
ideas of psychology that psychologists, those
specifically trained in the science and profession
of psychology, find their roles in court settings.
It is no wonder, then, that psychologists often
find themselves in the center of controversies in
the criminal justice system as a whole, and
especially in court settings (Brake1 & Rock,
1971; Fersch, 1979, 1980; Saks & Hastie, 1978;
Stone, 1975). For psychologists are often used
in the courts to challenge accepted truths, to
implement new truths, and to help as well as
undermine the system. They are asked to help
the system by backing one defendant’s
testimony, by examining potential witnesses, by
determining the competency of a defendant to
stand trial, or by explaining such matters as
perception and memory to the court. They are
asked to undermine the system by challenging
some of its basic assumptions-the value of
eyewitness identification, the possibility of psy-
chologists’ predicting dangerou ...
Professional Psychology Research and Practice1994, Vol. 25,.docxbriancrawford30935
Professional Psychology: Research and Practice
1994, Vol. 25, No. 2, 161-167
Copyright 1994 by the American Psychological Association, Inc.
0735-7028/94/$3.00
Ethical and Professional Conflicts in Correctional Psychology
Linda E. Weinberger and Shoba Sreenivasan
The role of the mental health professional in a prison setting has changed to reflect the prevailing
ideology of the correctional administration that deemphasizes treatment and emphasizes security
and custodial concerns. As a consequence, mental health professionals who work in corrections
have experienced unique ethical and professional conflicts. Standards were developed to address the
conflicts and provide guidelines for professional conduct, but dilemmas continue to exist. The au-
thors believe this can be attributed to (a) the standards being vague and (b) correctional personnel
not understanding or supporting the standards or the psychologist's role as a mental health profes-
sional. This article examines these propositions in more detail, using vignettes and discussion, and
offers other approaches to resolving the dilemmas and improving the delivery of mental health ser-
vices to incarcerated individuals.
Historical Perspective
Mental health professionals who work in corrections have ex-
perienced ethical and professional conflicts that are unique to
these institutions. Appreciating the mental health professional's
role within a prison entails an examination of how our society
has treated those who violate the law. Historically, most socie-
ties have adopted a philosophy that those individuals who com-
mit criminal acts should be punished. Modern Western judicial
systems have justified their use of punishment on four major
grounds: retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, and rehabili-
tation (Grilliot, 1983; Kerper, 1972). Retribution has Biblical
roots referring to "an eye for an eye." Deterrence operates from
the core belief that those who see individuals punished will be
less likely to follow the example of offenders because of the fear
of punishment. Incapacitation has as its primary goal the pro-
tection of society by rendering offenders unable to repeat the
offense. Rehabilitation is conceptualized as treating or "correct-
ing" offenders so that they can live in society and not reoffend.
The theory of rehabilitation is a relatively new objective used
to justify punishment and has undergone many reformulations
as our society's attitude toward criminal offenders has changed
(Travin, 1989). Early American colonists believed that rehabili-
tation could be accomplished through severe punishment (e.g.,
stocks or gallows). It was not until the 18th century that an in-
stitution incarcerating offenders was viewed as having correc-
tional properties. Reflecting the largely held Protestant values of
the time, it was believed that rehabilitation in such institutions
LINDA E. WEINBERGER is Associate Professor of Clinical Psychiatry
at the University of Southern California Sc.
This document discusses the complex relationship between law and medicine regarding mental health and legal culpability. It notes that while law and medicine both consider mental state, they have different definitions and approaches. Law focuses on attaching responsibility and considers insanity as a possible defense, while medicine views mental abnormalities as treatable diseases. The document explores how courts and medical experts sometimes disagree in their assessments of a defendant's mental state and responsibility. It examines relevant laws and cases regarding insanity defenses and mental abnormality. Overall, the relationship between law and medicine in this area is antagonistic yet interdependent, and improving collaboration between the two fields could lead to better outcomes.
Your nameMiranda RoweEnglish 2100October 8, 2014INTROD.docxdanielfoster65629
Your name
Miranda Rowe
English 2100
October 8, 2014
INTRODUCTION
Over the course of United States history, many questions have been raised about the treatment of the mentally ill. These debates have led to medical and social changes for the plight of these individuals, such as the government policy of “deinstitutionalization,” which addressed the question of if patients were being treated humanely or not in psychiatric hospitals during the 1950s. The policy, officially executed in 1955, sought to stop the isolated and inhumane treatment of the mentally ill by releasing mental patients from long-stay psychiatric hospitals to smaller and less isolated community mental health services. After deinstitutionalization, around the 1970s, a new question about the treatment of the mentally ill was raised and is still being addressed today—have jails and prisons become the new mental hospitals? Many of the following sources support that that they have and point to deinstitutionalization as a major catalyst for the switch. Some argue that other aspects such as a lack of funds for mental hospitals and police interaction are causes for the issue. Other sources also blame such aspects, but interconnect them with deinstitutionalization and illustrate the policy as an overall cause. Whatever the reason, the reality of this issue is urgent because the mentally ill who are in jails and prisons, some most likely innocent, cannot receive the treatment they need from these institutions and their illnesses can worsen. Their conditions are inhumane and wrong. These individuals need help and the public can play a vital role in reforming the current U.S. mental health system.
Authors who are experts in the mental health and criminal justice field were used as a selection criteria for many of the sources, but all sources are from reliable news outlets and scholarly journals. New and older sources were also selected in order to gain a better view of the changes in the topic over the past 40 years. Some of the sources may be bias because they only provide the views and opinions of police officers and others who work in criminal justice, and not in psychiatric hospitals or centers. Others provide both. Some works fail to differentiate between the mentally ill and the serious mentally ill, and these tend to be older sources. Serious mental illness (SMI) includes schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, major depression, and other severe disorders. Of the authors who do differentiate, they assert that jails and prisons have become the new hospitals more for the serious mentally ill than for the lesser mentally ill. Some suggest that only jails are involved in this change and not necessarily prisons. Overall, these works are applicable to a larger paper that supports the main argument, or to one that only focuses on the serious mentally ill or only jails in regard to the switch. The sources can also help validate a paper that integrates deinstitutionalization and argues it is a c.
Mental Health Court in the United StatesIndependent studyCJS400Kelly Haag
This document provides an overview of mental health courts in the United States, including their history, policy, design, implementation, evidence-based practices, measurement of success, and recommendations. It discusses how a lack of community mental health treatment led to increased criminal justice involvement for those with mental illness. Mental health courts were developed as a post-booking diversion program to address this issue. The document outlines the key goals of mental health courts and the essential elements of effective court design and implementation, including cross-system collaboration, eligibility criteria, timely linkage to services, treatment supports, and ongoing performance assessment.
A Reasoned Argument Against Banning Psychologists Involvement In Death Penal...Martha Brown
This article argues that psychologists should not be banned from involvement in death penalty cases for several reasons:
1) There is no consensus that capital punishment is a human rights violation under U.S. law.
2) The legal system has procedural safeguards like appellate review to address flaws, unlike torture which was the impetus for banning psychologist involvement.
3) Psychologists provide relevant information to legal decision-makers as expert witnesses and do not determine the legal outcome. Their involvement can help prevent human rights violations by identifying mitigating factors or competence issues.
4) Individual psychologists must consider how their own biases could affect work, but transparency and cross-examination can help ensure evaluations are impartial. Psychologists should
Unit 5 project elizabeth hall psychological rolesElizabeth Hall
Forensic psychologists play important roles in the criminal justice system, including law enforcement, corrections, and the courts. In law enforcement, police psychologists assist with tasks like candidate assessment, officer counseling, and providing psychological expertise to investigations. In corrections, psychologists evaluate and treat inmates' mental health issues and help manage facility crises. In the courts, psychologists may serve as expert witnesses, advising legal teams and the court on psychological research and examinations. Across all roles, forensic psychologists face ethical challenges regarding issues like confidentiality and dual relationships, requiring adherence to standards from the APA and related organizations.
Module 1 OverviewIn Module 1 readings, you will begin to l.docxraju957290
Module 1 Overview
In Module 1 readings, you will begin to learn about the major distinctions among the various definitions of forensic psychology. Which definition do you think makes the most sense? As you begin to consider the roles that forensic mental health professionals assume, it is important to remember that they work in service of the legal system. They need to provide information that is helpful to the legal system in fulfilling its duties. In order to better understand the relationship between the law and the work of forensic mental health professionals, you will begin to study landmark court decisions and their impact on forensic practice. You will begin to make plans for the fieldwork that you will conduct later in the course. For now, you will simply need to develop a list of potential field placements—places you would like to visit.
· Describe key processes and players within the legal and correctional systems.
· Define and analyze the impact of landmark case law on the practice of forensic psychology.
· Define key psycholegal concepts (e.g., competency, insanity, dangerousness) and the role of forensic mental health professionals and legal theory in relation to the application of these concepts.
· Identify and evaluate key data sources related to the populations served by the practice of forensic psychology (e.g., National Uniform Crime Reports, court decisions, statistics related to competence and sanity defenses, demographics of prison populations, etc.).
· Compare and contrast how forensic mental health professionals work within mental health, corporate, government, legal, and correctional systems.
· Examine sources of professional ethical standards (e.g., APA, ACA).
History of Forensic Psychology
Search your textbook for the important benchmarks in the history of forensic psychology. These benchmarks highlight the important trends that have continued to influence the field. Many of the trends started from seemingly small questions. Here is a good example. Suppose that I were to ask you to tell me what the weather was one week ago today. Can you recall the weather one week ago? In your recollection, how confident do you feel that what you recall is in fact accurate?
Questions such as these were of interest to J. McKeen Cattell. In 1893, Cattell performed an experiment that had implications for the psychology of eyewitness testimony (Psych Central, 2013). Cattell asked college students a variety of questions (e.g., the weather one week earlier) and asked them to rate how confident they felt about their answers. Cattell learned that just because people believe they had provided a correct answer or recollection, they were not always able to do so. Furthermore, Cattell learned that just because individuals rate themselves as confident in their answers, their confidence ratings do not necessarily reflect the accuracy of their answers. Can you see how this experiment had important implications for the courtroom?
...
Ellsworth A. Fersch, J r . 3 Ethical Issues for Psychol.docxgidmanmary
Ellsworth A. Fersch, J r .
3
Ethical Issues for Psychologists
in Court Settings
There is little doubt that all of the participants
in the criminal justice system call upon their
own notions of psychology in an effort to see
that justice is done in the courts or at least to
see that their own side wins. Even the adversary
system is said to embody important psycholog-
ical principles: the importance of confronting
one’s accusers, of being able to cross-examine
witnesses, of having evidence presented orally
by the individuals concerned, and of preventing
hearsay testimony. And the components of the
court setting-including the traditional sym-
bols, the location of the participants, and
even the judge’s attire-are said to spring from
psychological truths about fairness and the ap-
pearance of fairness (American Friends Service
Committee, 1971; Donnelly, Goldstein, &
Schwartz, 1962; Freedman, 1975; Saks &
Hastie, 1978).
The role of commonsense psychology is un-
limited in the courts. More recently, the role of
the specific scientific and professional field of
psychology has been increasing in the courts.
When the findings of scientific psychology back
the practices of commonsense psychology, there
is of course no conflict, and hardly any note is
taken of the relation between the folk wisdom
and the scientific findings. It is only when the
two conflict that there is much stir: Thus, in
questions of eyewitness identification (Loftus,
1979) or of jury selection (Saks, 1976), for
example, scientific psychology is set against
commonsense psychology. While the courts rely
on eyewitness identification, scientific psychol-
ogy seems to say that such identification is
shaky and unreliable; and while lawyers select
jury members through their own collective psy-
chology, scientific psychology seems to say that
such methods are haphazard and potentially
self-defeating. It is primarily in these instances
of conflict between the traditional and newer
ideas of psychology that psychologists, those
specifically trained in the science and profession
of psychology, find their roles in court settings.
It is no wonder, then, that psychologists often
find themselves in the center of controversies in
the criminal justice system as a whole, and
especially in court settings (Brake1 & Rock,
1971; Fersch, 1979, 1980; Saks & Hastie, 1978;
Stone, 1975). For psychologists are often used
in the courts to challenge accepted truths, to
implement new truths, and to help as well as
undermine the system. They are asked to help
the system by backing one defendant’s
testimony, by examining potential witnesses, by
determining the competency of a defendant to
stand trial, or by explaining such matters as
perception and memory to the court. They are
asked to undermine the system by challenging
some of its basic assumptions-the value of
eyewitness identification, the possibility of psy-
chologists’ predicting dangerou ...
Professional Psychology Research and Practice1994, Vol. 25,.docxbriancrawford30935
Professional Psychology: Research and Practice
1994, Vol. 25, No. 2, 161-167
Copyright 1994 by the American Psychological Association, Inc.
0735-7028/94/$3.00
Ethical and Professional Conflicts in Correctional Psychology
Linda E. Weinberger and Shoba Sreenivasan
The role of the mental health professional in a prison setting has changed to reflect the prevailing
ideology of the correctional administration that deemphasizes treatment and emphasizes security
and custodial concerns. As a consequence, mental health professionals who work in corrections
have experienced unique ethical and professional conflicts. Standards were developed to address the
conflicts and provide guidelines for professional conduct, but dilemmas continue to exist. The au-
thors believe this can be attributed to (a) the standards being vague and (b) correctional personnel
not understanding or supporting the standards or the psychologist's role as a mental health profes-
sional. This article examines these propositions in more detail, using vignettes and discussion, and
offers other approaches to resolving the dilemmas and improving the delivery of mental health ser-
vices to incarcerated individuals.
Historical Perspective
Mental health professionals who work in corrections have ex-
perienced ethical and professional conflicts that are unique to
these institutions. Appreciating the mental health professional's
role within a prison entails an examination of how our society
has treated those who violate the law. Historically, most socie-
ties have adopted a philosophy that those individuals who com-
mit criminal acts should be punished. Modern Western judicial
systems have justified their use of punishment on four major
grounds: retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, and rehabili-
tation (Grilliot, 1983; Kerper, 1972). Retribution has Biblical
roots referring to "an eye for an eye." Deterrence operates from
the core belief that those who see individuals punished will be
less likely to follow the example of offenders because of the fear
of punishment. Incapacitation has as its primary goal the pro-
tection of society by rendering offenders unable to repeat the
offense. Rehabilitation is conceptualized as treating or "correct-
ing" offenders so that they can live in society and not reoffend.
The theory of rehabilitation is a relatively new objective used
to justify punishment and has undergone many reformulations
as our society's attitude toward criminal offenders has changed
(Travin, 1989). Early American colonists believed that rehabili-
tation could be accomplished through severe punishment (e.g.,
stocks or gallows). It was not until the 18th century that an in-
stitution incarcerating offenders was viewed as having correc-
tional properties. Reflecting the largely held Protestant values of
the time, it was believed that rehabilitation in such institutions
LINDA E. WEINBERGER is Associate Professor of Clinical Psychiatry
at the University of Southern California Sc.
This document discusses the complex relationship between law and medicine regarding mental health and legal culpability. It notes that while law and medicine both consider mental state, they have different definitions and approaches. Law focuses on attaching responsibility and considers insanity as a possible defense, while medicine views mental abnormalities as treatable diseases. The document explores how courts and medical experts sometimes disagree in their assessments of a defendant's mental state and responsibility. It examines relevant laws and cases regarding insanity defenses and mental abnormality. Overall, the relationship between law and medicine in this area is antagonistic yet interdependent, and improving collaboration between the two fields could lead to better outcomes.
Your nameMiranda RoweEnglish 2100October 8, 2014INTROD.docxdanielfoster65629
Your name
Miranda Rowe
English 2100
October 8, 2014
INTRODUCTION
Over the course of United States history, many questions have been raised about the treatment of the mentally ill. These debates have led to medical and social changes for the plight of these individuals, such as the government policy of “deinstitutionalization,” which addressed the question of if patients were being treated humanely or not in psychiatric hospitals during the 1950s. The policy, officially executed in 1955, sought to stop the isolated and inhumane treatment of the mentally ill by releasing mental patients from long-stay psychiatric hospitals to smaller and less isolated community mental health services. After deinstitutionalization, around the 1970s, a new question about the treatment of the mentally ill was raised and is still being addressed today—have jails and prisons become the new mental hospitals? Many of the following sources support that that they have and point to deinstitutionalization as a major catalyst for the switch. Some argue that other aspects such as a lack of funds for mental hospitals and police interaction are causes for the issue. Other sources also blame such aspects, but interconnect them with deinstitutionalization and illustrate the policy as an overall cause. Whatever the reason, the reality of this issue is urgent because the mentally ill who are in jails and prisons, some most likely innocent, cannot receive the treatment they need from these institutions and their illnesses can worsen. Their conditions are inhumane and wrong. These individuals need help and the public can play a vital role in reforming the current U.S. mental health system.
Authors who are experts in the mental health and criminal justice field were used as a selection criteria for many of the sources, but all sources are from reliable news outlets and scholarly journals. New and older sources were also selected in order to gain a better view of the changes in the topic over the past 40 years. Some of the sources may be bias because they only provide the views and opinions of police officers and others who work in criminal justice, and not in psychiatric hospitals or centers. Others provide both. Some works fail to differentiate between the mentally ill and the serious mentally ill, and these tend to be older sources. Serious mental illness (SMI) includes schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, major depression, and other severe disorders. Of the authors who do differentiate, they assert that jails and prisons have become the new hospitals more for the serious mentally ill than for the lesser mentally ill. Some suggest that only jails are involved in this change and not necessarily prisons. Overall, these works are applicable to a larger paper that supports the main argument, or to one that only focuses on the serious mentally ill or only jails in regard to the switch. The sources can also help validate a paper that integrates deinstitutionalization and argues it is a c.
Mental Health Court in the United StatesIndependent studyCJS400Kelly Haag
This document provides an overview of mental health courts in the United States, including their history, policy, design, implementation, evidence-based practices, measurement of success, and recommendations. It discusses how a lack of community mental health treatment led to increased criminal justice involvement for those with mental illness. Mental health courts were developed as a post-booking diversion program to address this issue. The document outlines the key goals of mental health courts and the essential elements of effective court design and implementation, including cross-system collaboration, eligibility criteria, timely linkage to services, treatment supports, and ongoing performance assessment.
Module 3 OverviewIn Module 2, you learned about police psy.docxraju957290
Module 3 Overview
In Module 2, you learned about police psychology and the roles and functions of mental health professionals working with law enforcement officers. You were introduced to investigative techniques such as interviewing, interrogation, and polygraphy examinations that officers employ during the course of their duties. In Module 3, you will learn about two areas closely related to police psychology: criminology and investigative psychology.
This module will focus on criminal profiling, the use of the polygraph and other lie detection techniques, forensic hypnosis, and the ways to enhance the accuracy of eyewitness testimonies. When studying criminal profiling and forensic hypnosis, direct your attention to their validity and accuracy and the potential for introducing false and misleading information into an investigation. You will examine the role of psychopathy in criminal behavior. Finally, this module will focus on various types of criminal acts, including violent crimes and sexual assault.
Many students and forensic psychology professionals alike have become increasingly interested in the process of criminal profiling—the process by which information pertaining to a crime is utilized in creating a description of the likely offender. In your first assignment, you will discuss the techniques involved in criminal profiling. In addition to discussing techniques, though, you will consider the issues of accuracy and validity in criminal profiling. Given that profiling has had some major failures—consider, for example, the misidentification that occurred in the Atlanta Bomber case (Dewan, 2005)—issues of validity are important to be kept in mind. Following from the issue of accuracy and validity is the courtroom admissibility of profiling data. If you are unsure of the accuracy of profiling data, would you recommend its use in a court of law? If so, under what circumstances would you allow or not allow its use.
Another investigative technique in which forensic professionals are involved is forensic hypnosis—the process of eliciting memories of an event or events while under hypnosis. In forensic hypnosis, as opposed to clinical hypnosis, an examiner attempts to elicit memories for the purposes of identification of subjects or for understanding details of a crime. In your assignment, you will discuss your understanding of forensic hypnosis. Like profiling, there are significant questions of accuracy and validity. In memory recall under the influence of hypnosis, there is a potential for recalling memories, which are inaccurate or patently false. Once again, this raises the issue of courtroom admissibility. In conducting research on the admissibility issue, you will find that courts have varied in how they have decided the admissibility of recovered or refreshed memories. As you work on your assignment, ask yourself whether you will be in favor of allowing recovered memories in court.
Fieldwork Observation
Another important activit ...
Unit 7 project elizabeth hall civil committment and insanity defenseElizabeth Hall
The document discusses the insanity defense, including its definition, use, and criticisms. It notes that the insanity defense is rarely used, with only about 1% of cases employing it, and only one-quarter of those being successful. It is difficult to prove due to differences between medical and legal definitions of insanity. While those found not guilty by reason of insanity are civilly committed for an average of three years rather than released, there are criticisms that the mentally ill are improperly treated within the criminal justice system and that it relies too heavily on expert opinion over scientific fact. The document concludes that public perceptions of the insanity defense are inaccurate and that better treatment of mentally ill offenders is needed.
Insanity Defense
Insanity Defense
Name
Class
Date
Professor
Insanity Defense
When a person is arrested for a crime they have the right to put on a defense. The criminal defendant can claim the committed the crime in self defense or they could simply say they are innocent. Another type of defense is the insanity defense. In the insanity defense the criminal defendant claims they are not responsible for the crime due to their mental state. In order to be successful at pleading the insanity defense the defendant must prove they were not in their right mind at the time of the crime. If a defendant is found to be legally insane they will either be sent to a mental health facility or to prison where they will receive mental health treatment.
There have been many famous cases where the criminal defendant claimed they were insane. John Hinckley attempted to assassinate President Reagan but despite the heinous crime he was found not guilty for reasons of insanity. This outraged the American public leading to all types of reforms to the insanity defense. The McNaughton Rule was the original test applied to measuring insanity (Collins, 2006). This test simply asks whether the defendant new the difference between right and wrong at the time of the crime. After Hinckley the McNaughton rule was discarded in many states and the burden of proof went from the prosecutor to the defendant.
In some rare case a jury will find a person temporarily insane. In the Lorena Bobbitt case the defendant was found temporarily insane after she mutilated her husband’s genitalia. Lorena Bobbitt is infamous for cutting off her husband’s penis after he raped her. Bobbitt then discarded the penis but it was later retrieved by police. Lorena claimed she was under extreme stress at the time she got the knife and mutilated her sleeping husband. She claimed she did not understand what she was doing when she took a knife to her husband. The jury agreed with Lorena and found her not guilty by reason of insanity.
Jonathon Schmitz was a criminal defendant who killed a gay man, Amedure, who had a crush on him. Schmitz was invited onto a talk show about same sex crushes but was angered when he was confronted by a male friend claiming to have a crush instead of an ex girlfriend or another female as Schmitz expected. Schmitz felt humiliated on national television when Amedure described sexual feelings he had for Schmitz. Later Amedure sent Schmitz a sexually explicit note causing him to grab a shotgun and shoot Amedure. Schmidt claimed insanity but was found guilty of second degree murder.
Claiming insanity does not guarantee a criminal defendant will be found not guilty in current society but in many cases if a criminal defendant is found insane they are also found guilty. Citizens are fed up with criminals committing violent crimes and claiming insanity. The insanity defense is one of the hardest defenses to prove unless it i.
The troublesome aspects of psychiatric hospitalization as experienced by the ...Ya'ir Ronen
This document discusses hospitalization from the perspective of psychiatric patients and therapeutic jurisprudence. It argues that understanding patients' subjective experiences of hospitalization is important for making the legal system more therapeutic. The document reviews how therapeutic jurisprudence aims to promote psychological well-being through law, but that it does not fully incorporate patients' perspectives. It advocates drawing from patients' accounts to identify ways law could be made more therapeutic regarding decisions around psychiatric hospitalization.
Jessica Griffin recommends civilly committing John Q based on her review of his history and recent infractions in state prison. John Q has a long history of non-compliance with medication and treatment for his schizophrenia, which has led to repeated violent outbursts and assaults against staff and other inmates. Virginia law allows for the civil commitment of individuals who are deemed a danger to themselves or others as evidenced by recent behavior. Given John Q's pattern of violence stemming from non-compliance with his schizophrenia treatment, Griffin believes he meets the state criteria for civil commitment to protect both himself and the community upon his release from prison.
1) The document discusses decision making in criminals from several perspectives, including rational choice theory, social bonding theory, and biological theories. It also presents two case studies of individuals who committed crimes and the influencing factors.
2) Cognitive limitations and use of heuristics are believed to influence criminal decision making. Deterrence theory also proposes that punishments can control crime through certainty, severity and clarity.
3) Adolescent decision making is still developing, and video research found they were more future-oriented and less peer-influenced than non-detained youth. Peer influence and strain were factors for the 16-year-old in the home invasion.
According to the document, competency to stand trial (CST) refers to a defendant's ability to understand legal proceedings and assist their attorney. While defendants are presumed competent, judges can order CST evaluations if competence is questioned. The standards for CST come from Supreme Court cases like Dusky v. United States, which established that defendants must understand charges and be able to assist in their defense. Several studies have examined issues like restoring competence through medication or other means, though effectiveness is unclear. CST involves both psychological and legal factors, as evaluations are done by psychologists but decisions are made in court based on evidence and legal standards.
Forensic psychology unit 1.pptx..........AryaThampi9
Forensic psychology involves applying psychological principles and expertise to legal matters. Forensic psychologists help in various legal proceedings such as assessing a defendant's mental state, determining competency to stand trial, and evaluating risk of violence. They may assess whether a defendant is mentally fit to endure trial or should receive psychiatric treatment instead. Forensic psychologists also provide expert opinions and testimony in both criminal and civil cases. Their evaluations aim to preserve fair legal proceedings while protecting defendants' rights and reducing erroneous convictions.
Forensic Psychology 3rd Edition Fulero Test Bankrufonavytu
This chapter introduces forensic psychology and discusses its history and relationship with the legal system. It describes how Hugo Munsterberg was an early pioneer in forensic psychology in the late 19th/early 20th century, trying to apply experimental psychology findings to the legal system. However, the legal profession strongly criticized his claims. There were few advances until the 1970s due to tensions between psychology's empirical approach and law's emphasis on precedent. The chapter outlines ongoing conflicts between determining "truth" in legal versus scientific terms and differences in reasoning between the two fields.
This document discusses a study that analyzed jury deliberations in a mock civil trial involving a retail discrimination case. The study found that jurors who found for the plaintiff were more likely to express empathy for the plaintiff, while those finding for the defendant expressed a lack of empathy. Jurors who said the case fell on a continuum were more likely to find for the defendant. Juries mentioning the store followed policy found for the defendant, while mentions of not following policy did not affect the outcome. The document reviews concerns about biases influencing jury decisions and discusses models of group decision-making and compromise that may apply to jury deliberations.
This document summarizes three major theories of criminal behavior - biological, psychological, and sociological approaches. It also outlines six early general theories on the causes of crime: demonological theory, positivist theory, neoclassical theory, classical theory, conflict theory, and critical theory. The biological approach suggests criminal behavior results from flaws in biological makeup. The psychological approach examines abnormal mental processes and learning models. The sociological approach views criminality as socially constructed and influenced by social structures and cultural values.
The document is a student's assignment on capital punishment that is 3 pages long. It begins with a cover sheet providing the student's details and a statement of originality. The body of the assignment then summarizes arguments for and against capital punishment in 3 paragraphs. It concludes by arguing that capital punishment should be banned given its irreversible nature and potential to punish innocent people.
Business ethics focuses on applying ethical principles to business situations and decisions. While businesses aim to make profits, they also have responsibilities to shareholders, employees, customers, and society. There are various frameworks for analyzing ethical decisions, including deontology (adhering to duties), utilitarianism (maximizing benefits), and rights-based approaches (respecting human rights). Applying ethics in business situations requires considering alternative actions and their impacts on stakeholders. The document also discusses theories like the relationship between law and ethics as well as examples involving capital punishment.
Running Head ETHICAL SYSTEMS AND ETHICAL DILEMMAS 13.docxtodd271
Running Head: ETHICAL SYSTEMS AND ETHICAL DILEMMAS 1
3
Running Head: ETHICAL SYSTEMS AND ETHICAL DILEMMAS
Ethical Systems and Ethical Dilemmas
EMCJ:513:02
Mr. Addison
October 31, 2018
Chapter 2
The process solving ethical dilemmas in law enforcement requires a comprehensive rationale that justifies the right from wrong with respect to decision-making process. This means that the policy makers, officers and other stakeholders should a clear understanding of the normative theories and systems of ethics. Therefore, this paper seeks to identify and analyze the ethical theories and they influence the processes of criminal justice and law enforcement in the United States by focusing on the normative theories and systems.
There are various philosophical systems that are utilized while making a decision. These systems use theories such as the normative ethics, Meta ethics and applied ethics. This section will put a major focus on the Normative theories which are typically concerned with the ethical systems related to the norms standards and or, criteria that the address on the principles of ethical behavior (Evans and Macmillan 2014, p.27). Normative theories of ethics are further divided into utilitarianism, virtue ethics, egoism, and ethics of care, deontology, natural law, divine command theory, and moral relativism, Rawls’s theory of justice and social contract theory. These theories help individuals to make informed decisions when faced with major ethical dilemmas.
To begin with, Utilitarian Ethics are majorly concerned with the ethical decisions and the consequences that accompany these decisions. In a nutshell, this theory is best described as a consequential or teleological theory because it stipulates that the consequence of an action is the determinant of it being moral or not. According to Jeremy Bentham (1748-132), the principles that illustrate utility focus on measuring maximum pleasure with respect to minimum pain which means pleasure is preferred over pain (Sandel, 2010). However, there is a reconsideration concerning the principles of utilitarianism as proposed by John Stuart Mill who suggests that sensual should expound further into the mental pleasure such as literature, friendship and music (Hinman, 2013). This brings out the difference between happiness and pleasure as: happiness relates to mental senses while pleasure relates to the bodily pleasures such as sex and food; pleasure is short-term whereas happiness is long-term; both can be looked at and happiness can encompass both pleasure and pain. The theory of utilitarianism is formulated by act and rule utilitarianism respectively. This theory helps the law enforcement officers on the notion for need for discretion while making exigent decisions and evaluates the consequences of their actions.
The Kantian logic or Deontological theory is an ethical system concerned with the obligations and duties of an individual. This theory was developed by Immanuel.
PART1-Due ThursdayRespond to the following in a minimum of.docxJUST36
PART1-
D
ue Thursday
Respond to the following in a minimum of 175 words:
Review this week’s course materials and learning activities, and reflect on your learning so far this week. Respond to one or more of the following prompts in one to two paragraphs:
Provide citation and reference to the material(s) you discuss. Describe what you found interesting regarding this topic, and why.
Describe how you will apply that learning in your daily life, including your work life.
Describe what may be unclear to you, and what you would like to learn.
PART2-
University of Phoenix Material
Case Study Two Worksheet
Respond to the following questions in 1,250 to 1,500 words.
1. Why is this an ethical dilemma? Which APA Ethical Principles help frame the nature of the dilemma?
2. How might Irina’s age and parents’ involvement in the referral affect how Dr. Matthews can resolve the dilemma? How might the state law on treatment of minors and HIPAA rule on access of guardians to a minor’s health care record influence Dr. Matthews’ decision?
3. How are APA Ethical Standards 2.01a b, and c; 2.04; 3.04; 3.06; 4.01; 4.02; and 10.10a relevant to this case? Which other standards might apply?
4. What are Dr. Matthews’ ethical alternatives for resolving this dilemma? Which alternative best reflects the Ethics Code aspirational principle and enforceable standard, as well as legal standards and Dr. Matthews’ obligations to stakeholders?
5. What steps should Dr. Matthews take to ethically implement her decision and monitor its effects?
PART3-
Write
a 300-word or more paper in which you examine the legal aspects of record keeping and providing expert testimony. As part of your examination, address the following items:
Evaluate the legal issues associated with assessment, testing, and diagnosis documentation in professional psychology
Fisher, C. B. (2013).
Decoding the ethics code: A practical guide for psychologists
. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
REFERENCE FOR PART 1
Psychologists aspire to promote accuracy, honesty, and truthfulness in the science, teaching, and practice of psychology and do not engage in subterfuge or intentional misrepresentation of fact (Principle C: Integrity). Standard 5.01a of the APA Ethics Code (APA, 2010b) prohibits false, deceptive, or fraudulent public statements regarding work activities or the activities of persons or organizations with which psychologists are affiliated.
The terms
avoidance
and
knowingly
exclude as violations statements that psychologists would reasonably be expected to believe are true but that they may later learn are false.
☑ A psychologist in a group practice distributed brochures with a listing of the group members’ credentials, only to discover that one member had submitted false credentials. She ceased distribution and ordered a corrected brochure.
☑ A research psychologist gave a public lecture, a series of media interviews, and congressional testimony during which he publicly .
This document discusses ethical issues with using the Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R) to assess psychopathy in child custody cases. While the PCL-R is useful for predicting behavior in incarcerated populations, its validity and reliability are questionable when applied to non-criminal populations where prevalence is lower. Specifically, false positive rates are likely to increase outside of forensic settings. Additionally, research does not clearly or consistently support a link between parental psychopathy and negative developmental outcomes in children. As such, use of the PCL-R in custody cases could result in unreliable determinations of parental fitness.
Human Brain - RubricExpand AllExplain if there are still pathwNarcisaBrandenburg70
Human Brain - Rubric
Expand All
Explain if there are still pathways to be explored in our understanding of the human brain. 35 points
Analyze the field of computer science 35 points
Describe tools 28 points
Thesis Development and Purpose9.8 points
Argument Logic and Construction 11.2 points
Mechanics of Writing (includes spelling, punctuation, grammar, language use) 7 points
Paper Format (use of appropriate style for the major and assignment) 7 points
Documentation of Sources 7 points
Total 140 points
Human Brain
-
Rubric
Expand All
Explain if there are still pathways to be explored in our understanding of the
human brain.
35 points
Analyze the field of computer science
35 points
Describe tools
28 points
Thesis Development and Purpose
9
.8 points
Argument Logic and Construction
11.2 points
Mechanics of Writing (includes spelling, punctuation, grammar, language use)
7
points
Paper Format (use of appropriate style for the major and assignment)
7 points
Documentation of Sources
7 points
Total
140
points
Human Brain - Rubric
Expand All
Explain if there are still pathways to be explored in our understanding of the
human brain. 35 points
Analyze the field of computer science 35 points
Describe tools 28 points
Thesis Development and Purpose 9.8 points
Argument Logic and Construction 11.2 points
Mechanics of Writing (includes spelling, punctuation, grammar, language use) 7
points
Paper Format (use of appropriate style for the major and assignment) 7 points
Documentation of Sources 7 points
Total 140 points
Understanding Persons With Mental Illness Who Are and Are Not
Criminal Justice Involved: A Comparison of Criminal Thinking and
Psychiatric Symptoms
Nicole R. Gross and Robert D. Morgan
Texas Tech University
Research has begun to elucidate that persons with mental illness become involved in the criminal justice
system as a result of criminality and not merely because of their mental illness. This study aims to clarify
the similarities and differences in criminal thinking and psychiatric symptomatology between persons
with mental illness who are and are not criminal justice involved. Male and female (n � 94) participants
admitted to an acute psychiatric facility completed measures to assess criminal thinking (i.e., Psycho-
logical Inventory of Criminal Thinking Styles and Criminal Sentiments Scale–Modified) and psychiatric
symptomatology (Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory–Third Edition). In addition to the inpatient
sample, 94 incarcerated persons with mental illness from a previously conducted study were selected
based on their match with the current sample on several key demographic and psychiatric variables. The
results of this study indicated that hospitalized persons with mental illness with a history of criminal
justice involvement evidenced similar thinking styles to persons with mental illness who were incarcer-
ated. Persons with mental illness without criminal justice inv ...
Advocating for the Extension of Psychological Treatment in the Juvenile Legal...Weston Corbitt
This document advocates for extending psychological treatment in the juvenile legal system. It discusses how biological factors like brain development impact juveniles' decision-making compared to adults. Psychological principles of ethics, like beneficence and non-maleficence, should guide the legal system. Research questions whether psychological treatment could better rehabilitate juvenile delinquents than traditional punishment. A quantitative study is proposed to correlate variables like age, socioeconomic status, ethnicity, and prior legal/mental health history with rehabilitation outcomes to determine if expanded psychological services would be more effective.
MANAGEGIAL ECONOMICS AND ORGANIZATIONAL ARCHITECTURE 5Th Edition .docxBetseyCalderon89
MANAGEGIAL ECONOMICS AND ORGANIZATIONAL ARCHITECTURE 5Th Edition
"AUTHORS BRICKLEY ZIMMERMAN & SMITH"
QUESTION 1
1.The text makes it clear that the management innovations of the 1980s and 1990s:
were almost all instant successes.
waxed and waned in use and popularity.
were instantly mostly failures.
were creations of the press and were never implemented in business.
QUESTION 2
2. If transactions costs can be reduced in a market place, then total producer and consumer surplus will:
increase.
stay the same.
decrease.
None of the above.
QUESTION 3
3. If a manager complies with all laws and regulations, then he can be confident that:
he is completely ethical.
he is fairly unethical.
he has begun to deal with ethical issues.
he will never run into ethical problems at work.
QUESTION 4
4. As a firm's market power in pricing decreases, the price elasticity of its demand:
stays the same.
decreases.
is equal to one.
increases.
QUESTION 5
5. If a management innovation is going to be successful, it needs to address:
decisioin making assignment should rest with the CEO.
incentive and reward systems.
shareholders' concerns.
the rights of the Board of Directors
QUESTION 6
6. Ethics is about making good decisions. Sometimes it is hard to see what economics has to do with ethics until you remember that economics is often defined as the:
science of choice.
key branch of theology.
disciple with high moral standards.
area that understand nothing about ethics.
QUESTION 7
7. Martha Steward seems to have made a bad decisison concerning the use of insider information in selling ImClone stock. The resulting negative publicity on the issue caused value of her corporation, Martha Steward Living, to fall by almost half. This example is suposed to show.
insider trading can pay off in certtain circunstances.
ethics and wealth creation are not linked in any way.
Stock markets are fickle stewards of wealth.
Ethics and wealth creation are closaely linked.
QUESTION 8
8. Strategy refers to the general policies that managers adopt to:
costs.
the number of customers at the same price.
the rate of technological change.
the generation of profits.
QUESTION 9
9. Competitive markets ususally promote the efficient use of resources. This is because:
resource owners bear the wealth effects of their decision.
managers always have proper incentives to make decisisons.
consumers usually provide the lists of corporate mistakes.
markets usually make equitable choices first.
QUESTION 10
10. Finding a way to create and capture value is part of:
business strategy
cost control systems.
management control, but not general management.
allowing the market to run a company's future plans.
QUESTION 11
11. One of the problems with making all the decisions at the top of a business orgnization is costliness of:
specific information.
gener.
Manage Resourcesfor Practicum Change ProjectYou are now half-w.docxBetseyCalderon89
This week's assignment is to evaluate resources and develop a budget for the Practicum Change Project. Students are to determine if necessary resources like salaries, supplies, equipment, technology, and education are available and then develop and present the budget for the project in the discussion area. References from nursing literature should support the response.
Module 3 OverviewIn Module 2, you learned about police psy.docxraju957290
Module 3 Overview
In Module 2, you learned about police psychology and the roles and functions of mental health professionals working with law enforcement officers. You were introduced to investigative techniques such as interviewing, interrogation, and polygraphy examinations that officers employ during the course of their duties. In Module 3, you will learn about two areas closely related to police psychology: criminology and investigative psychology.
This module will focus on criminal profiling, the use of the polygraph and other lie detection techniques, forensic hypnosis, and the ways to enhance the accuracy of eyewitness testimonies. When studying criminal profiling and forensic hypnosis, direct your attention to their validity and accuracy and the potential for introducing false and misleading information into an investigation. You will examine the role of psychopathy in criminal behavior. Finally, this module will focus on various types of criminal acts, including violent crimes and sexual assault.
Many students and forensic psychology professionals alike have become increasingly interested in the process of criminal profiling—the process by which information pertaining to a crime is utilized in creating a description of the likely offender. In your first assignment, you will discuss the techniques involved in criminal profiling. In addition to discussing techniques, though, you will consider the issues of accuracy and validity in criminal profiling. Given that profiling has had some major failures—consider, for example, the misidentification that occurred in the Atlanta Bomber case (Dewan, 2005)—issues of validity are important to be kept in mind. Following from the issue of accuracy and validity is the courtroom admissibility of profiling data. If you are unsure of the accuracy of profiling data, would you recommend its use in a court of law? If so, under what circumstances would you allow or not allow its use.
Another investigative technique in which forensic professionals are involved is forensic hypnosis—the process of eliciting memories of an event or events while under hypnosis. In forensic hypnosis, as opposed to clinical hypnosis, an examiner attempts to elicit memories for the purposes of identification of subjects or for understanding details of a crime. In your assignment, you will discuss your understanding of forensic hypnosis. Like profiling, there are significant questions of accuracy and validity. In memory recall under the influence of hypnosis, there is a potential for recalling memories, which are inaccurate or patently false. Once again, this raises the issue of courtroom admissibility. In conducting research on the admissibility issue, you will find that courts have varied in how they have decided the admissibility of recovered or refreshed memories. As you work on your assignment, ask yourself whether you will be in favor of allowing recovered memories in court.
Fieldwork Observation
Another important activit ...
Unit 7 project elizabeth hall civil committment and insanity defenseElizabeth Hall
The document discusses the insanity defense, including its definition, use, and criticisms. It notes that the insanity defense is rarely used, with only about 1% of cases employing it, and only one-quarter of those being successful. It is difficult to prove due to differences between medical and legal definitions of insanity. While those found not guilty by reason of insanity are civilly committed for an average of three years rather than released, there are criticisms that the mentally ill are improperly treated within the criminal justice system and that it relies too heavily on expert opinion over scientific fact. The document concludes that public perceptions of the insanity defense are inaccurate and that better treatment of mentally ill offenders is needed.
Insanity Defense
Insanity Defense
Name
Class
Date
Professor
Insanity Defense
When a person is arrested for a crime they have the right to put on a defense. The criminal defendant can claim the committed the crime in self defense or they could simply say they are innocent. Another type of defense is the insanity defense. In the insanity defense the criminal defendant claims they are not responsible for the crime due to their mental state. In order to be successful at pleading the insanity defense the defendant must prove they were not in their right mind at the time of the crime. If a defendant is found to be legally insane they will either be sent to a mental health facility or to prison where they will receive mental health treatment.
There have been many famous cases where the criminal defendant claimed they were insane. John Hinckley attempted to assassinate President Reagan but despite the heinous crime he was found not guilty for reasons of insanity. This outraged the American public leading to all types of reforms to the insanity defense. The McNaughton Rule was the original test applied to measuring insanity (Collins, 2006). This test simply asks whether the defendant new the difference between right and wrong at the time of the crime. After Hinckley the McNaughton rule was discarded in many states and the burden of proof went from the prosecutor to the defendant.
In some rare case a jury will find a person temporarily insane. In the Lorena Bobbitt case the defendant was found temporarily insane after she mutilated her husband’s genitalia. Lorena Bobbitt is infamous for cutting off her husband’s penis after he raped her. Bobbitt then discarded the penis but it was later retrieved by police. Lorena claimed she was under extreme stress at the time she got the knife and mutilated her sleeping husband. She claimed she did not understand what she was doing when she took a knife to her husband. The jury agreed with Lorena and found her not guilty by reason of insanity.
Jonathon Schmitz was a criminal defendant who killed a gay man, Amedure, who had a crush on him. Schmitz was invited onto a talk show about same sex crushes but was angered when he was confronted by a male friend claiming to have a crush instead of an ex girlfriend or another female as Schmitz expected. Schmitz felt humiliated on national television when Amedure described sexual feelings he had for Schmitz. Later Amedure sent Schmitz a sexually explicit note causing him to grab a shotgun and shoot Amedure. Schmidt claimed insanity but was found guilty of second degree murder.
Claiming insanity does not guarantee a criminal defendant will be found not guilty in current society but in many cases if a criminal defendant is found insane they are also found guilty. Citizens are fed up with criminals committing violent crimes and claiming insanity. The insanity defense is one of the hardest defenses to prove unless it i.
The troublesome aspects of psychiatric hospitalization as experienced by the ...Ya'ir Ronen
This document discusses hospitalization from the perspective of psychiatric patients and therapeutic jurisprudence. It argues that understanding patients' subjective experiences of hospitalization is important for making the legal system more therapeutic. The document reviews how therapeutic jurisprudence aims to promote psychological well-being through law, but that it does not fully incorporate patients' perspectives. It advocates drawing from patients' accounts to identify ways law could be made more therapeutic regarding decisions around psychiatric hospitalization.
Jessica Griffin recommends civilly committing John Q based on her review of his history and recent infractions in state prison. John Q has a long history of non-compliance with medication and treatment for his schizophrenia, which has led to repeated violent outbursts and assaults against staff and other inmates. Virginia law allows for the civil commitment of individuals who are deemed a danger to themselves or others as evidenced by recent behavior. Given John Q's pattern of violence stemming from non-compliance with his schizophrenia treatment, Griffin believes he meets the state criteria for civil commitment to protect both himself and the community upon his release from prison.
1) The document discusses decision making in criminals from several perspectives, including rational choice theory, social bonding theory, and biological theories. It also presents two case studies of individuals who committed crimes and the influencing factors.
2) Cognitive limitations and use of heuristics are believed to influence criminal decision making. Deterrence theory also proposes that punishments can control crime through certainty, severity and clarity.
3) Adolescent decision making is still developing, and video research found they were more future-oriented and less peer-influenced than non-detained youth. Peer influence and strain were factors for the 16-year-old in the home invasion.
According to the document, competency to stand trial (CST) refers to a defendant's ability to understand legal proceedings and assist their attorney. While defendants are presumed competent, judges can order CST evaluations if competence is questioned. The standards for CST come from Supreme Court cases like Dusky v. United States, which established that defendants must understand charges and be able to assist in their defense. Several studies have examined issues like restoring competence through medication or other means, though effectiveness is unclear. CST involves both psychological and legal factors, as evaluations are done by psychologists but decisions are made in court based on evidence and legal standards.
Forensic psychology unit 1.pptx..........AryaThampi9
Forensic psychology involves applying psychological principles and expertise to legal matters. Forensic psychologists help in various legal proceedings such as assessing a defendant's mental state, determining competency to stand trial, and evaluating risk of violence. They may assess whether a defendant is mentally fit to endure trial or should receive psychiatric treatment instead. Forensic psychologists also provide expert opinions and testimony in both criminal and civil cases. Their evaluations aim to preserve fair legal proceedings while protecting defendants' rights and reducing erroneous convictions.
Forensic Psychology 3rd Edition Fulero Test Bankrufonavytu
This chapter introduces forensic psychology and discusses its history and relationship with the legal system. It describes how Hugo Munsterberg was an early pioneer in forensic psychology in the late 19th/early 20th century, trying to apply experimental psychology findings to the legal system. However, the legal profession strongly criticized his claims. There were few advances until the 1970s due to tensions between psychology's empirical approach and law's emphasis on precedent. The chapter outlines ongoing conflicts between determining "truth" in legal versus scientific terms and differences in reasoning between the two fields.
This document discusses a study that analyzed jury deliberations in a mock civil trial involving a retail discrimination case. The study found that jurors who found for the plaintiff were more likely to express empathy for the plaintiff, while those finding for the defendant expressed a lack of empathy. Jurors who said the case fell on a continuum were more likely to find for the defendant. Juries mentioning the store followed policy found for the defendant, while mentions of not following policy did not affect the outcome. The document reviews concerns about biases influencing jury decisions and discusses models of group decision-making and compromise that may apply to jury deliberations.
This document summarizes three major theories of criminal behavior - biological, psychological, and sociological approaches. It also outlines six early general theories on the causes of crime: demonological theory, positivist theory, neoclassical theory, classical theory, conflict theory, and critical theory. The biological approach suggests criminal behavior results from flaws in biological makeup. The psychological approach examines abnormal mental processes and learning models. The sociological approach views criminality as socially constructed and influenced by social structures and cultural values.
The document is a student's assignment on capital punishment that is 3 pages long. It begins with a cover sheet providing the student's details and a statement of originality. The body of the assignment then summarizes arguments for and against capital punishment in 3 paragraphs. It concludes by arguing that capital punishment should be banned given its irreversible nature and potential to punish innocent people.
Business ethics focuses on applying ethical principles to business situations and decisions. While businesses aim to make profits, they also have responsibilities to shareholders, employees, customers, and society. There are various frameworks for analyzing ethical decisions, including deontology (adhering to duties), utilitarianism (maximizing benefits), and rights-based approaches (respecting human rights). Applying ethics in business situations requires considering alternative actions and their impacts on stakeholders. The document also discusses theories like the relationship between law and ethics as well as examples involving capital punishment.
Running Head ETHICAL SYSTEMS AND ETHICAL DILEMMAS 13.docxtodd271
Running Head: ETHICAL SYSTEMS AND ETHICAL DILEMMAS 1
3
Running Head: ETHICAL SYSTEMS AND ETHICAL DILEMMAS
Ethical Systems and Ethical Dilemmas
EMCJ:513:02
Mr. Addison
October 31, 2018
Chapter 2
The process solving ethical dilemmas in law enforcement requires a comprehensive rationale that justifies the right from wrong with respect to decision-making process. This means that the policy makers, officers and other stakeholders should a clear understanding of the normative theories and systems of ethics. Therefore, this paper seeks to identify and analyze the ethical theories and they influence the processes of criminal justice and law enforcement in the United States by focusing on the normative theories and systems.
There are various philosophical systems that are utilized while making a decision. These systems use theories such as the normative ethics, Meta ethics and applied ethics. This section will put a major focus on the Normative theories which are typically concerned with the ethical systems related to the norms standards and or, criteria that the address on the principles of ethical behavior (Evans and Macmillan 2014, p.27). Normative theories of ethics are further divided into utilitarianism, virtue ethics, egoism, and ethics of care, deontology, natural law, divine command theory, and moral relativism, Rawls’s theory of justice and social contract theory. These theories help individuals to make informed decisions when faced with major ethical dilemmas.
To begin with, Utilitarian Ethics are majorly concerned with the ethical decisions and the consequences that accompany these decisions. In a nutshell, this theory is best described as a consequential or teleological theory because it stipulates that the consequence of an action is the determinant of it being moral or not. According to Jeremy Bentham (1748-132), the principles that illustrate utility focus on measuring maximum pleasure with respect to minimum pain which means pleasure is preferred over pain (Sandel, 2010). However, there is a reconsideration concerning the principles of utilitarianism as proposed by John Stuart Mill who suggests that sensual should expound further into the mental pleasure such as literature, friendship and music (Hinman, 2013). This brings out the difference between happiness and pleasure as: happiness relates to mental senses while pleasure relates to the bodily pleasures such as sex and food; pleasure is short-term whereas happiness is long-term; both can be looked at and happiness can encompass both pleasure and pain. The theory of utilitarianism is formulated by act and rule utilitarianism respectively. This theory helps the law enforcement officers on the notion for need for discretion while making exigent decisions and evaluates the consequences of their actions.
The Kantian logic or Deontological theory is an ethical system concerned with the obligations and duties of an individual. This theory was developed by Immanuel.
PART1-Due ThursdayRespond to the following in a minimum of.docxJUST36
PART1-
D
ue Thursday
Respond to the following in a minimum of 175 words:
Review this week’s course materials and learning activities, and reflect on your learning so far this week. Respond to one or more of the following prompts in one to two paragraphs:
Provide citation and reference to the material(s) you discuss. Describe what you found interesting regarding this topic, and why.
Describe how you will apply that learning in your daily life, including your work life.
Describe what may be unclear to you, and what you would like to learn.
PART2-
University of Phoenix Material
Case Study Two Worksheet
Respond to the following questions in 1,250 to 1,500 words.
1. Why is this an ethical dilemma? Which APA Ethical Principles help frame the nature of the dilemma?
2. How might Irina’s age and parents’ involvement in the referral affect how Dr. Matthews can resolve the dilemma? How might the state law on treatment of minors and HIPAA rule on access of guardians to a minor’s health care record influence Dr. Matthews’ decision?
3. How are APA Ethical Standards 2.01a b, and c; 2.04; 3.04; 3.06; 4.01; 4.02; and 10.10a relevant to this case? Which other standards might apply?
4. What are Dr. Matthews’ ethical alternatives for resolving this dilemma? Which alternative best reflects the Ethics Code aspirational principle and enforceable standard, as well as legal standards and Dr. Matthews’ obligations to stakeholders?
5. What steps should Dr. Matthews take to ethically implement her decision and monitor its effects?
PART3-
Write
a 300-word or more paper in which you examine the legal aspects of record keeping and providing expert testimony. As part of your examination, address the following items:
Evaluate the legal issues associated with assessment, testing, and diagnosis documentation in professional psychology
Fisher, C. B. (2013).
Decoding the ethics code: A practical guide for psychologists
. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
REFERENCE FOR PART 1
Psychologists aspire to promote accuracy, honesty, and truthfulness in the science, teaching, and practice of psychology and do not engage in subterfuge or intentional misrepresentation of fact (Principle C: Integrity). Standard 5.01a of the APA Ethics Code (APA, 2010b) prohibits false, deceptive, or fraudulent public statements regarding work activities or the activities of persons or organizations with which psychologists are affiliated.
The terms
avoidance
and
knowingly
exclude as violations statements that psychologists would reasonably be expected to believe are true but that they may later learn are false.
☑ A psychologist in a group practice distributed brochures with a listing of the group members’ credentials, only to discover that one member had submitted false credentials. She ceased distribution and ordered a corrected brochure.
☑ A research psychologist gave a public lecture, a series of media interviews, and congressional testimony during which he publicly .
This document discusses ethical issues with using the Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R) to assess psychopathy in child custody cases. While the PCL-R is useful for predicting behavior in incarcerated populations, its validity and reliability are questionable when applied to non-criminal populations where prevalence is lower. Specifically, false positive rates are likely to increase outside of forensic settings. Additionally, research does not clearly or consistently support a link between parental psychopathy and negative developmental outcomes in children. As such, use of the PCL-R in custody cases could result in unreliable determinations of parental fitness.
Human Brain - RubricExpand AllExplain if there are still pathwNarcisaBrandenburg70
Human Brain - Rubric
Expand All
Explain if there are still pathways to be explored in our understanding of the human brain. 35 points
Analyze the field of computer science 35 points
Describe tools 28 points
Thesis Development and Purpose9.8 points
Argument Logic and Construction 11.2 points
Mechanics of Writing (includes spelling, punctuation, grammar, language use) 7 points
Paper Format (use of appropriate style for the major and assignment) 7 points
Documentation of Sources 7 points
Total 140 points
Human Brain
-
Rubric
Expand All
Explain if there are still pathways to be explored in our understanding of the
human brain.
35 points
Analyze the field of computer science
35 points
Describe tools
28 points
Thesis Development and Purpose
9
.8 points
Argument Logic and Construction
11.2 points
Mechanics of Writing (includes spelling, punctuation, grammar, language use)
7
points
Paper Format (use of appropriate style for the major and assignment)
7 points
Documentation of Sources
7 points
Total
140
points
Human Brain - Rubric
Expand All
Explain if there are still pathways to be explored in our understanding of the
human brain. 35 points
Analyze the field of computer science 35 points
Describe tools 28 points
Thesis Development and Purpose 9.8 points
Argument Logic and Construction 11.2 points
Mechanics of Writing (includes spelling, punctuation, grammar, language use) 7
points
Paper Format (use of appropriate style for the major and assignment) 7 points
Documentation of Sources 7 points
Total 140 points
Understanding Persons With Mental Illness Who Are and Are Not
Criminal Justice Involved: A Comparison of Criminal Thinking and
Psychiatric Symptoms
Nicole R. Gross and Robert D. Morgan
Texas Tech University
Research has begun to elucidate that persons with mental illness become involved in the criminal justice
system as a result of criminality and not merely because of their mental illness. This study aims to clarify
the similarities and differences in criminal thinking and psychiatric symptomatology between persons
with mental illness who are and are not criminal justice involved. Male and female (n � 94) participants
admitted to an acute psychiatric facility completed measures to assess criminal thinking (i.e., Psycho-
logical Inventory of Criminal Thinking Styles and Criminal Sentiments Scale–Modified) and psychiatric
symptomatology (Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory–Third Edition). In addition to the inpatient
sample, 94 incarcerated persons with mental illness from a previously conducted study were selected
based on their match with the current sample on several key demographic and psychiatric variables. The
results of this study indicated that hospitalized persons with mental illness with a history of criminal
justice involvement evidenced similar thinking styles to persons with mental illness who were incarcer-
ated. Persons with mental illness without criminal justice inv ...
Advocating for the Extension of Psychological Treatment in the Juvenile Legal...Weston Corbitt
This document advocates for extending psychological treatment in the juvenile legal system. It discusses how biological factors like brain development impact juveniles' decision-making compared to adults. Psychological principles of ethics, like beneficence and non-maleficence, should guide the legal system. Research questions whether psychological treatment could better rehabilitate juvenile delinquents than traditional punishment. A quantitative study is proposed to correlate variables like age, socioeconomic status, ethnicity, and prior legal/mental health history with rehabilitation outcomes to determine if expanded psychological services would be more effective.
MANAGEGIAL ECONOMICS AND ORGANIZATIONAL ARCHITECTURE 5Th Edition .docxBetseyCalderon89
MANAGEGIAL ECONOMICS AND ORGANIZATIONAL ARCHITECTURE 5Th Edition
"AUTHORS BRICKLEY ZIMMERMAN & SMITH"
QUESTION 1
1.The text makes it clear that the management innovations of the 1980s and 1990s:
were almost all instant successes.
waxed and waned in use and popularity.
were instantly mostly failures.
were creations of the press and were never implemented in business.
QUESTION 2
2. If transactions costs can be reduced in a market place, then total producer and consumer surplus will:
increase.
stay the same.
decrease.
None of the above.
QUESTION 3
3. If a manager complies with all laws and regulations, then he can be confident that:
he is completely ethical.
he is fairly unethical.
he has begun to deal with ethical issues.
he will never run into ethical problems at work.
QUESTION 4
4. As a firm's market power in pricing decreases, the price elasticity of its demand:
stays the same.
decreases.
is equal to one.
increases.
QUESTION 5
5. If a management innovation is going to be successful, it needs to address:
decisioin making assignment should rest with the CEO.
incentive and reward systems.
shareholders' concerns.
the rights of the Board of Directors
QUESTION 6
6. Ethics is about making good decisions. Sometimes it is hard to see what economics has to do with ethics until you remember that economics is often defined as the:
science of choice.
key branch of theology.
disciple with high moral standards.
area that understand nothing about ethics.
QUESTION 7
7. Martha Steward seems to have made a bad decisison concerning the use of insider information in selling ImClone stock. The resulting negative publicity on the issue caused value of her corporation, Martha Steward Living, to fall by almost half. This example is suposed to show.
insider trading can pay off in certtain circunstances.
ethics and wealth creation are not linked in any way.
Stock markets are fickle stewards of wealth.
Ethics and wealth creation are closaely linked.
QUESTION 8
8. Strategy refers to the general policies that managers adopt to:
costs.
the number of customers at the same price.
the rate of technological change.
the generation of profits.
QUESTION 9
9. Competitive markets ususally promote the efficient use of resources. This is because:
resource owners bear the wealth effects of their decision.
managers always have proper incentives to make decisisons.
consumers usually provide the lists of corporate mistakes.
markets usually make equitable choices first.
QUESTION 10
10. Finding a way to create and capture value is part of:
business strategy
cost control systems.
management control, but not general management.
allowing the market to run a company's future plans.
QUESTION 11
11. One of the problems with making all the decisions at the top of a business orgnization is costliness of:
specific information.
gener.
Manage Resourcesfor Practicum Change ProjectYou are now half-w.docxBetseyCalderon89
This week's assignment is to evaluate resources and develop a budget for the Practicum Change Project. Students are to determine if necessary resources like salaries, supplies, equipment, technology, and education are available and then develop and present the budget for the project in the discussion area. References from nursing literature should support the response.
Make sure you put it in your own words and references for each pleas.docxBetseyCalderon89
Make sure you put it in your own words and references for each please.
Benefit of Photosynthesis
1).
§
Describe two (2) ways that YOU benefit from the process of photosynthesis.
§
What happens when plants receive too much sun? Why?
§
How does the mapping of photosynthesis by NASA in space relate to climate change?
Respond in sentence/paragraph format with a MINIMUM of 5 sentences. Provide a reference!
Fermentation
2).
·
Fermentation and cellular respiration are BOTH used for energy-production in cells. As cellular beings, humans have the ability to perform both processes. Since energy production is markedly lower during fermentation, do you think it is a good idea for human cells to perform both processes? Why/why? EXPLAIN your response.
Respond in sentence/paragraph format with a MINIMUM of 5 sentences. Provide a reference!
3).
o
AUTOTROPHS & HETEROTROPHS
Autotrophs make their own food using energy they get directly from the environment, and carbon from inorganic sources such as CO
2
. By metabolic pathways of photosynthesis, plants and other autotrophs capture the energy of light and use it to build sugars from water and carbon dioxide. Heterotrophs get energy and carbon molecules from molecules that other organisms have already assembled.
Earth's early atmosphere held very little free oxygen, and chemoautotrophs were common. When the noncyclic pathway of photosynthesis evolved, oxygen released by photoautotrophs permanently changed the atmosphere, and it was a selective force that favored evolution of aerobic respiration. Photoautotrophs remove CO
2
from the atmosphere; the metabolic activity of most organisms puts it back. Human activities disrupt this cycle by adding extra CO
2
to the atmosphere. The resulting imbalance is contributing to global warming.
Can you do some additional research and find at least one specific heterotroph?
o
4).
THE EVOLUTION OF PHOTOSYNTHESIS
Life theoretically originated on Earth 3.4 to 4 billion years ago. The atmosphere was thin: composed of methane, carbon dioxide, and water vapor. Any gaseous oxygen had been used up in the combustion (or oxidation) of materials when the Earth was very hot.
The cooling water collected in pools, assimilating nutrients from the rocks. As water evaporated, the nutrients concentrated, forming a rich soup. The first organisms would have lived well off this food source, breaking down the complex molecules into water and carbon dioxide through respiration. Eventually, as life grew, the need arose to somehow re-synthesize complex compounds, both to eat and to use for structure and function. Some organisms learned how to use the Sun's energy to synthesize large molecules from small molecules. Other organisms learned to use other sources of reductive power. These organisms that have learned how to build the building blocks of life are called autotrophs, or self-feeders. Autotrophs are found in the bacterial and plant
Can you do some ad.
Make sure you take your time and provide complete answers. Two or th.docxBetseyCalderon89
The document describes an internal audit conducted by Phil Ramone of ABC company's acquisition of a new machine. Phil discovered the actual cost was lower than proposed but criticized the plant controller, angering the board. The CAE later found reasonable explanations for cost differences and that the controller properly managed the project. Phil should have gathered more information before making criticisms.
make sure is 100 original not copythis first questionDiscuss .docxBetseyCalderon89
make sure is 100% original not copy
this first question
Discuss the configuration and activation of auditing for files, users or other system objects to help technical personnel recognize, diagnose, deter and/or work to prevent attempts to compromise or break into a computer network.
this second question
Complete the main portion of this assignment as outlined below.
Briefly describe how the following tools are used:
Event viewer
Authority delegation
Update services
Describe 1 scenario in which each tool would be used.
.
make two paragraphs on diffences and similiarties religous belifs .docxBetseyCalderon89
make two paragraphs on diffences and similiarties : religous belifs on egypt and the mayans
Paragraph(s) should include a topic sentence, explanation of similarities, explanations of any differences, and a concluding sentence. • Give specific points to support any generalizations that you make. For example, a statement such as, “Both civilizations relied on oral tradition,” needs elaboration with supporting details. To strengthen your paragraph, give specific examples and elaborations for each culture. If you were discussing the culture of ancient Greece, you might elaborate on how Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey represents the oral traditions of ancient Greece.
100% original work
.
Make a list of your own personality traits and then address the foll.docxBetseyCalderon89
Make a list of your own personality traits and then address the following questions:
How much, if at all, has your personality changed from the time you were in elementary school?
What specific people and/or events most shaped your personality over the last fifteen years of your life?
In terms of personality, which parent are you most like—your mother or your father—and in what ways?
After you consider these questions, discuss how, if at all, your answers may help to shed light on the “nature” versus “nurture”
Please also respond to my classmate's responses for 3-4 sentences. Here are my classmate's responses:
1. Since my elementary school career, I have drastically changed as a result of being exposed to more anxiety-provoking tasks. My personality has thereby been affected in a number of ways due to the aforementioned prospect. I have since become more organized and artistic due to my increasing creativity--since I have efficacy in visual arts. I have also become more mature, since I am always paying attention to my surroundings and what other people are thinking of me. However many benefits have come around, there are as many negative factors that have affected my personality. As described above, I am always affected by my social anxiety as well as always wanting to be in isolation as a result.
The people who have shaped my personality the most over the span of fifteen years are my parents. I have never acquainted myself with others during my schooling career, in which I would always join friend groups since I would be able to blend within the mix. My mother has allowed me to become more diligent over the span of a few years thereby allowing me to become more vulnerable as well as being independent. My mother also got me in the habit of practicing mindfulness and meditation--since she is a Zen psychologist. This in effect has also improved my mental health. As for my father, he would always follow up with my mother on such activities since he had also experienced loneliness in his working environment. While both myself and my father were going through such rigorous training, we were able to improve upon ourselves as well as monitoring each other during the process.
While I have many similarities to that of my father, my personality type closely resembles that of my mother. This is so since we both have similar mindsets and ideologies, her art also closely resembles that of my own. All the more, she developed in a similar form and fashion to that of my upbringing in which she also had anxiety in abundance while eventually being able to overcome such factors--a process that I have endured myself.
I believe that my anxiety is deeply rooted in the essence of who I am as a human being which has been given to me by both my mother and father. Both experienced separate levels of trepidation, one had social anxiety while the other was agoraphobic for a time. Another factor rela.
Make a list of your own personality traits and then address the .docxBetseyCalderon89
Make a list of your own personality traits and then address the following questions:
How much, if at all, has your personality changed from the time you were in elementary school?
What specific people and/or events most shaped your personality over the last fifteen years of your life?
In terms of personality, which parent are you most like—your mother or your father—and in what ways?
After you consider these questions, discuss how, if at all, your answers may help to shed light on the “nature” versus “nurture”
repond. no1
Since my elementary school career, I have drastically changed as a result of being exposed to more anxiety-provoking tasks. My personality has thereby been affected in a number of ways due to the aforementioned prospect. I have since become more organized and artistic due to my increasing creativity--since I have efficacy in visual arts. I have also become more mature, since I am always paying attention to my surroundings and what other people are thinking of me. However many benefits have come around, there are as many negative factors that have affected my personality. As described above, I am always affected by my social anxiety as well as always wanting to be in isolation as a result.
The people who have shaped my personality the most over the span of fifteen years are my parents. I have never acquainted myself with others during my schooling career, in which I would always join friend groups since I would be able to blend within the mix. My mother has allowed me to become more diligent over the span of a few years thereby allowing me to become more vulnerable as well as being independent. My mother also got me in the habit of practicing mindfulness and meditation--since she is a Zen psychologist. This in effect has also improved my mental health. As for my father, he would always follow up with my mother on such activities since he had also experienced loneliness in his working environment. While both myself and my father were going through such rigorous training, we were able to improve upon ourselves as well as monitoring each other during the process.
While I have many similarities to that of my father, my personality type closely resembles that of my mother. This is so since we both have similar mindsets and ideologies, her art also closely resembles that of my own. All the more, she developed in a similar form and fashion to that of my upbringing in which she also had anxiety in abundance while eventually being able to overcome such factors--a process that I have endured myself.
I believe that my anxiety is deeply rooted in the essence of who I am as a human being which has been given to me by both my mother and father. Both experienced separate levels of trepidation, one had social anxiety while the other was agoraphobic for a time. Another factor relates to my emotional intelligence, which was inherently given to me by my mo.
Make a list of people you consider to be your close friend. For each.docxBetseyCalderon89
Make a list of people you consider to be your close friend. For each, identify ways that they are culturally similar to and different from you. Then form groups of four to six students and answer the following questions. Select a recorder for your discussion so you can share your answers with the rest of the class.
- Do people generally have more friends who are culturally similar or different from themselves?
- What are some of the benefits of forming intercultural friendship?
- In what ways are intercultural friendships different or similar to friendship with people from the same cultures?
- What are some reasons people might have for not forming intercultural friendship?
.
Make sure questions and references are included! Determine how s.docxBetseyCalderon89
Make sure questions and references are included!
Determine how scareware has become a serious threat and why you believe end users often fall victim to this form of hoax.
From the e-Activity, discuss the different famous malware threats, the specifics of each threat, how they worked, why they were or weren’t successful, and how they were eventually defeated. Compare and contrast the two selected malware threats and explain which you believe was the stronger threat and why.
Consider the need for education in protecting against all types of malware. Determine whether or not you believe security departments are properly educating employees on common threats.
Determine whether or not you believe bit torrent sharing networks are a breeding ground for Trojan proliferation and if so, suggest what can be done to mitigate the risks. Justify your response.
Describe the technical and security considerations that should be taken in account when migrating a Web-based e-Commerce application from development to the production environment. Explain the significance and type of testing that would be performed in this scenario.
From the e-Activity, select one of the retail payment systems laws and describe their application into Web-based security. Determine the challenges this presents to U.S. companies in an international context.
.
Major Paper #2--The Personal Narrative EssayA narrative is simpl.docxBetseyCalderon89
Major Paper #2--The Personal Narrative Essay
A narrative is simply a story. A personal narrative is a true story, focusing largely on the writer’s own life.
For Essay #2, the Personal Narrative, you will be writing a short essay (at least 3-4 pages in length) about a significant event in your own life. This event need not --and probably should not--be inherently, overly dramatic. Sometimes the most influential moments in our lives are smaller moments, events that we may not recognize as influential until years after the experience. In the personal narrative essay, you will want to tell the story as accurately as you can—search your deep memory—and tell the story from your own perspective. You will also want to exercise your selectivity as a writer, choosing to summarize background information/exposition, and really dramatize important scenes for the reader.
During the course of this unit, you will want to read the examples of the Personal Narrative in Chapter 2. You will want to start brainstorming ideas for your own personal narrative, and--by the end of Unit 5--you will want to have selected a significant event that you wish to focus on in this essay.
INSTRUCTIONS:
Elements of Story: Plot, Character, Setting, Dialogue The following four terms (plot, character, setting, and dialogue) are the four major elements of story. In other words, these are all essentials for your personal narrative.
1.) PLOT: A plot is a pattern of events or actions that lead to a change in a character or situation. In the case of this assignment, the plot of your essay should be limited to a key event or series of events that actually occurred in your real life, and resulted in some sort of change in your character, your relationships with others, your worldview, or your situation. Plot also always includes some kind of tension or conflict. This conflict may be external, between two people (for instance, a fist-fight with your brother, or a disagreement with your mother). In contrast, the conflict may be purely internal (for instance, a conflict between what you desire and your sense of morality). By the end of your essay, we should have some sense that the conflict has been dealt with somehow, if not entirely resolved.
2.) CHARACTER: A character is any person depicted on the page. We often think of characters in terms of fiction, characters “made-up” or “invented” by the author to further the story or illustrate a point. Even in fiction, however, characters are often based on real-life people. In your narrative essay, you yourself will become a character—even though you must remain true to the facts of your life, personality, etc.—just because you will be reproducing yourself on the page. As a readers, we’ll want to get a sense of who you are as a character on the page in the course of your essay. By the end of the essay, we will also want to know why/how your experience was significant. How did it change you?
To take it even further, beyond the scope of .
Major earthquakes and volcano eruptions occurred long before there w.docxBetseyCalderon89
Major earthquakes and volcano eruptions occurred long before there were humans on Earth. However, there have been many in recorded history that significantly impacted human civilization. Choose one significant, important earthquake or volcano and report on it. Be sure to cover how it affected the Earth, the damages and death tolls, the economic impact, and any permanent consequences.
Your paper should meet the following requirements:
Be 3-4 pages in length NOT INCLUDING REF OR TITLE PAGE
Cite 1-2 outside sources
APA FORMAT.
.
Major Paper #1-The Point of View Essay Deadline October 29, 2.docxBetseyCalderon89
Major Paper #1-The Point of View Essay
Deadline: October 29, 2015 at 11:59 pm
Purpose:
This paper assignment has several purposes. As the first major paper for this class, the Point of View Essay is designed to re-engage you with the fundamentals of all good writing, including using lush sensory details to show the reader a particular place (rather than tell them about it), basic organization, clear focus, etc. However, this unit does not function as a mere review. The Point of View Essay will also introduce you to the concept of "thinking and seeing rhetorically, and analyzing writing rhetorically"--using the Writer's Toolbox described in this unit to improve your writing and critical reading skills. Finally, the Point of View Essay allows you to reflect on this process.
The Assignment:
1. Pleasant/Unpleasant Description of the Place:
Choose a place you can observe for an extended period of time (at least 20-30 minutes). Use all of your senses (sight, hearing, touch, smell, even taste if possible) to experience the place, and record all of the sensations that you experience. As you record your data, you may wish to note which details naturally seem more positive, negative, or neutral, in terms of tone. (For instance, a stinky and overflowing trash barrel swarming with flies in a nearby alley might seem more inherently negative than a little white bunny rabbit hopping playfully across the lawn.) Then, you will use this information to help your write descriptions of the place: one positive, one negative. Both descriptions should be factually true (same real time and real place), but you will want one description to be positive in terms of tone and the other to be negative. In addition to including the information and sensory details you've collected as the basis for these descriptions, you will also use the Writer's Toolbox to create your two contrasting impressions for this assignment. (The Writer's Toolbox is explained in the Lecture Notes section of this unit.) As you revise and refine your descriptions, please be sure you are "showing" your readers your place (really putting the readers "there" in the moment and in this scene), rather than simply "telling" them about it. You will also want to try to eliminate unnecessary linking verbs as much as you can, incorporating verbs that show "action" whenever possible.
2. Rhetorical Analysis:
Looking back at your descriptions, analyze how you created these two very different impressions of the place (one positive, one negative) without changing any of the facts. How did you make your place seem so positive in one paragraph and yet so negative in the other paragraph, without changing the facts? Discuss how you incorporated each of the tools from the Writer's Toolbox, and cite examples of this from each of your descriptions. (This analysis should be at least 400-500 words in length.)
3. Reflection:
In one to two paragraphs, cnsider at least one of the following questions.
Maintenance and TroubleshootingDescribe the maintenance procedures.docxBetseyCalderon89
Maintenance and Troubleshooting
Describe the maintenance procedures planned for the proposed network, including a schedule of maintenance activities and the steps required for each activity.
Identify the network operations that will be monitored, the information that will be gathered, and the meaning of the information as it relates to potential system problems.
List at least 3 potential network problem scenarios, and identify the troubleshooting procedure that will be used if this scenario occurs.
.
Maintaining the Loyalty of StakeholdersTo maintain political, gove.docxBetseyCalderon89
Maintaining the Loyalty of Stakeholders
To maintain political, governmental, staff, and patient loyalty, the healthcare organization must provide a sense of organizational stability and view of the legislative landscape. In Chapters 14 and 15 we have researched and investigated the need to align both public opinion with staff trust. The political landscape is the basis for healthcare policy, guidance, state, local, and community support (both fiscal and legal) engaging in political trade-offs to stabilize the healthcare industry (such as in the cost, pharmaceuticals, insurance premiums, and organizational ROI in the healthcare industry). Healthcare organizations must provide the necessary guidance and advocacy for stakeholders in the setting of both state and federal legislature as a voice of reason, authority, and integrity. Provide information on the following:
Research a policy associated with the Affordable Care Act in your home state or another state that may affect healthcare reform and/or the way health care is provided in the chosen state.
Describe the policy and who wrote and/or promoted the policy legislature (provide statistical data).
What are the trade-offs offered to bring balance to the healthcare stakeholders?
What role have public perception and disinterestedness played in the valuation of healthcare performance?
Describe how process innovation, risk taking, health policy analysis, and governance “sense-making” provide balance for stakeholders.
Your paper
Must be 4 double-spaced pages in length (not including title and reference pages) and formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center.
Must include a separate title page with the following:
Title of paper
Student’s name
Course name and number
Instructor’s name
Date submitted
Must use at least four scholarly sources in addition to the course text.
Must document all sources in APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center.
Must include a separate reference page that is formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center.
Carefully review the
Grading Rubric
for the criteria that will be used to evaluate your assignment.
.
Macro Paper Assignment - The Eurozone Crisis - DueOct 22, 2015.docxBetseyCalderon89
Macro Paper Assignment - The Eurozone Crisis - Due
Oct 22, 2015 1:00 PM
Principles of Macroeconomics Section 602 Fall Semester 2015
Macro Paper Assignment - The Eurozone Crisis
Due Oct 22, 2015 1:00 PM
Starts Aug 19, 2015 12:59 PMEnds Oct 22, 2015 1:00 PM
The EURO (€), was introduced as the official currency of the European
Union (EU) on January 1, 1999 and launched as ‘legal’ tender January 1, 2002.
To date, it is the official currency of 18 member states (aka EUROZONE)
and pegged to other currencies used by over 210 million people worldwide.
Title:
●
What is the Eurozone Crisis?
●
What measures have been used/suggested to resolve the crisis?
●
What are the effects of the measures implemented?
Paper Requirements:
ü
Minimum of
Four
pages (top to bottom), double spaced, neatly typed.
ü
Attach an additional page for bibliography/work cited.
ü
Bibliography references should be
four or more
.
ü
Include introduction and conclusion;
NO Wikipedia
please!
ü
Submit via the
Dropbox
functionality on icollege.
ü
Submit a
hardcopy
in class on designated date.
.
Macromolecules are constructed as a result of covalent forced; howev.docxBetseyCalderon89
Macromolecules are constructed as a result of covalent forced; however, they cannot contribute to the functions of a living cell...!!!
Macromolecules are constructed as a result of covalent forced; however, they cannot contribute to the functions of a living cell without non-covalent forces.
Using a macromolecule such as a protein as an example, explain the statement above.
.
M7A1 Resolving ConflictIf viewing this through the Assignment too.docxBetseyCalderon89
M7A1: Resolving Conflict
If viewing this through the Assignment tool, click the title above to go to the Submissions area.
Resolving Conflict
The Orbe and Harris (2015) textbook identifies the Ten Commandments for Racial and Ethnic Harmony of the Baha’i faith (
p
. 265). The Martin and Nakayama (2014) textbook provides tips on building intercultural skills (
p
. 251-252). Based on the reading, Module 7 web links, or other resources, develop your own list of recommendations for preventing or resolving conflict between people of different cultures, races, ethnicities, sexual orientations,
etc
. Once you have made your recommendations, discuss how one might apply your recommendations.
Your essay is to be written using Microsoft Word or Open Office (freeware found at
Apache OpenOffice
).
Submit your paper using the assignment dropbox.
Paper requirements:
250—300 words
Double-spaced
APA
writing conventions
Your research should be documented by citing one or more credible sources such as a newspaper, a biographic article, book, or website.
.
Madison is interested in how many of the children in.docxBetseyCalderon89
Mad
i
son
i
s i
nt
erested in how many of the ch
i
ldren in her schoo
l
come
from sing
l
e-parent, intact
,
and blended families. What method of
resea
r
c
h
would she use?
correlationa
l
quasi-exper
i
mental
experimenta
l
desc
r
i
ptive
.
Main content areaBased on the readings this week with special at.docxBetseyCalderon89
Main content area
Based on the readings this week with special attention to Tobin’s (2013) article, define what is meant by organizational culture and how it is created, influenced, and changed based on globalization. Provide an example of an organization with which you are familiar (e.g., your gym, church, workplace, or a well-known organization) and describe how that organization has changed, or not changed, its organizational culture due to globalization.
.
This presentation includes basic of PCOS their pathology and treatment and also Ayurveda correlation of PCOS and Ayurvedic line of treatment mentioned in classics.
it describes the bony anatomy including the femoral head , acetabulum, labrum . also discusses the capsule , ligaments . muscle that act on the hip joint and the range of motion are outlined. factors affecting hip joint stability and weight transmission through the joint are summarized.
ISO/IEC 27001, ISO/IEC 42001, and GDPR: Best Practices for Implementation and...PECB
Denis is a dynamic and results-driven Chief Information Officer (CIO) with a distinguished career spanning information systems analysis and technical project management. With a proven track record of spearheading the design and delivery of cutting-edge Information Management solutions, he has consistently elevated business operations, streamlined reporting functions, and maximized process efficiency.
Certified as an ISO/IEC 27001: Information Security Management Systems (ISMS) Lead Implementer, Data Protection Officer, and Cyber Risks Analyst, Denis brings a heightened focus on data security, privacy, and cyber resilience to every endeavor.
His expertise extends across a diverse spectrum of reporting, database, and web development applications, underpinned by an exceptional grasp of data storage and virtualization technologies. His proficiency in application testing, database administration, and data cleansing ensures seamless execution of complex projects.
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Date: May 29, 2024
Tags: Information Security, ISO/IEC 27001, ISO/IEC 42001, Artificial Intelligence, GDPR
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A review of the growth of the Israel Genealogy Research Association Database Collection for the last 12 months. Our collection is now passed the 3 million mark and still growing. See which archives have contributed the most. See the different types of records we have, and which years have had records added. You can also see what we have for the future.
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This presentation was provided by Steph Pollock of The American Psychological Association’s Journals Program, and Damita Snow, of The American Society of Civil Engineers (ASCE), for the initial session of NISO's 2024 Training Series "DEIA in the Scholarly Landscape." Session One: 'Setting Expectations: a DEIA Primer,' was held June 6, 2024.
Exploiting Artificial Intelligence for Empowering Researchers and Faculty, In...Dr. Vinod Kumar Kanvaria
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2. order to be mentally competent for execution) and their level of
adaptive functioning, tradition-
ally evaluated on the basis of collateral information from
relatives and close associates rather
than the assessor. Denkowski’s testing and methods were held
to be a clear violation of standard
practice and ethics for psychology. Out of 14 inmates whom
Denkowski had evaluated as legally
competent for execution, two were executed; the others await
execution.
Denkowski was reputed to be the go-to psychologist in
producing the desired result for the
state (Feltz, 2010). However, he had not started out that way.
Early in his career as an evaluator, he
was dismissed by the state after finding an inmate’s IQ too low
to meet the standard of being too
mentally impaired for execution. The state then hired an expert
for the case who disagreed with
Denkowski, and the inmate was duly executed. This early
experience was apparently an object
lesson for Denkowski, who began to testify so reliably for legal
CFE that he earned a reputation
for being “Texas prosecutors’ favorite tester [with] almost Dr.
Death status” (Feltz, 2010).
The case raises two essential points in terms of psychology’s
ethical role in evaluations
for CFE. First, Denkowski was willing to falsify data for the
prosecution, purportedly, in part,
because the work was both plentiful and lucrative (Feltz, 2010).
Second, Texas actively sought
mental health experts whose evaluations would lead to
execution. The state was exposed as a
willful director in obtaining the results it wanted from CFE, and
the psychologist was exposed
3. in terms of financial motivation and perhaps a belief system
aligned with the prosecution.
Deitchman, Kennedy, and Beckham’s (1991) study of forensic
psychiatrists and psychologists
in Florida found that supporters of the death penalty were more
willing than opponents to testify
in CFE evaluations, especially if they were male, socially
conservative, and in a salaried position.
Correspondence should be addressed to Bronwen Lichtenstein,
Department of Criminal Justice, Ph.D., The University
of Alabama, Tuscaloosa, AL 35487-0320. E-mail:
[email protected]
68 THE FORUM
The authors concluded that self-selection factors determine who
is likely to participate in or avoid
conducting such evaluations.
The Denkowski case is not the only instance of unethical
professional actions in evaluat-
ing competency cases. An earlier example involves Arizona’s
nationwide search for a qualified
mental health professional who would agree to forcibly treat
mentally ill inmate Claude Maturana
so that he gained a rational understanding of his crime and why
he was being punished (Bright,
2004). The search began with a psychiatrist’s refusal to treat
Maturana’s mental illness for the
purpose of restoring him to CFE. The psychiatrist cited the
Hippocratic Oath in his refusal. After
an extensive search, the state was able to hire a medical director
from the Georgia Department of
4. Corrections for the task. Maturana was then treated for mental
illness but died during a surgical
procedure while still awaiting execution.
Although the Maturana case involves physicians rather than
psychologists (who cannot
prescribe treatments to restore mentally ill people to
competency), it raises the question of profes-
sional autonomy among mental health professionals who work
within the criminal justice system.
Psychologists who are state employees do not have the
equivalent of a Hippocratic Oath with a
“do not harm” principle to legitimize their refusals for
participating in treatment such as cogni-
tive therapy or evaluations that could lead to execution. Some
psychologists could cite the APA’s
amended Ethics Code Standard 1.02 as a reason for not
participating in therapy or evaluations
for CFE, but refusals are more difficult if the psychologist
regards participation as a professional
duty. There is also a question as to whether the APA ethics code
is as powerful as the Hippocratic
Oath in preventing injury or harm, particularly if psychologists
cannot agree on whether or not
execution is a violation of human rights. The APA has not
adopted a ban on execution; thus,
psychologists may perceive their involvement to be ethical
because they oppose the death penalty
and see their efforts as subservice to the system, because they
believe that killers should pay
the ultimate penalty, or simply because they consider neutral,
scientifically valid psychometric
testing to be prima facie ethical.
A third case concerns Texas inmate Michael W. Hall, who
received the death penalty despite
5. evidence that he was mentally impaired according to the
standard for execution. The verdict was
unsuccessfully appealed, first to the 5th Circuit Court of
Appeals and then to the U.S. Supreme
Court (Hall v. Thaler, 2010). The case is instructive for what it
reveals about expert testimony
in an adversarial legal system. Boccaccini, Turner, Murrie, and
Rufino (in press); Murrie et al.
(2009); and Rufino, Boccaccini, Hawes, and Murrie (2012)
found that adversarial allegiance
influences evaluators’ test scores in commitment proceedings
for sex offenders—an outcome
that is likely to apply to competency evaluations as well. In
Hall, both experts disagreed about
Hall’s level of mental impairment and thus competency for
execution. The defense expert, Dr.
Mark Cunningham, an experienced evaluator who had testified
335 times for the defense, found
the inmate’s IQ too low to meet the standard for CFE. The state
then accused him of bias because
he had never been retained by the prosecution in a capital case.
By contrast, the state’s expert, Dr.
J. Randall Price, who had testified 232 times for both
prosecution and defense, was considered
to be objective and his findings were thus credible. The defense
lost the appeal, and Hall was
executed on February 15, 2011.
Hall’s case reflects the professional realities of providing expert
testimony in CFE hearings in
the U.S. legal system. In view of his alleged role as a hired gun
for the defense, Cunningham’s
evaluation was deemed biased. In the three cases described
here, the court’s power to weigh
the value of forensic evaluations in support of the case for death
is indicative of its ultimate
6. THE FORUM 69
jurisdiction and judgments over legal matters. These judgme nts
are outside the APA’s ability to
influence professional ethics in forensic psychology. However,
the next logical step would be for
the APA’s code of ethics to go beyond revised language on
human rights violations to make a
clear statement about psychology’s role in evaluating inmates
for execution. A useful statement
could clarify both the foundations of the underlying
methodology and science as well as the
professional standards for evaluation. It arguably could clarify
whether evaluations are ethically
desirable or functionally necessary. Despite much debate about
psychology’s involvement after
the death penalty was reestablished in 1976, and a subsequent
call for a moratorium on death
penalty cases until procedural flaws and biases were dealt with
(APA, 2001), the APA has failed
to address the ethics of treating mentally ill inmates who are to
be brought to trial for capital
murder or evaluated for CFE. This lack of clarity is in direct
contrast to the ethical principles
of the American Medical Association (AMA), which explicitly
bans physicians from taking any
role in the execution process, including treating mentally ill
inmates with psychiatric drugs and
administering legal injections (AMA, 2012).
Let me make the case more clearly in terms of what the 2010
APA Ethics Code Standard
1.02 may mean for forensic psychologists who evaluate
7. prisoners for competency or those who
are employed in corrections. The legal system begets winners
and losers; regardless of personal
ethics or objectivity, psychologists are hired to perform
evaluations, usually for one side or the
other. The three examples cited here suggest that the legal
system is in control and that psycho-
logical evaluations are useful mainly when both sides agree or,
as happens in most cases, the
state does not hire an evaluator for this purpose (see Brodsky
1990; Kan, Boccaccini, McGorty,
Noland, & Lawson, 2009). For psychologists who are employed
in corrections, their personal
or situational allegience is likely to be to the institutions that
employ them; hence Denkowski’s
ethics violations on behalf of the prosecution, the successful
recruitment of a prison employee
from elsewhere to treat Maturana so that he could be executed,
and—because the state hired
its own expert for IQ testing—the failure of Hall’s appeal to
prevent execution. Ewing (1987)
reminded us that psychologists who refuse to treat a mentally ill
inmate could be on shaky ground
because all inmates are legally entitled to therapy and refusals
could lead to disciplinary action or
loss of employment. Forensic evaluators who are state
employees might be subjected to similar
pressures.
The APA has tightened its ethics code because psychologists
were involved in military inter-
rogations at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. What, if any, effects
will the prohibition on human rights
violations have on how psychologists are perceived in the U.S.
legal system? In the law of unin-
tended consequences, the stricter (but still undefined) code
8. could lead prosecutors and judges to
have a basis to attack forensic evaluators even more vigorously
in order to disqualify test scores
that fail to meet the intelligence or adaptive functioning
standards for competency. Perhaps this is
why the state so often forgoes hiring experts for competency
evaluations in capital cases: it is too
risky to hire ethical mental health professionals or,
alternatively, too easy to undermine evidence
from psychologists who testify for the defense. In the absence
of clear guidelines from APA
about human rights violations and how they should be defined—
and whether being involved in
the assessment of competency for execution constitutes such a
violation—psychologists’ neutral-
ity could be viewed with greater skepticism by prosecutors and
the courts. The amended APA’s
Ethics Code Standard 1.02 could be extrapolated as demeaning
any professional activities, how-
ever lawful, that might facilitate or inflict bodily harm on
defendants or convicted felons as well
as prisoners of war. Perhaps it is time for the APA to step up
and unravel the dilemmas relating to
70 THE FORUM
human rights, the public good, and ethical obligations in
therapies or evaluations that could lead
to execution.
REFERENCES
American Medical Association. (2012). AMA’s Medical Ethics
2.0. Retrieved from http://www.ama-assn.org/ama/pub/
9. physician-resources/medical-ethics/code-medical-
ethics/opinion206.page
American Psychological Association. (2001). The death penalty
in the United States. Retrieved from: http://apa.org/about/
governance/council/policy/death-penalty.aspx
American Psychological Association, Ethics Committee. (2010).
Report of the ethics committee, 2009. American
Psychologist, 65, 483–492.
Boccaccini, M. T., Turner, D., Murrie, D. C., & Rufino, K. (in
press). Do PCL-R scores from state or defense
experts best predict future misconduct among civilly committed
sexual offenders? Law and Human Behavior.
doi:10.1037/h0093949
Bright, S. B. (2004). Why the United States will join the rest of
the world in abandoning capital punishment. In Debating
the death penalty (pp. 176–182). New York, NY: Oxford
University Press.
Brodsky, S. L. (1990). Professional ethics and professional
morality in the assessment of competence for execution:
A response to Bonnie. Law and Human Behavior, 14, 91–97.
Deitchman, M. A., Kennedy, W. A., & Beckham, J. C. (1991).
Self-selection factors in the participation of mental health
professionals in competency for execution evaluations. Law and
Human Behavior, 15, 287–303.
Ewing, C. P. (1987). Diagnosing and treating “insanity” on
death row: Legal and ethical perspectives. Behavioral Sciences
& the Law, 5, 175–185.
Feltz, R. (2010, January 5). Cracked: Despite a U.S. Supreme
10. Court ban, Texas has continued to send mentally retarded
criminals to death row. Will a Mexican immigrant’s case correct
this injustice? Texas Observer. Retrieved from http://
www.texasobserver.org/cover-story/cracked/
Grissom, B. (2011, April 16). Texas psychologist punished in
death penalty cases. The Texas Tribune.
Retrieved from http://www.texastribune.org/texas-dept-
criminal-justice/death-penalty/texas-psychologist-punished-
in-death-penalty-cases/
Hall v. Thaler, 10–37 U.S. 09–70015 (2010).
Kan, L., Boccaccini, M. T., McGorty, A., Noland, R. M., &
Lawson, K. (2009). Presenting information about mental
retardation in the courtroom: A content analysis of pre-Atkins
capital trial transcripts from Texas. Law & Psychology
Review, 33, 1–28.
Murrie, D. C., Boccaccini, M. T., Turner, D. B., Meeks, M.,
Woods, C., & Tussey, C. (2009). Rater (dis)agreement on
risk assessment measures in sexually violent predator
proceedings: Evidence of adversarial allegiance in forensic
evaluation? Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 15, 19–53.
Rufino, K. A., Boccaccini, M. T., Hawes, S., & Murrie, D. C.
(2012, February 20). When experts disagreed, who was
correct? A comparison of PCL–R scores from independent raters
and opposing forensic experts. Law and Human
Behavior. Advance online publication. doi:10.1037/h0093988
Copyright of Ethics & Behavior is the property of Taylor &
Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or
11. emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the
copyright holder's express written permission.
However, users may print, download, or email articles for
individual use.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Colwright 1996 by
the American Psychological Association, Inc.
1996, Vol. 71, No. 4, 703-716 0022-3514196/$3.00
Truth and Investment: Lies Are Told to T h o s e W h o Care
Bella M. DePaulo
University o f Virginia
Kathy L. Bell
Texas Tech University
Participants discussed paintings they liked and disliked with
artists who were or were not personally
invested in them. Participants were urged to be honest or polite
or were given no special instructions.
There were no conditions under which the artists received
totally honest feedback about the paintings
they cared about. As predicted by the defensibility postulate,
participants stonewalled, amassed
misleading evidence, and conveyed positive evaluations by
implication. They also told some outright
lies. But the participants also communicated clearly their
relative degrees of liking for the different
special paintings. The results provide new answers to the
question of why beliefs about other people's
appraisals do not always correspond well with their actual
12. appraisals.
I n their formal roles as p a r e n t s and supervisors, a n d in
their
i n f o r m a l roles as colleagues and friends, people often
provide
us with evaluative feedback. T h e y c o m m e n t on o u r
work, o u r
behavior, o u r friends, a n d o u r lovers. These appraisals are
im-
p o r t a n t for m a n y reasons, including t h r e e i n t e r d e
p e n d e n t ones.
First, evaluative feedback can be o f great e m o t i o n a l
signifi-
cance. Second, it can have i n s t r u m e n t a l value; for e x a
m p l e , it
can shape p e r f o r m a n c e a n d guide i m p o r t a n t life
decisions.
T h i r d , the appraisals o f o t h e r s - - o r o u r perceptions
o f t h e m - -
can f o r m and i n f o r m o u r sense o f self(e.g., Baldwin,
1992; Fel-
son, 1992; Jussim, Soffin, Brown, Ley, & K o h l h e p p ,
1992;
M c N u l t y & Swarm, 1994; Mead, 1934). According to the
sym-
bolic interactionists, the self t h a t develops is a " l o o k i n g
glass
s e l f " (Cooley, 1902) f o r m e d b y o u r perceptions o f
others' re-
sponses t o us.
The looking glass m e t a p h o r seems to i m p l y t h a t the
question
Of the accuracy o f perceptions is n o n p r o b l e m a t i c ;
we can sim-
13. ply l o o k to others and see their opinion o f us reflected b a c
k to
us directly (Felson, 1992; Glaser & Strauss, 1964). Yet the pre -
ponderance o f evidence suggests t h a t there is considerable e
r r o r
in o u r perceptions o f how others view us (e.g., DePaulo,
Kenny,
Hoover, Webb, & Oliver, 1987; K e n n y & DePaulo, 1993). O
u r
perceptions o f others' appraisals c o r r e s p o n d imperfectly
with
Bella M. DePaulo, Department of Psychology, University of
Virginia;
Kathy L. Bell, Department of Psychology, Texas Tech
University.
This investigation was supported in part by a Research Scientist
De-
velopment Award from the Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental
Health
Administration and the National Institute of Mental Health
(NIMH)
and an R01 Award from NIMH. We thank Malaika Almarode,
Dan
Alter, Lori Cuatina, Robert Cooley, Alexandra Dahne, Irene
Dalton,
Laura Daniel, Naomi Driesen, Dave Gawrylowicz, Darby Gibbs,
Salina
Guliani, Joan Hairfield, Joe Ho, Ken Hodge, Alicia Hughes,
Melinda
Lantz, Traci Mann, Joanne Moak, Nikki Picerno, Lynne
Robinson,
Scan Robinson, Laura Rogers, Karen Swarmer, Laura Tuck,
Benita
Watson, Ken Watson, and Cheryl Witt for their help with this
14. research.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
BeUa
M. DePauio, Department of Psychology, Gilmer Hall,
University of Vir-
ginia, Charlottesville, Virginia 22903. Electronic mail may be
sent via
the Internet to [email protected]
their actual appraisals, a n d o u r self-perceptions are m o r e
closely linked to o u r perceptions o f how others view us t h a
n to
their actual views o f us (Felson, 1992 ).
W h e n we err in our perceptions o f how others view us, we
may do so because others d i d n o t c o m m u n i c a t e their
views o f
us openly and honestly, or because we m i s i n t e r p r e t e d
their ap-
praisals. T h r e e elements are i m p o r t a n t : w h a t the
evaluators
t r i e d to convey (as i n d i c a t e d b y their own r e p o r t s
) , w h a t t h e y
actually d i d convey (as indicated, for example, by t r a n s c r
i p t s o f
w h a t they s a i d ) , and how their c o m m u n i c a t i o n s
were perceived
(as i n d i c a t e d b y people's i m p r e s s i o n s ) . Studies
o f meta-accu-
r a c y typically o m i t the m i d d l e element: There is n o
precise
r e c o r d o f w h a t evaluators actually said, or the r e c o r d
is never
analyzed. In the present research we assessed all t h r e e
components.
15. A n i m p o r t a n t reason for dishonesty in evaluative c o m
m u n i -
cations may be t h a t evaluators c a r e m o r e a b o u t the e
m o t i o n a l
i m p a c t o f their feedback t h a n its i n s t r u m e n t a l
value. The feed-
b a c k t h a t supervisors can provide t o floundering
employees, for
e x a m p l e , is potentially o f i n s t r u m e n t a l value b o
t h to the em-
ployees and to the organization, yet supervisors are reluctant to
provide feedback to those employees a n d often delay doing so
(Larson, 1989). Honesty a n d openness are highly p r i z e d
char-
acteristics o f friendships, yet even friends are reluctant to
share
their unflattering appraisals o f each other (Blumbergo 1972;
Mayer, 1957). The persons directly affected by b a d news have
the greatest need to know t h a t news, yet people are m o r e
in-
d i n e d to c o m m u n i c a t e such news to uninvolved t h i r
d p a r t i e s
t h a n to the targets (Felson, 1992; Tesser & Rosen, 1975).
As an individual's personal investment in an object increases,
b o t h the i n s t r u m e n t a l and the e m o t i o n a l
significance o f evalua-
tive feedback are likely to increase as well. For example, when
an a r t student is discussing paintings with other people, the a
p -
praisals t h a t they can provide are m o r e e m o t i o n a l l y
i m p a c t f u l
and also m o r e useful when the paintings are the a r t
student's
own work t h a n when they are the creations o f other artists.
Yet
16. we t h i n k t h a t e m o t i o n a l considerations will prevail,
and evaiu-
ators will be less honest a b o u t the paintings when they are
the
a r t student's own w o r k - - p a r t i c u l a r l y when they
dislike the
work---even though it would be especially useful to the a r t
stu-
703
7 0 4 DEPAULO AND BELL
dents t o know how their work really is perceived b y other
peo-
ple. For instance, a r t students whose work is p o o r yet who
never
h e a r t h a t from others may pursue a m a j o r or even a
career to
which they a r e ill suited.
In the present research, p a r t i c i p a n t s looked over a set o
f
paintings, chose the two they liked the best and the two they
liked the least, a n d i n d i c a t e d j u s t how m u c h they
liked each o f
those four paintings. T h e y also wrote o u t w h a t they
liked and
disliked a b o u t each painting. O n l y then d i d they learn t
h a t they
would be discussing those paintings with an a r t student who
was
personally invested in one o f the liked and one o f the
disliked
17. paintings. Those conversations were v i d e o t a p e d ( a n d
later
t r a n s c r i b e d ) . After each conversation, we asked the p a
r t i c i -
p a n t s how honest a n d how c o m f o r t a b l e t h e y h a
d been and how
m u c h liking they h a d t r i e d to convey. We then showed
the vid-
eotapes to judges who i n d i c a t e d their perceptions o f the
p a r t i c -
i p a n t s ' honesty and actual liking for the paintings. We p r e
d i c t e d
t h a t the p a r t i c i p a n t s would be m o r e dishonest and
m o r e un-
comfortable, and would exaggerate their liking more, when they
were discussing the paintings t h a t were special to the a r t
stu-
d e n t - e s p e c i a l l y when they disliked those paintings.
G o f f m a n (1967, 1971 ) p r o v i d e d a perspective for
under-
standing people's reluctance to say exactly w h a t they feel. He
argued t h a t in o r d e r for everyday social life to p r o c e e
d smoothly,
it is i m p o r t a n t for people to give deference to the "faces"
(identities) t h a t others seem to be claiming. As politeness
the-
o r y has d o c u m e n t e d (P. Brown & Levinson, 1987; R.
Brown &
G i l m a n , 1989; Holtgraves, 1992), people understand this
and
act accordingly. N o one needs to tell us to be polite when dis -
cussing an ugly p a i n t i n g with the artist who created it.
Dis-
agreements and criticisms are face-threatening and will be c o m
-
18. m u n i c a t e d only very politely, i f at a l l - - b u t even
positive c o m -
munications, P. Brown a n d Levinson argued, can be face-
t h r e a t e n i n g (e.g.,. c o m p l i m e n t s t h a t cause e m
b a r r a s s m e n t ) .
Telling people explicitly to be polite and to t r y to avoid hurt-
ing another person's feelings, then, should result in c o m m u n
i -
cations t h a t are n o different t h a n i f no instructions h a d
been
given. In b o t h instances, people will dishonestly convey
overly
positive appraisals. To b r e a k down the s t u r d y b a r r i e r
s to the
c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f negative evaluations, it may be i m
p o r t a n t to
underscore explicitly the i m p o r t a n c e o f honesty. I n the
present
research, we explicitly i n s t r u c t e d some o f o u r p a r t i
c i p a n t s to be
honest a b o u t their appraisals. O n l y f r o m such honest
evalua-
tions, we said, c o u l d the a r t students really l e a r n a b o
u t other
people's perceptions o f art. We p r e d i c t e d t h a t these
instructions
would d a m p e n p a r t i c i p a n t s ' exaggerations, relative
to condi-
tions in which p a r t i c i p a n t s were i n s t r u c t e d to be
polite o r were
given n o special instructions, b u t we were unsure as to
whether
they would elicit evaluations t h a t were totally honest.
T h e situation we created was a very difficult one for the par -
19. ticipants, especially when t h e y were discussing paintings
they
disliked with the a r t student who p a i n t e d them. Bavelas
and her
colleagues (Bavelas, Black, Chovil, & Mullett, 1990) character-
ized this situation as the m o s t c o m m o n sort o f " c o m m
u n i c a t i v e
a v o i d a n c e - a v o i d a n c e conflict: [ Participants h a d ]
a choice be-
tween saying something false b u t k i n d and something t r u
e b u t
h u r t f u l " (p. 5 8 ) . O n the basis o f m o r e t h a n a
dozen experi-
ments, Bavelas et al. concluded that, in these situations, people
equivocate. T h e y avoid answering the question t h a t is
asked,
they avoid describing their own opinion, they are unclear in the
answers they do give, and they sometimes even avoid
addressing
the person who posed the question. Bavelas et al.'s research,
then, tells us what people do not say in a v o i d - a v o i d
situations
( o r at least in role-play versions o f t h e m ) , b u t it stops
short o f
telling us w h a t they do say. Even their conclusions a b o u t
w h a t
people d o n o t say are based n o t on content analyses o f
the c o m -
m u n i c a t i o n s b u t on judges' global impressions.
We agree with Bavelas et al. (1990) t h a t people prefer to
avoid
telling either o u t r i g h t lies o r hurtful truths. Therefore, we
pre-
dict, as they did, t h a t the rate o f telling outright lies will be
20. low.
However, we t h i n k t h a t the rate o f lying, though low,
will still be
responsive to o u r experimental manipulations. Specifically,
we
predict t h a t p a r t i c i p a n t s will be m o s t likely to lie
when discuss-
ing paintings they dislike with a r t students who are personally
invested in t h e m - - e s p e c i a l l y i f the participants had
been in-
structed to be polite.
In the difficult situation we created, we t h i n k that p a r t i c i
-
p a n t s have two goals: T h e y want to mislead the a r t
student
a b o u t how they feel, b u t they also want to be able to deny
that
they lied. T h e i r c o m m u n i c a t i o n s will be governed
by w h a t we
will call the defensibility postulate, t h a t is, p a r t i c i p a n t
s ' inclina-
tion to exaggerate their liking for the paintings and to convey
dishonest appraisals o f t h e m will be t e m p e r e d by
considerations
o f defensibility (see also Schlenker, 1980). Participants will
craft c o m m u n i c a t i o n s which, i f challenged, can be
defended as
either truthful or at least n o t clearly deceptive. In the context
o f
this experiment, we t h i n k t h a t one way they can do this is
to
amass misleading evidence. As the a r t student continues to
p r o b e t h e m a b o u t their opinions o f the paintings,
they can men-
tion m o r e and m o r e o f the things t h a t they really do
21. like a b o u t
the paintings, while being a bit m o r e restrained in
enumerating
the aspects o f the paintings t h a t they really do dislike. The
result
is a c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h a t is likely to succeed in
conveying a mis-
leadingly positive i m p r e s s i o n yet can still be defended as
t r u t h -
f u l - - a f t e r all, all o f the positive aspects m e n t i o n e d
were ones
t h a t the p a r t i c i p a n t s really d i d like a b o u t the
paintings. N o t
mentioning all o f the disliked aspects, they might argue, is n o
t
d i s h o n e s t - - t h e y j u s t d i d n o t m e n t i o n them.
We t h i n k t h a t the participants will also come u p with
entirely
new aspects o f the paintings t h a t they will c l a i m to l i k
e - - a s p e c t s
t h a t they h a d n o t written down when we first asked t h e
m to
describe what they liked and disliked a b o u t the paintings.
Per-
haps they will tell themselves t h a t they j u s t noticed these
new
virtues o f the p a i n t i n g d u r i n g the conversation with
the a r t stu-
dent. Defensibility is especially likely to r e m a i n intact i f
they
also notice some new aspects o f the p a i n t i n g that they
dislike.
Again, though, the newly discovered disliked aspects will be far
o u t n u m b e r e d by the new liked aspects.
22. The prediction made by Bavelas et al. (1990) that people will
avoid stating their own opinion is consistent with the
defensibility
postulate and was directly tested by the coding o f participants'
explicit expressions o f liking or disliking for the paintings. W
h e n
participants are discussing a painting they dislike, especially
one
that is special to the a r t student, they might s t o n e w a l l - -
t h a t is,
avoid making any explicit evaluations at all. They might also
mention fewer aspects o f the paintings that they like or
dislike.
LYING AND CARING 7 0 5
T h e r e is a n o t h e r very clever way t h a t p a r t i c i p a
n t s c a n defen-
sibly i m p l y m o r e l i k i n g t h a n t h e y really do feel
for t h e p a i n t i n g s ,
a n d t h a t is b y m a n i p u l a t i n g w h a t t h e y say a
b o u t t h e p a i n t i n g s
i n w h i c h t h e a r t s t u d e n t s a r e not p e r s o n a l l
y invested. T h a t is, a t
t h e s a m e t i m e t h a t p a r t i c i p a n t s t r y t o
avoid saying explicitly
t h a t t h e y dislike t h e a r t s t u d e n t ' s o w n p a i n t
i n g s t h a t t h e y detest,
t h e y c a n b e far less r e t i c e n t i n v o i c i n g t h e i r
distaste for the p a i n t -
ings c r e a t e d b y o t h e r a r t students. T h e strategy is
o n e o f social
c o m p a r i s o n b y i m p l i c a t i o n . I n c o m p a r i s o
n to t h e negative a p -
23. praisals t h a t were explicitly stated a b o u t t h e o t h e r a
r t i s t s ' work,
t h e w i t h h o l d i n g o f a n y explicit a p p r a i s a l s o
f t h e a r t s t u d e n t ' s
o w n w o r k will s e e m r a t h e r positive. T h o s e c o m
m u n i c a t i o n s a r e
also defensibly positive: I f pressed, t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s
c a n c l a i m
t h a t t h e y d i d not say t h a t t h e y liked t h e a r t s t
u d e n t ' s o w n work;
t h e y s i m p l y said t h a t t h e y d i d n o t like t h e o t
h e r artists' work.
W h e n we showed t h e v i d e o t a p e s o f t h e c o n v e r
s a t i o n s to t h e
judges, we gave t h e m t h e s a m e i n f o r m a t i o n t h a
t t h e artists
w o u l d b e likely to have i n t h e c o m p a r a b l e real
life situations.
T h a t is, the j u d g e s k n e w w h e t h e r t h e p a i n t i
n g s were special to
t h e artists, b u t t h e y d i d n o t k n o w w h a t t h e p a
r t i c i p a n t s really
d i d t h i n k o f t h e p a i n t i n g s . T h e y also d i d n o
t k n o w t h e partici-
p a n t s ' i n t e n t i o n s - - t h a t is, w h e t h e r t h e y
were m a k i n g a n y spe-
cial effort to b e h o n e s t o r polite.
W e p r e d i c t e d t h a t t h e j u d g e s w o u l d r e p o r
t s o m e o f t h e s a m e
t h i n g s t h a t t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s w o u l d say t h e
m s e l v e s - - t h a t t h e p a r -
t i c i p a n t s were less h o n e s t a n d less c o m f o r t a b l
e , a n d exaggerated
m o r e , w h e n discussing the p a i n t i n g s i n w h i c h
24. the artists were
m o r e i n v e s t e d (cf. D e P a u l o & K i r k e n d o l ,
1989; D e P a u l o , La-
nier, & Davis, 1983; D e P a u l o , Stone, & Lassiter, 1 9 8 5 b
) . I f t h a t
were all t h a t t h e j u d g e s n o t i c e d , t h e n those
results m i g h t s i m p l y
reflect j u d g e s ' t h e o r i e s a b o u t how people c o m m
u n i c a t e to peo-
ple w h o care, r a t h e r t h a n a n y real d i s c e r n m e n t
. However, b e -
cause t h e j u d g e s d i d n o t k n o w w h e t h e r the p a
r t i c i p a n t s liked or
disliked a p a i n t i n g , i f t h e y also t h o u g h t t h a t t
h e p a r t i c i p a n t s
s e e m e d especially less h o n e s t w h e n d i s c u s s i n g
t h e special p a i n t -
ings w h e n t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s disliked t h o s e p a i n
t i n g s , t h e n t h e y
w o u l d b e showing s o m e i n s i g h t i n t o p a r t i c i p
a n t s ' t r u e feelings.
It is i m p o r t a n t to n o t e t h a t we asked t h e j u d g e s
directly j u s t
how m u c h t h e y t h o u g h t t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s
really d i d like each o f
t h e p a i n t i n g s . I f t h e y d i s c o u n t e d t h e p a r t
i c i p a n t s ' expressions
o f l i k i n g t o o m u c h i n t h e special c o n d i t i o n s
( b e c a u s e t h e y k n e w
t h a t t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s were t a l k i n g t o artists w
h o were p e r s o n a l l y
i n v e s t e d i n t h e p a i n t i n g s ) , t h e y w o u l d b e
w r o n g a b o u t t h e par-
t i c i p a n t s ' a c t u a l feelings (cf. G i l b e r t & M a l o n
e , 1995; S n y d e r &
25. F r a n k e l , 1976). I f i n s t e a d t h e y were t o o i n c l i
n e d to take w h a t
the p a r t i c i p a n t s said at face v a l u e (e.g., D e P a u l o
, 1992, 1994;
D e P a u l o , Stone, & Lassiter, 1985a; G i l b e r t & M a l o
n e , 1995;
J o n e s , 1 9 9 0 ) , t h e y w o u l d a g a i n b e wrong, b u
t i n a different di-
rection. T h a t is w h a t we predicted. Because we expected t
h e
p a r t i c i p a n t s ' verbal strategies to b e effective i n c r e
a t i n g m i s l e a d -
ingly positive i m p r e s s i o n s , we expected t h e j u d g e s
to believe
t h a t t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s really d i d like t h e special
p a i n t i n g s m o r e
t h a n t h e n o t - s p e c i a l ones.
M e t h o d
P a r t i c i p a n t s a n d A r t S t u d e n t s
Participants were 47 male and 47 female introductory
psychology
students who participated for partial fulfillment of a course
requirement
in an experiment that was ostensibly about psychology and art.
Five
other participants were excluded: 2 men and 1 woman who
surmised
the purpose of the experiment, 1 man whose speech could not be
un-
derstood, and t woman who completed the forms improperly.
Partici-
pants were randomly assigned to the six between-subjects cells
26. formed
by the crossing of the two degrees of investment (paintings
were de-
scribed as the art student's favorites or her own) with the three
kinds of
instructions (honest, no instructions, polite). There were 7 or 8
men
and 7 or 8 women in each of the cells.
Three women alternated in the role of the art student, and 3
women
and 2 men served a~ experimenters. Preliminary analyses in
which art
students and experimenters were included as a factor in the
design
showed fewer significant effects involving the factor than
would be ex-
pected by chance.
P r o c e d u r e
Participants were r u n individually and were told that the
experiment
was designed to help art students learn more about how art is
perceived
by people who are not experts. Participants were then left alone
in a
room to choose the 2 paintings they liked the most and the 2
they liked
the least from 19 paintings that were displayed. (The paintings
had been
painted by undergraduates in an introductory painting course.)
Partic-
ipants rated each of these 4 paintings on 9-point scales of
liking, with
higher numbers indicating greater liking. The experimenter then
27. re-
turned and gave the participant a second questionnaire on which
the
participant was asked to describe briefly, in an open-ended
format, what
he or she liked and disliked about each of the4 paintings.
The experimenter then told the participant that he or she would
now
discuss the four paintings with the art student. The experimenter
men-
tioned that the art student may have actually painted some of
the paint-
ings herself, and she would tell the participant if she had. The
experi-
menter also informed the participant that the art student would
not
know that the four paintings were ones that the participant
selected and
that she would not ever see the participant's ratings of liking for
the
paintings or the brief descriptions of what the participant liked
and dis-
liked aboui the paintings.
The art student always claimed that one of the participant's two
most
favorite paintings (randomly selected ) and one of the
participant's least
favorite paintings (also randomly selected) were special to her
in some
way. The two types of specialness, or degrees of investment,
were ran-
domly assigned. In the moderate investment condition, the art
student
claimed that the painting was one of her favorites ("This is one
28. of my
favorites" ); in the high investment condition, she claimed that
the paint-
ing was one of her own ("This is one that I d i d " ) . She
introduced this
information just before asking the participant what he or she
thought of
the painting.
Participants were randomly assigned to one of three
instructional
conditions. One third of them were instructed to be honest when
dis-
cussing the paintings with the art student. Specifically, they
were told:
If it turns out that the art student did paint some of these
paintings,
you should still be very honest in describing your own opinions
about those paintings. Tell her truthfully what you liked and
what
you disliked about each painting you discuss, even if the
paintings
are ones she painted herself. This is supposed to be a learning
ex-
perience for the students. For them to really learn about
people's
perceptions of art, they have to hear unbiased descriptions of
those
perceptions. They need to know what you really did like and
really
did dislike about each painting you discuss.
Some of the art students like to mention which ones they really
liked of the ones that are NOT theirs. Again, be sure to be
honest
29. about your own opinions oftbe paintings. Tell her what you
really
7 0 6 DEPAULO A N D BELL
t h i n k o f the painting, regardless o f what her opinions
might be.
They will learn more i f they hear your t r u e opinions.
A n o t h e r t h i r d o f the participants were instructed to be
polite to the
a r t student and to try not to h u r t her feelings. Specifically,
they were
told:
I f it turns o u t t h a t the student did paint some o f these
paintings, try
to convince her t h a t you really did like the ones she painted
so t h a t
her feelings won't be hurt. It is O K to mention things you
dislike
about her paintings when she asks, b u t j u s t try to convey
the im-
pression t h a t overall, you like the ones she did. This study is
sup-
posed to be a learning experience for the participants, but we d
o n ' t
want any of t h e m to end up feding badly because of it.
Some o f the art students like to mention which ones they liked
o f
the ones t h a t are NOTtheirs. Again, it is O K if you d o n ' t
agree with
h e r - - y o u can say that, but j u s t try to be real nice about
30. it.
In the no-instructions condition, participants were not given any
par-
ticular instructions about what to do.
After determining t h a t the participant understood the
instructions,
the experimenter left the room, t u r n e d on a hidden video
recorder, then
returned with the art student. After introducing the participant
to the
a r t student, the experimenter left the room.
The art student, who was unaware of the participant's
instructional
condition ( b u t did know which paintings the participants
liked and
disliked), then proceeded to interview the participant a b o u t
each of
the four paintings, in counterbalanced order. She asked the
following
questions about each painting, giving the participant ample time
to an-
swer each question before moving on to the next: " W h a t do
you t h i n k
o f it? W h a t are some o f the specific things you like about
it? (Anything
else?) W h a t are some o f the specific things you dislike
about it?
(Anything else?)" Participants were instructed by the
experimenter n o t
to ask the art student about her opinions. The art students were
trained
to deflect any such questions.
31. After the discussion o f each painting, the a r t student left the
room
while the participant completed a questionnaire about the
discussion.
O n 9-point scales, participants indicated how m u c h liking
they tried to
convey to the art student, how honest and straightforward they
had
been, and how comfortable they felt while discussing what they
liked
a n d disliked a b o u t the painting. Participants were
debriefed, and all o f
t h e m signed a consent form allowing us to use their
videotapes.
J u d g e s a n d V i d e o t a p e s
Seven male a n d 14 female undergraduates were recruited to
rate vid-
eotapes (with sound) o f the discussions o f the paintings. The
tapes were
rated by j u s t one judge at a time. N o t all o f the judges
rated all o f the
tapes; on the average, each tape was rated by 6 men (the range
was 5 - 7 )
and 12 women ( 1 1 - 1 4 ) .
The discussions o f the paintings were edited onto 17
videotapes o f
about 1 hr each. A nearly equal n u m b e r o f participants
from each con-
dition appeared on each tape. After each discussion o f each
painting,
there was a 10-s rating pause. During the pause, judges rated the
partic-
ipant on 9-point scales o f honesty, actual liking for the
32. painting, degree
of liking that the participant was trying to convey to the art
student,
a n d comfort, with higher numbers indicating more of each
attribute.
Reliabilities (alphas) were .78 for honesty, .94 for actual and
conveyed
liking, and .71 for comfort.
T r a n s c r i p t s a n d C o d e r s
Exact typed transcripts were made o f all o f the discussions o
f all o f
the paintings. Three undergraduates coded the transcripts. One
coded
the conversations o f h a l f o f the participants in each
condition ( 188
conversations), and a second coded the other half. We used
these cod-
ings in the analyses. The third person coded 48 o f the
conversations
coded by the first person and 44 o f the conversations coded by
the sec-
ond person. The conversations in each set included
approximately equal
numbers from each condition. The codings o f the third person
were
compared with those o f the first two to assess reliability.
Verbal S t r a t e g i e s
Each coder coded three verbal strategies separately for each
discus-
sion o f each painting.
33. 1. Explicit evaluations o f liking and disliking. Coders
indicated
whether the participants explicitly said t h a t they liked the
paintings and
whether they explicitly said that they disliked them.
2. Total number o f liked and disliked aspects that were
mentioned.
Coders counted the total n u m b e r of different aspects o f the
paintings
t h a t participants said t h a t they liked and the total n u m b e
r they said
they disliked. For example, i f participants said they liked the
color, the
shading, and the originality, they would get a score o f 3 for
total n u m b e r
of liked aspects.
3. Number o f new liked and disliked aspects that were
mentioned.
Coders counted the n u m b e r of aspects of the paintings t h a
t participants
said they liked and disliked t h a t were different from the
aspects t h a t the
participants had described in writing before they knew they
would be
meeting an art student. To code this variable, coders first
identified each
o f the liked and disliked aspects that participants described in
writing,
then they identified the liked and disliked aspects from the
transcripts
of the discussions, then they compared the two sets.
R e l i a b i l i t i e s
34. There were two intraclass correlations for each variable: One
was the
correlation between the first coder and the third, and the other
was be-
tween the second coder and the third. For explicit evaluations of
liking
the reliabilities were .96 and .96; for explicit evaluations o f
disliking
they were .85 and 1.00; for total n u m b e r of liked aspects,
.88 and .92;
for total n u m b e r o f disliked aspects, .88 a n d . 8 0 ; for
new liked aspects,
.75 and .80; and for new disliked aspects, .71 and .59.
R e s u l t s
M a n i p u l a t i o n C h e c k s
O n a m a n i p u l a t i o n c h e c k q u e s t i o n n a i r e ,
all p a r t i c i p a n t s i n
t h e h o n e s t c o n d i t i o n i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h e i r
g o a l was t o b e h o n e s t
a b o u t t h e i r feelings a b o u t t h e p a i n t i n g s . All
p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h e
p o l i t e c o n d i t i o n i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h e i r g o a
l was t o t r y t o b e n i c e
a n d a v o i d h u r t i n g t h e a r t s t u d e n t ' s feelings.
W h e n q u e s t i o n e d
a b o u t t h e i r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e i n s t r u c t
i o n s j u s t b e f o r e b e g i n -
n i n g t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e p a i n t i n g s , all p
a r t i c i p a n t s c o r r e c t l y
r e p o r t e d t h a t t h e a r t s t u d e n t m a y h a v e p a
i n t e d s o m e o f t h e
p a i n t i n g s ( o r t h a t s o m e w e r e t h e a r t s t u d
e n t ' s f a v o r i t e s ) a n d t h a t
35. t h e y w o u l d n o t k n o w w h e t h e r t h e a r t s t u d
e n t h a d p a i n t e d a n y
o f t h e p a i n t i n g s u n t i l t h e y m e t her. N i n e t y
- t w o o f t h e 9 4 p a r t i c -
i p a n t s c o r r e c t l y i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h e y w o u l
d b e d i s c u s s i n g t h e f o u r
p a i n t i n g s t h e y h a d s e l e c t e d . ( B e c a u s e t h
e 2 p a r t i c i p a n t s w h o
i n i t i a l l y v o l u n t e e r e d t h e w r o n g a n s w e r c
o r r e c t e d i t a f t e r f u r t h e r
p r o b i n g , a n d b e c a u s e all o f t h e i r o t h e r m a
n i p u l a t i o n c h e c k d a t a
w e r e c o r r e c t , t h e i r d a t a w e r e r e t a i n e d i n
t h e a n a l y s e s . ) All o f t h e
p a r t i c i p a n t s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t t h e a r t s t u d
e n t s w o u l d b e l i e v e t h a t
t h e p a i n t i n g s p i c k e d f o r d i s c u s s i o n w e r e
s e l e c t e d a t r a n d o m b y
LYING AND CARING
Table I
Effects o f Participants" Liking for the Paintings and Artists '
Investment on Participants" and Judges" Ratings
7 0 7
Type of painting
Disliked Liked Fs (1, 82)
Not Not Artists' Participants'
Ratings special Special Difference special Special Difference
36. investment liking Interaction
Participants
Comfort 6.47 5 . 0 5 1.42"*** 6.88 6.61 0.27 60.19"***
58.69**** 19.52"***
Honesty 7.66 6.38 1.28"*** 7.99 7.98 0.01 48.50****
67.68**** 47.07****
Actual liking 2.30 2.34 0.04 7.35 7.35 0.00 0.03 1392.96****
0.04
Conveyed liking 3.18 3.96 0.78** 6.44 6.79 0.35 26.89****
176.90"*** 2.90*
Exaggeration 0.88 1 . 6 2 0.74*** -0.91 -0.56 0.35 19.94"***
74.85**** 1.64
Judges
Comfort 5.85 5.75 0.10"* 6.08 6.06 0.02 4.62** 73.70****
3.00*
Honesty 6.56 6.22 0.34**** 6.51 6.37 0.14"* 46.94**** 1.17
6.65***
Actual liking 3.67 3.84 0.17* 5.91 5.98 0.07 4.85** 766.96****
1.11
Conveyed liking 4.14 4.65 0.51"*** 6.41 6.70 0.29***
45.19**** 670.52**** 4.24**
Exaggeration 0.47 0 . 8 1 0.34**** 0.50 0.72 0.22****
84.72**** 1.02 3.40*
Note. The special paintings were the ones in which the artists
were invested. Difference is not special minus special for
comfort and honesty, and
special minus not special for actual liking, conveyed liking, and
exaggeration. MSEs for artists' investment were, from top to
bottom, 2.22, 1.60,
0.82, 2.27, 1.42, 0.26, 0.23, 0.60, 0.66, and 0.08. For
participants' liking they were 3.11, 2.59, 1.70, 9.82, 4.93, 0.37,
0.41, 1.18, 1.30, and 0.12. For
the interaction they were 3.14, 1.59, 0.77, 2.82, 2.07, 0.24,
37. 0.28, 0.47, 0.54, and 0.09.
* p < . 1 0 . * * p < . 0 5 . ***p<.01. ****p<.001.
the experimenter. All p a r t i c i p a n t s also u n d e r s t o o d
t h a t the
a r t student would n o t see w h a t t h e y h a d written a b o
u t the
paintings.
Analyses o f p a r t i c i p a n t s ' initial ratings o f their
liking for the
paintings i n d i c a t e d t h a t they liked their two favorite
paintings
far m o r e t h a n their two least favorite ones ( M s -- 7.35 a
n d
2.32). Because the paintings t h a t were described as special to
the a r t student were r a n d o m l y assigned, p a r t i c i p a n
t s should n o t
have liked t h e m any better t h a n the ones t h a t were n o t
special,
and in fact they d i d n o t ( M s = 4.82 a n d 4.84; see Table
1 for
significance tests).
D e s i g n a n d M e a s u r e s
D a t a were analyzed with a mixed-design analysis o f
variance
( A N O V A ) . The between-subjects factors were the
instructional
m a n i p u l a t i o n ( p a r t i c i p a n t s were t o l d t o be
honest o r polite o r
t h e y were given no i n s t r u c t i o n s ) and m i s t s '
degree o f invest-
m e n t in the special paintings (those paintings were described
as
38. either the artists' f a v o r i t e s - - t h e m o d e r a t e i n v e s
t m e n t condi-
tion, o r as their own w o r k - - t h e high investment c o n d i
t i o n ) .
T h e within-subjects factors were the artists' i n v e s t m e n t
in the
paintings ( t h e y were invested in the special paintings and n
o t
invested in the not-special ones) a n d the p a r t i c i p a n t s '
liking for
the paintings (disliking or liking), i
P a r t i c i p a n t s ' reports o f how honest a n d
straightforward they
h a d been in their discussions were highly correlated, r ( 9 2 )
=
.86, p < .001, and so they were averaged to f o r m a single m e
a -
sure o f honesty. T h e m e a s u r e o f p a r t i c i p a n t s '
actual liking for
the paintings was their ratings o f their liking for each o f the
paintings before they knew t h a t they would be meeting an a r
t
student. T h e i r reports o f how m u c h liking they h a d
tried to con-
vey to the a r t student were collected after the discussions. We
assessed the degree to which the p a r t i c i p a n t s h a d
exaggerated
their liking b y subtracting p a r t i c i p a n t s ' actual liking
for each
p a i n t i n g from the degree o f liking t h a t they t r i e d to
convey. The
other dependent m e a s u r e was p a r t i c i p a n t s ' ratings
o f their com-
fort d u r i n g each o f the discussions. Similarly, for the
39. analyses o f
the judges' impressions, d e p e n d e n t m e a s u r e s were
judges' per-
ceptions o f the p a r t i c i p a n t s ' honesty, comfort, actual
liking for
the paintings, a n d degree o f liking t h a t they seemed to be
t r y i n g
t o convey. We c o m p u t e d exaggeration scores b y
subtracting per-
ceptions o f actual liking f r o m perceptions o f conveyed
liking.
I Sex of participant also was included as a factor in the design,
but the
results of that factor are not of central relevance to the theme of
the
present report and therefore are not included. They are currently
avail-
able from BcUa M. DcPaulo and will be reported in a
subsequent article
that will include several studies in addition to the data from this
re-
search (Witt, Bell, & DcPaulo, 1996). The significant effects for
partic-
ipant sex that did occur in the present research generally
indicated that
the overall effects were characteristic of both the men and the
women,
but they were even more characteristic of the women. For
example, the
judges believed that both the men and the women were trying to
convey
more liking for the special paintings than for the not-special
ones, but
they saw a bigger difference for the women than for the men.
The degree-
40. of-investment factor was included to test whether our
predictions for
investment would be qualified by degree of investment.
Although those
results will not be presented, significant interactions did occur
for par-
ticipants' self-reports and judges' impressions. In all instances,
the in-
teractions indicated that the effects of investment were even
stronger
when the art students were highly invested in the paintings (the
paint-
ings were their own work) than when they were moderately
invested in
them (the paintings wcrc their favorites). Complete results are
available
from Bclla M. DcPaulo.
7 0 8 DEPAULO AND BELL
Participants" Self-Reports a n d Judges" I m p r e s s i o n s
Paintings that were liked and disliked, special and not special
As we predicted, the m a i n effect of investment was
significant
for all relevant dependent measures (see Table 1 for statistical
tests a n d significance levels). W h e n the paintings were
special
to the a r t students (second and fifth c o l u m n s of Table 1 ),
com-
pared to when they were n o t (first a n d fourth c o l u m n s )
, the
participants reported being more uncomfortable a n d more dis-
honest. They also tried to convey more liking, a n d they
41. exagger-
ated their liking more. Similarly, all m a i n effects of liking
for
the painting were significant. Participants said they were less
comfortable and less honest when discussing the paintings they
disliked than the ones they liked. They tried to convey more
liking for the paintings they liked, b u t they exaggerated their
liking more for the paintings they disliked (i.e., they tried to
convey more liking t h a n they really did feel). In fact,
according
to their self-reports, participants actually understated their
liking for the liked paintings. Also as predicted, the effects of
the artists' investment on participants' honesty a n d comfort
depended significantly on whether the participants liked the
paintings. Participants were significantly less honest and less
comfortable when discussing the special paintings than the not-
special ones only when they disliked the paintings.
The judges also thought that the participants were more u n -
comfortable and dishonest when discussing the special paint-
ings than the not-special ones a n d that they tried to convey
more liking, and more exaggerated liking, for the special paint-
ings. The differences in honesty and conveyed liking that they
noted were even more striking when the participants disliked
the paintings t h a n when they liked them.
There was a significant m a i n effect of investment, b u t n o
sig-
nificant interaction with liking for the painting, on judges' im-
pressions of participants' actual liking for the paintings. Partic -
ipants liked the special paintings almost exactly the same as the
not-special ones. The judges did n o t know this, and from
watch-
ing the tapes, their impression was that the participants really
did like the special paintings even more than the not-special
ones. 2
42. There was one other way in which the judges' impressions
departed from the participants' self-reports. The participants
said they exaggerated their liking for the disliked paintings b u t
understated their liking for the liked paintings. The judges
thought that the participants were always exaggerating their lik-
ing (especially so for the special paintings). Tests of whether
the exaggeration (or understatement) scores differed from zero
were significant for all four paintings for the participants' self-
reports (all p s < .05 or smaller) and the judges' impressions
(all
p s < .001 ).
Finally, although the judges were n o t told whether the partic-
ipants liked the paintings, their impressions of the discussions
o f the liked and disliked paintings were accurate. They thought
the participants really did like the liked paintings more, and
were trying to convey more liking for them, and that they felt
less comfortable discussing the disliked paintings.
Honesty and politeness. Did the participants who were in-
structed to be honest or to be polite behave and feel differently
than those who were left to their own devices? Significant m a i
n
effects of the instructional m a n i p u l a t i o n for the
measures of
honesty, F ( 2 , 82 ) = 8.42, p < .001, M S E = 6.92, and
exaggera-
tion, F ( 2 , 82) = 4.66, p = .01, M S E = 4.89, indicated that
they did. The means for self-reported honesty in the honest, no-
instructions, and polite conditions, were 7.71, 7.85, and 6.95,
respectively. The difference between the honest and the no-in-
structions conditions was n o t significant. The difference be-
tween the no-instructions and the polite conditions was signifi-
cant, F ( 1, 82) = 14.31, p < .001. In their reports of their own
43. honesty, then, participants given n o special instructions were
more similar to the participants instructed to be honest than to
those who were urged to be polite. The judges' impressions of
the participants' honesty showed the same thing, F ( 2 , 82) =
3.03,p = .05, M S E = 0.85. The judges thought that the partici -
pants were no less honest in the no-instructions condition ( M =
6.49) than in the honest condition ( M = 6.46, F < 1 ), b u t
they
thought the participants were significantly less honest in the po-
lite condition ( M = 6.30) than in the no-instructions condition,
F ( I , 82) = 5.33,p = .02.
However, in the degree to which they reported exaggerating
their liking for the paintings, participants in the no-instructions
condition were more similar to participants who were told to be
polite. (The u n i n s t r u c t e d participants did not differ
signifi-
cantly from the polite participants [ F < 1], but they did differ
significantly from the honest participants, F [ 1, 82 ] = 4.30, p
=
.04.) In fact, participants in both the no-instructions and the
polite conditions said that they tried to convey more liking than
they really did feel (Ms = 0.37 and 0.61 for the no-instructions
and polite conditions, respectively), b u t participants in the
2 We thought that if our judges had instead been completely
unaware
of the most important constraint in the present research--when
the
participants were and were not talking to artists who cared--they
might
have been even more taken by participants' expressions of
liking. To test
this, we prepared exact typed transcripts of the four
conversations of 8
of the participants in the no-instructions and polite conditions
44. who were
talking to the artists about paintings that were or were not the
artists'
own. We recruited 65 raters (32 men and 33 women) to report
their
impressions of how much the participants really did like the
paintings
in each conversation, on the same 9-point scale used by our
judges.
Approximately half of the raters (n = 33 ) rated the
conversations with
the same information that our judges had--that is, they knew
when the
artists claimed that the paintings were their own. For the other
raters
(randomly assigned), that critical information was removed
from the
transcripts. The key interaction between whether the paintings
were or
were not special, and whether the judges knew that they were
special,
was significant, F( 1, 61 ) = 33.54, p < .001, MSE = 0.94. When
the
paintings were not special, raters perceived almost exactly the
same
amount of liking when they knew that they were not special (M
= 4.75 )
as when they did not know that (M = 4.79). However, when the
paint-
ings were special and the raters knew that they were, they
thought that
the participants liked those paintings much less (M = 4.66) than
when
they did not have that information (M = 5.40). That is, raters
dis-
counted some of the liking that participants expressed when
45. they knew
that the participants were talking to an artist who cared. The
implica-
tion for understanding the ratings made by our judges, who did
know
when the paintings were special, is that they may have
(inaccurately)
perceived even greater differences in liking between the special
and not-
special paintings if they had not had that crucial information.
LYING AND CARING
Table 2
Effects oflnstructions and Artists" Investment on Participants"
and Judges'Ratings
7 0 9
Instructions
Honest No instructions Polite
N o t Not Not
Ratings Fs(1, 82) special Special Difference special Special
Difference special Special Difference
Participants
Honesty 7.42**** 7.86 7.56 0.30 8.09 7.59 0.50** 7.52 6.39
1.13"***
Conveyed liking 6.44*** 4.73 4.97 0.24 5.07 5.42 0.35 4.62
5.73 1. l l****
Exaggeration 8.58**** - 0 . 2 5 - 0 . 1 7 0.08 0.21 0.53
0.32*** - 0 . 0 2 1.23 1.25"***
46. Judges
Actual liking 2.96* 4.86 4.84 - 0 . 0 2 4.77 4.86 0.09 4.73 5.04
0.3 l***
Conveyed liking 6.30*** 5.36 5.50 0.14 5.23 5.64 0.41"***
5.24 5.88 0.64****
Exaggeration 3.72** 0.50 0.66 0 . 1 6 " * * 0.46 0.78 0.32****
0.51 0.84 0.33****
Note. Difference is not special m i n u s special for honesty,
special minus not special for conveyed liking, exaggeration, and
actual liking.
* p < . 1 0 . * * p < . 0 5 . * * * p ~ . 0 1 . * * * * p < . 0 0 1 .
honest condition said t h a t they conveyed slightly less liking t
h a n
they felt ( M = - 0 . 2 1 ) .
D i d the i n s t r u c t i o n a l m a n i p u l a t i o n influence
the way the par-
ticipants discussed the paintings t h a t were or were n o t
special
to the a r t students? Significant interactions between the
instruc-
tional m a n i p u l a t i o n and the investment variable for the
m e a -
sures o f honesty, conveyed liking, and exaggeration, i n d i c a
t e d
t h a t it did. As shown in Table 2, in all three i n s t r u c t i o
n a l condi-
tions, p a r t i c i p a n t s said t h a t they were less honest
when the art-
ists were invested in the paintings t h a n when they were not,
and
they also said t h a t they t r i e d t o convey m o r e liking
and t h a t they
47. exaggerated their liking m o r e when the artists were invested.
The degree to which they showed these effects, however, in-
creased f r o m the honest t o the no-instructions to the polite
con-
dition. (See the c o l u m n s in Table 2 labeled Difference. )
For the
exaggeration measure, for e x a m p l e , the degree to which
partic-
i p a n t s exaggerated their liking m o r e for the special t h a
n for the
not-special paintings was only 0.08 ( a n d n o t significant) in
the
honest condition; it increased to 0.32 in the no-instructions
condition and to 1.25 in the polite condition. I n fact, for all
t h r e e measures, p a r t i c i p a n t s in the no-instructions
condition
were m o r e similar to the p a r t i c i p a n t s in the honest
condition
t h a n they were to the p a r t i c i p a n t s in the polite
condition. Con-
trast analyses showed t h a t the difference between the special
paintings and the not-special ones was the same for the honest
condition and the n o - i n s t r u c t i o n s condition for all
three mea-
sures ( F s < 1 ); b u t the special versus not-special difference
was
significantly greater in the polite condition t h a n in the no-in-
structions condition for all measures (all p s = .007 or smaller).
T h e judges also thought t h a t the ways t h a t the p a r t i c
i p a n t s
h a n d l e d the discussions o f the special ( c o m p a r e d to
the not-
special) paintings were influenced b y their a t t e m p t s to be
honest or polite. T h e judges thought t h a t the p a r t i c i p a
n t s t r i e d
48. t o convey m o r e liking and m o r e exaggerated liking for
the spe-
cial paintings t h a n for the not-special ones ( a n d they
tended t o
t h i n k t h a t the p a r t i c i p a n t s really d i d like the
special paintings
more, which they d i d n o t ) , a n d t h e y also noticed t h a
t the degree
to which p a r t i c i p a n t s t r i e d to favor the special
paintings in-
creased f r o m the honest to the n o - i n s t r u c t i o n s to
the polite con-
dition (see Table 2).
T h e way t h a t the u n i n s t r u c t e d p a r t i c i p a n t s
c o m p a r e d to the
others was different for the judges' ratings t h a n for the
partici-
p a n t s ' own reports. I n the self-report data, the degree to
which
the p a r t i c i p a n t s favored the special over the not-special
p a i n t -
ings was essentially the same for the p a r t i c i p a n t s who
were t o l d
to be honest as for those who were left to their own d e v i c e s
- -
c o n t r a r y to o u r predictions. The judges, in contrast,
thought
t h a t u n i n s t r u c t e d p a r t i c i p a n t s were no
different from the polite
p a r t i c i p a n t s in the degree to which they favored the
special
paintings. ( T h e F s were < I for exaggeration, and 2.52 a n d
2.51,
b o t h p s = . 12, for actual and conveyed liking,
49. respectively.) The
judges also thought t h a t the u n i n s t r u c t e d p a r t i c i
p a n t s were
different from the honest p a r t i c i p a n t s in the degree to
which
they favored the special paintings; for conveyed liking, F ( 1,
82)
= 3.46, p = .07, and for exaggeration, F ( 1, 82) = 4 . 8 2 , p =
.03.
Finally, the i n s t r u c t i o n a l m a n i p u l a t i o n was
especially i m p o r -
t a n t to the way the p a r t i c i p a n t s dealt with the artists'
investment
when the paintings were ones the p a r t i c i p a n t s disliked.
The
three-way interaction o f instructions, investment, and liking
for
the p a i n t i n g was significant for p a r t i c i p a n t s '
reports o f their
honesty, F ( 2 , 82 ) = 12.23, p < .001, M S E = 1.59. As
shown in
Table 3, when p a r t i c i p a n t s liked the paintings (see last
three
c o l u m n s o f the t a b l e ) , the instructions they received
h a d virtu-
ally n o effect in any o f the conditions on how honest they
were
a b o u t the special c o m p a r e d to the not-special paintings.
How-
ever, when p a r t i c i p a n t s disliked the paintings (first
three col-
u m n s o f Table 3), they a d m i t t e d to being less honest a
b o u t the
ones t h a t were special to the artists c o m p a r e d to the
ones t h a t
50. were not. T h i s difference was significant in every
instructional
condition, b u t it increased from the honest ( M = 0.50) to the
n o - i n s t r u c t i o n s ( M = 0.94 ) to the polite condition (
M = 2.38 ).
O n c e again, the u n i n s t r u c t e d participants, in their
self-reports,
were m o r e similar to the p a r t i c i p a n t s who were t o l d
to be honest
t h a n to those who were t o l d to be polite. The difference
between
special and n o t special was n o t significantly greater in the u
n i n -
s t r u c t e d condition t h a n in the honest condition, F ( l ,
82) =
7 1 0 DEPAULO AND BELL
Table 3
Effects o f Instructions, Participants' L i k i n g f o r the
Paintings, and Artists'
Investment on Participants" and Judges" Ratings
Type of painting
Disliked Liked
Ratings and Not Not
instructions special Special Difference special Special
Difference
Participants: Honesty
Honest 7.58 7.08 0.50** 8.14 8.04 0.10
No instructions 7.90 6.96 0.94**** 8.28 8.22 0.06
51. Polite 7.48 5.10 2.38**** 7.55 7.67 -0.12
Judges
Honesty,
Honest 6.52 6.39 0.13 6.54 6.37 0.17*
No instructions 6.67 6 . 3 1 0.36**** 6.58 6.42 0.16*
Polite 6.49 5.97 0.52**** 6.42 6.33 0.09
Conveyed liking
Honest 4.27 4.30 0.03 6.46 6.71 0.25*
No instructions 4.01 4.59 0.58**** 6.45 6.69 0.24*
Polite 4.15 5.07 0.92**** 6.32 6.70 0.38***
Note. The special paintings were the ones in which the m i s t s
were invested. Difference is not special minus
special for honesty and special minus not special for conveyed
liking.
* p < . 1 0 . * * p < . 0 5 . ***p<.01. ****p~.001.
1.89, p = . 17, b u t it was significantly greater in the polite
condi-
tion t h a n in the u n i n s t r u c t e d condition, F ( 1, 82) =
20.25, p <
.00 I.
The judges also n o t i c e d t h a t it was especially di fficult
for the
p a r t i c i p a n t s to discuss the special paintings t r u t h f u
l l y when the
p a r t i c i p a n t s disliked the paintings b u t were trying to
be polite
a b o u t them, F ( 2 , 82) = 3.27, p = .04, M S E = 0.28. As
shown
in Table 3, the degree to which the p a r t i c i p a n t s seemed
to be
52. m o r e dishonest when discussing the disliked paintings t h a t
were
special to the artists ( c o m p a r e d to the disliked paintings t
h a t
were n o t special) increased from the honest to the n o - i n s t
r u c -
tions to the polite condition. The s a m e p a t t e r n o c c u r r
e d for
judges' perceptions o f the liking t h a t p a r t i c i p a n t s
seemed to be
trying to convey, F ( 2 , 82) = 4.74, p = .01, M S E = 0.54. W
h e n
the p a r t i c i p a n t s disliked the paintings, the judges
thought t h a t
they seemed to be trying to convey especially m o r e liking for
the
special t h a n for the not-special paintings and t h a t this
tendency
increased from the honest to the n o - i n s t r u c t i o n s to the
polite
condition. Again, the judges, in c o n t r a s t to the
participants,
thought t h a t the u n i n s t r u c t e d p a r t i c i p a n t s
were m o r e similar to
the p a r t i c i p a n t s who were told to be polite t h a n t o
the p a r t i c i -
p a n t s t o l d to be honest. F o r perceptions o f honesty, the
special
versus not-special difference for the disliked paintings was n o t
significantly smaller in the n o - i n s t r u c t i o n s condition t
h a n in the
polite condition, F ( 1, 82) = 1.57, ns, b u t it was nearly
signifi-
cantly greater in the n o - i n s t r u c t i o n s condition t h a n
in the
honest condition, F ( 1, 82) = 3.25, p = .07. For the measure o f
53. conveyed liking, the corresponding values were F ( 1 , 82) =
3 . 0 3 , p = .08, a n d F ( 1, 82) = 7 . 9 3 , p = .006.
Verbal S t r a t e g i e s
Design. The design for the analyses o f p a r t i c i p a n t s '
verbal
strategies was the s a m e as for the p a r t i c i p a n t s ' self-
reports and
the judges' ratings, except t h a t one within-subjects factor o f
p r o -
fessed affect (liking--disliking) was added. For the measure o f
explicit evaluation, the levels were ( a ) whether the
participants
explicitly said t h a t they liked the p a i n t i n g and ( b )
whether they
explicitly said t h a t they disliked it (see Cochran, 1950, and
Ro-
senthal & Rosnow, 1991, for the use o f ANOVA with dichoto-
m o u s dependent variables). For total aspects m e n t i o n e d
a n d for
new aspects mentioned, the levels were n u m b e r o f liked
aspects
m e n t i o n e d and n u m b e r o f disliked aspects
mentioned.
Initial likes and dislikes. To be sure t h a t participants d i d
n o t like m o r e aspects o f the special paintings t h a n the
not-spe-
cial ones even before they met the a r t students, we analyzed
the
n u m b e r o f liked and disliked aspects o f all o f the
paintings t h a t
p a r t i c i p a n t s h a d described in writing. The interaction
o f invest-
54. m e n t with n u m b e r o f liked versus disliked aspects was n
o t sig-
nificant ( F < 1 ). Thus, p a r t i c i p a n t s began by listing a
l m o s t
exactly the same n u m b e r o f likes a n d dislikes for the
special
paintings as for the not-special ones.
Professed affect. The m a i n effect o f professed affect was
sig-
nificant for all t h r e e measures. Across the discussions o f
all o f
the paintings, the p a r t i c i p a n t s were almost twice as
likely to say
t h a t they liked a p a i n t i n g ( M = 0.44) t h a n to say t h
a t they dis-
liked it ( M = 0.24), even though all p a r t i c i p a n t s
actually liked
the exact same n u m b e r o f paintings t h a t they disliked, F
( l, 82)
= 56.09, p < .001, M S E = 0.13. T h e y also mentioned m a n
y
m o r e things t h a t they liked t h a n disliked a b o u t the
paintings
( M s = 5.26 and 3.61), F ( 1 , 82) = 66.49, p < .001, M S E =
7.64, and o f the aspects o f the paintings t h a t they m e n t i
o n e d
b u t had n o t originally listed, significantly m o r e o f t h e
m were
aspects t h a t they liked t h a n disliked ( M s = 3.26 and
2.04), F ( 1,
82) = 4 3 . 0 1 , p < .001, M S E = 6.47.
L i k e d and disliked paintings. Participants had m o r e diffi -
55. LYING AND CARING 71 1
culty c o m m u n i c a t i n g t r u t h f u l l y a b o u t the
paintings t h a t they
disliked t h a n a b o u t the ones t h a t they liked. The
interactions
between professed affect a n d liking for the paintings were
sig-
nificant for all t h r e e measures. As shown in Table 4, when
par-
ticipants liked a painting, they said so 81% o f the time;
however,
when they disliked a painting, they said so explicitly only 48%
o f the time, F ( 1, 82) = 353.70, p < .001, M S E = 0.19. W h
e n
p a r t i c i p a n t s liked a painting, t h e y m e n t i o n e d m
a n y m o r e things
a b o u t it t h a t they liked t h a n t h a t they disliked, b u t
when they
disliked a painting, t h e y m e n t i o n e d fewer t h a n one
m o r e thing
a b o u t it t h a t they disliked t h a n liked, F ( 1, 82) =
217.25, p <
.001, M S E = 5.05. Similarly, when discussing a p a i n t i n g
t h a t
they liked, p a r t i c i p a n t s m e n t i o n e d 4.18 a d d i t i
o n a l things a b o u t
it t h a t t h e y liked t h a t they h a d n o t a l r e a d y
listed, c o m p a r e d to
only 1.33 new things t h a t they disliked; in contrast, the n u m
b e r
o f new liked a n d disliked aspects t h a t p a r t i c i p a n t s
generated
when the p a i n t i n g was disliked h a r d l y differed (2.34
and 2.75),
56. F ( I , 82) = 114.39,p < .O01,MSE = 4.33.
Stonewalling was i n d i c a t e d b y the m a i n effect for
liking for
the p a i n t i n g for the measures o f explicit evaluation, F (
1, 82)
= 30.37, p < .001, M S E = 0.09, and total n u m b e r o f
aspects
mentioned, F ( 1, 82) = 7.87, p = .007, M S E = 4.09. These re -
sults showed t h a t p a r t i c i p a n t s n o t only h a d a h a
r d t i m e telling
the t r u t h a b o u t the disliked paintings, b u t they also h a
d a h a r d
t i m e saying anything at all. W h e n p a r t i c i p a n t s
disliked a p a i n t -
ing, they were less likely to m a k e any explicit evaluation
(whether positive or negative) t h a n when they liked it ( M s
=
0.28 and 0.41 for disliked and liked paintings, respectively).
Participants also m e n t i o n e d fewer things t h a t t h e y
liked o r dis-
liked when they disliked a p a i n t i n g ( M = 4.23) t h a n
when they
liked it ( M = 4.64).
Not-special and special paintings. Professed affect in-
teracted significantly with investment, and in the p r e d i c t e d
di-
rection, for all t h r e e measures. As shown in Table 5, when
the
paintings were special to the a r t students ( c o m p a r e d to
when
they were n o t ) , the p a r t i c i p a n t s were relatively m o r
e likely to
say t h a t they liked t h e m a n d relatively less likely to say
t h a t they
57. disliked them, F ( 1 , 82) = 7.83, p = .006, M S E = 0.13. Sim-
Table 4
Participants" Verbal Strategies Used in Discussing
the Disliked and Liked Paintings
Participants' liking for the paintings
Verbal strategy Disliked Liked Difference
Explicit evaluation a
Liked 0.08 0.81 0.73****
Disliked 0.48 0.00 -0.48****
Total aspects mentioned
Liked 3.84 6.67 2.83****
Disliked 4.62 2 . 6 1 -2.01"***
New aspects mentioned
Liked 2.34 4.18 1.84****
Disliked 2.75 !.33 - 1.42****
a Proportion of participants who explicitly said that
liked the paintings.
**** p -< .001.
they liked or dis-
Table 5
Participants" Verbal Strategies Used in Discussing the
Not-Special and Special Paintings
Artists' investment
Verbal strategy Not special Special Difference
58. Explicit evaluation a
Liked 0.41" 0.48 0.07**
Disliked 0.28 0 . 2 1 -0.07**
Total aspects mentioned
Liked 5.02 5.49 0.47**
Disliked 3.92 3.30 -0.62***
New aspects mentioned
Liked 3.09 3.42 0.33*
Disliked 2.20 1.88 -0.32
Note. The special paintings were the ones in which the m i s t s
were
invested.
a Proportion of participants who explicitly said that they liked
or dis-
liked the paintings.
* p < . 1 0 . * * p < . 0 5 . ***p<.01.
ilarly, when the paintings were special, c o m p a r e d to when
they
were not, the p a r t i c i p a n t s m e n t i o n e d relatively m
o r e things t h a t
they liked a b o u t t h e m a n d relatively fewer things t h a t
they dis-
liked, F ( 1 , 82) = 13.14, p < .001, M S E = 4.22. Similarly,
the
p a r t i c i p a n t s thought o f relatively m o r e new things
to like a b o u t
the special paintings t h a n a b o u t the not-special ones, and
rela-
tively fewer things to dislike, F ( 1, 82) = 5.70, p < .05, M S E
=
3.55. Thus, the ways in which the p a r t i c i p a n t s discussed
the
59. special versus the not-special paintings paralleled the ways they
discussed the liked versus disliked paintings. It is i m p o r t a n
t t o
n o t e t h a t the interactions o f professed affect with
investment
were n o t qualified b y p a r t i c i p a n t s ' liking for the p a
i n t i n g
(except for one higher order interaction involving instructions,
discussed n e x t ) . T h a t means, for example, t h a t p a r t i
c i p a n t s
used their strategy o f mentioning m a n y m o r e liked t h a n
disliked
aspects ( o f the special p a i n t i n g s ) j u s t as m u c h
when discussing
the paintings they disliked as the paintings t h e y liked.
Honesty and politeness. A m a i n effect o f instructions on ex-
plicit evaluations i n d i c a t e d t h a t the m o r e polite the
p a r t i c i p a n t s
were i n s t r u c t e d to be, the less likely they were to offer
any ex-
plicit evaluation at all, F ( 2 , 82) = 3.30, p < .05, M S E =
0.10.
The means for the honest, no-instructions, a n d polite condi-
tions were 0.38, 0.35, and 0.30, respectively. The instructional
m a n i p u l a t i o n also m o d e r a t e d the way the p a r t i
c i p a n t s explicitly
evaluated the paintings t h a t were or were n o t special to the
a r t
students. There was a significant interaction among the instruc-
tional m a n i p u l a t i o n , investment, liking for the
painting, and
professed affect, F ( 2 , 82) = 4.84, p = .01 (see Table 6 ) . I f
par-
ticipants were being completely honest, then they would explic-
itly say t h a t they disliked the paintings t h a t t h e y
60. actually d i d
dislike and t h a t t h e y liked the paintings t h a t they
actually d i d
like. T h a t is, the n u m b e r s in the m i d d l e two c o l u
m n s o f Table 6
would all be exactly 1.00. But n o n e o f t h e m were. T h e
n u m b e r s
were fairly high for the liked paintings; when p a r t i c i p a n t
s really
d i d like the paintings, between 69% a n d 91% o f t h e m
explicitly
said t h a t they did. A n d virtually n o n e o f t h e m ever
said t h a t
7 1 2 DEPAULO AND BELL
Table 6
Effects o f Instructions, Participants" Liking for the Paintings,
and Artists" Investment on Participants" Explicit Evaluations
Disliked paintings Liked paintings
Professed Professed Professed Professed
Instructions liking disliking liking disliking
Honest
Not special .09 .56 .81 .03
Special .03 .62 .91 .00
Difference - . 0 6 .06 .10 - . 0 3
No instructions
Not special .00 .64 .83 .00
Special .16 .40 .79 .00
Difference .16** -.24**** - . 0 4 .00
61. Polite
Not special .03 .47 .69 .00
Special .16 .22 .81 .00
Difference .13* -.25**** .12* .00
Note. The special paintings were the ones in which the artists
were
invested. Entries are proportions of participants who explicitly
said that
they liked or disliked the paintings.
* p < . 1 0 . * * p ~ . 0 5 . ****p~.001.
t h e y disliked a n y o f those paintings. Neither the artists'
invest-
m e n t in the paintings n o r the instructions the p a r t i c i p
a n t s h a d
been given m a d e m u c h o f a difference. But when p a r t i
c i p a n t s
disliked the paintings, t h e y often r e f r a i n e d from saying
so ex-
plicitly, a n d b o t h the instructions a n d the artists' i n v e s
t m e n t
m a t t e r e d t o them.
As shown in Table 6, p a r t i c i p a n t s strayed farthest from
the
t r u t h when they disliked a p a i n t i n g t h a t was special
to the artist
and they were trying to be polite a b o u t it. W h e n i n s t r u
c t e d to
be honest, 62% o f the p a r t i c i p a n t s explicitly
acknowledged that
t h e y disliked the p a i n t i n g t h a t was special to the
artist; a m o n g
the u n i n s t r u c t e d p a r t i c i p a n t s , only 4(~o d i d
62. so, a n d a m o n g
those p a r t i c i p a n t s urged to be polite, only 22% d i d so.
(All
differences among these t h r e e n u m b e r s were significant
[ p s <
.01 o r smaller] .) In the n o - i n s t r u c t i o n s a n d polite
conditions,
16% o f the p a r t i c i p a n t s told o u t r i g h t lies: T h e y
explicitly said
t h a t they liked the p a i n t i n g t h a t they h a d a l r e a d
y i n d i c a t e d in
writing t h a t they hated. ( I n the honest condition, 3% o f
the p a r -
ticipants d i d this.)
It is also informative to c o m p a r e the relative percentages o
f
p a r t i c i p a n t s who explicitly said t h a t they liked and
disliked the
detested special paintings in each condition. I n the honest con-
dition, 59% m o r e o f the p a r t i c i p a n t s said t h a t t h
e y disliked t h a n
liked the p a i n t i n g t h a t t h e y d i d in fact dislike. I n
the n o - i n s t r u c -
tions condition the difference was 24%, and in the polite condi -
tion it was only 6%.
P a r t i c i p a n t s ' explicit evaluations o f the disliked
paintings
t h a t were not special to the artists showed t h a t p a r t i c i
p a n t s used
the p r e d i c t e d strategy o f evaluation b y implication.
Participants
were s o m e w h a t less likely t o say explicitly t h a t t h e y
disliked the
disliked paintings when they were i n s t r u c t e d t o b e
63. polite t h a n
when they were i n s t r u c t e d to be honest, b u t this d r o p
from
honest to polite was far less p r e c i p i t o u s when the
paintings were
n o t special to the artist (56 to 47) t h a n when they were
special
(62 to 2 2 ) . The converse o c c u r r e d for explicit
statements o f
l i k i n g - - t h e o u t r i g h t lies. Participants in the polite
condition
( a n d the no-instructions c o n d i t i o n ) told polite lies a b
o u t the
paintings they disliked t h a t were special to the a r t student:
16%
o f t h e m said t h a t they liked those paintings, c o m p a r e
d t o 3% in
the honest condition. In contrast, when the disliked paintings
were not special to the artist, 3% o f the participants in the
polite
condition ( a n d n o n e in the no-instructions condition )
explicitly
said t h a t they liked them, c o m p a r e d to 9% in the honest
condition.
In sum, then, when p a r t i c i p a n t s were t r a p p e d in the
challeng-
ing situation o f trying t o b e polite a b o u t work they
disliked t h a t
was special to the artists with w h o m they were interacting,
they
m a n i p u l a t e d b o t h their evaluation o f the work in
which the a r t -
ists were invested and their evaluation o f the other artwork in
which the artists had no investment. T h e y refrained from say-
64. ing explicitly t h a t t h e y disliked the paintings t h a t were
special
to the artists. A t the same time, they were much less r e s t r a
i n e d
when it c a m e to c o n d e m n i n g the paintings t h a t were
n o t
special. 3
D i s c u s s i o n
A L o o k i n g Glass or a Reversible Figure?
Decades o f research relevant to the reflected appraisal p r o -
cess have indicated t h a t o u r perceptions o f others' views o
f us
are n o t strongly related to their actual views and t h a t o u r
self-
perceptions a r e m o r e highly related to o u r perceptions o f
o t h -
ers' appraisals t h a n to t h e i r actual appraisals (Felson,
1992).
We began with two possible explanations for the p o o r fit be-
tween actual and perceived appraisals. First, people may n o t
be
open and honest in c o m m u n i c a t i n g their appraisals.
Second, we
may misperceive those appraisals.
The present study strongly s u p p o r t e d the first
explanation.
T h e p a r t i c i p a n t s r e f r a i n e d from saying how they
really d i d feel
a b o u t the paintings, especially when t h e y disliked them.
By it-
self, this finding is h a r d l y new. F r o m the literatures on
perfor-
65. mance appraisals (Fisher, 1979; Larson, 1984, 1986, 1989), the
M U M effect (Tesser & Rosen, 1975 ), and lying in everyday
life
( D e P a u l o , Kashy, Kirkendol, Wyer, & Epstein, 1996; see
also
Folkes, 1982), as well as the literatures t h a t followed m o r e
di-
rectly from the s y m b o l i c interactionist t r a d i t i o n
(Blumberg,
3 An example of a truthful answer to the question "What do you
think
of it?" was given by a participant discussing a disliked painting
that was
one of the artist's favorites: "It's ugly. It's just ugly." An
example of a
truthful message about a liked painting that was one of the
artist's fa-
vorites was: "I liked it. This was, this was my second favorite of
the
group. Urn, it was the, the detail that was put into, uh, some of
the, you
know, the, the nuances in color, the way the black is done. And
urn, and
it was, uh, yeah, I really liked it overall." An example of an
answer that
was coded as a lie (i.e., the participant claimed to like a
disliked
painting) was given by a participant discussing a painting that
was the
artist's own work: "I like this one:' All participants had more to
say
about each painting when asked additional questions, but these
were
their complete answers to the artist's first question ("What do
you think
66. of it?"). Over the entire course of the discussion of each
painting, par-
ticipants spoke an average of 217 words.
LYING AND CARING 7 1 3
1972; Felson, 1992; Swarm, Stein-Seroussi, & McNulty, 1992),
we already knew that there are formidable barriers to the direct
communication o f appraisals--especially negative ones---to the
persons they concern. W h a t our work has shown that is n e w
is (a) the powerful impact on appraisals o f the target person's
personal investment in the object o f the appraisals, ( b ) the
difficulty o f eliciting totally honest evaluations, and (c) the
value o f the defensibility postulate in predicting the verbal
strat-
egies people use in dodging the truth. Perhaps even more im-
portant, our findings suggest that ( d ) when we look to others
for
their appraisals, what we see is neither a looking glass nor a
hopelessly distorted image, but a reversible figure.
Truth and investment. A m o n g the m a n y motives that have
been postulated t o account for the reluctance to convey nega-
tive evaluations, concern with the target person's feelings is
per-
haps the one that is most consistently cited and supported. I f
the target person's feelings are most important, then the more
the target person cares about the object o f evaluation, the less
likely that person should be to hear a truthful appraisal, espe-
cially when the truth would hurt. This is so, we predicted, even
though the instrumental value o f honest appraisals should also
increase with the target person's personal investment. O u r
study
was the first to manipulate target persons' personal investment,
67. and our findings were strongly supportive o f our predictions.
Across virtually every measure, communications were more
dishonest when the target persons cared about the objects o f
the
appraisals than when they did not.
I s the truth ever told to those who care? We predicted that,
when left to their own devices, people are practitioners o f po-
liteness (P. Brown & Levinson, 1987). We are the first t o test
people's strategic use o f polite dissembling by directly
instruct-
ing some o f the participants to behave as politeness theory
pre-
dicks they would and then comparing their behavior to that o f
participants given no special instructions. We thought that the
uninstructed participants would convey appraisals o f the paint-
ings the art students cared about that were just as distorted and
dishonest as those conveyed by the participants who were ex-
plicitly instructed to be polite and avoid hurting the art stu-
dent's feelings. According to the judges' perceptions, this is
what
usually happened. The participants' reports, however, were of-
ten at odds with our prediction. The self-reports o f the unin-
structed participants were usually more similar to those o f the
participants urged to be honest than to those urged t o be
polite.
We are inclined to trust the judges' perceptions. The partici -
pants in the uninstructed condition may have been motivated
t o describe themselves as honest. (The polite participants, in
contrast, had an excuse for being dishonest--they were follow-
ing instructions.) The judges had no investment in perceiving
the participants as either honest or dishonest, and they made
their ratings without any awareness o f the participants' instruc-
tional conditions. We also trust the judges' perceptions more
because they were more in line with the results o f our
68. objective
measures o f what the participants actually said. The results
were clearest for our measure o f outright lies about the
disliked
special paintings. The percentage o f participants who
explicitly
said that they liked the paintings that they had already told us
that they detested was identical in the no-instructions and the
polite conditions ( 16%); in the honest condition it was lower
(3%). The same pattern is evident in the percentage o f partici-
pants who refrained from saying explicitly that they disliked the
detested paintings when they were special compared to when
they were n o t special. In the honest condition, this
withholding
o f an explicit negative evaluation was equally likely for the
spe-
cial as for the not-special paintings, b u t in the uninstructed
and
the polite conditions participants were significantly more likely
to refrain from saying that they disliked the detested painting
when it was special than when it was not. Furthermore, the mag-
nitude o f this difference between the special and not-special
paintings was virtually identical for the uninstructed and polite
participants (Table 6).
In that the participants who were urged to be honest told vir-
tually n o lies about the special paintings they disliked, and
were
no more likely to withhold their explicit negative evaluations
o f the special paintings than o f the not-special ones, were
they
evenhanded in their discussions o f the special and not-special
paintings in every other way, too? I f so, that would indicate
that
there is an easy way to elicit totally honest feedback--urge oth-
69. ers to tell the truth and give them a compelling reason for doing
so (e.g., it is only by hearing totally honest reactions that art
students can learn how others really do perceive particular
paintings). According to the participants' self-reports, they usu-
ally were evenhanded. The one important exception occurred
when they were describing the paintings they disliked; in that
condition they admitted that they were significantly less honest
about the special paintings than the not-special ones (Table 3).
The judges, too, thought that the honest participants were usu-
ally just as honest when discussing the special paintings as they
were when discussing the not-special ones. But again, there was
an important exception. The judges thought that the honest par -
ticipants exaggerated their liking more when they were discuss-
ing the special paintings than the not-special ones (see Table 2).
Another condition in which it may have been possible for all
participants to be just as honest about the special paintings as
the not-special ones was when they liked the paintings. Accord-
ins to their self-reports, participants were in fact evenhanded in
their discussions o f the special and not-special paintings when
they liked the paintings. O n n o measure did they report
signifi-
cantly less truthfulness. The judges, however, did think there
were some differences. For example, they thought that the par -
ticipants were trying to convey significantly more liking, and
that they were exaggerating their liking more, for the paintings
they liked that were special to the artists than for the liked
paint-
ings that were not special (see Table 1 ). The objective
measures
o f what the participants really did say lend support to the
judges' views. The strategy o f amassing positive evidence
pref-
erentially for the special paintings (relative to the not-special
ones) was just as evident when the participants liked the paint-
ings as when they disliked them. In this study, then, there was
70. essentially n o condition under which art students who cared
about the paintings heard totally honest feedback about them.
The defensibility postulate. When participants give a paint-
ing one o f the lowest possible ratings on the liking scale and
then
tell the art student that they like that painting, it is hard for
them to defend that statement as truthful. For that reason, our
defensibility postulate predicted that outright lies would occur
infrequently, as in fact they did. But they also occurred exactly
7 1 4 DEPAULO AND BELL
when we expected them t o - - w h e n the participants were
dis-
cussing paintings they disliked that were special to the art stu-
dent, and especially when they were given n o special instruc-
tions or were instructed to be polite.
The strategy o f amassing misleadingly positive evidence when
one's true opinion is negative is one that was noted in passing
nearly four decades ago in a study o f the self-restraint o f
friends
(Mayer, 1957). In the present context, participants practiced
this strategy by mentioning m a n y aspects o f the special
paint-
ings that they really did like while mentioning relatively few as -
pects that they actually disliked. The resulting communications
are highly defensible in that the positive qualities that the par -
ticipants mentioned were ones that they really did like. Al-
though participants were n o t equally forthcoming about the
qualities they disliked, they did n o t deny disliking those
quali-
ties (which would not be defensible); they simply refrained
71. from mentioning them.
The mentioning o f new positive qualities that were not ini-
tially listed is a riskier strategy, but one that perhaps can work
if
participants convince themselves that they really do like these
newly discovered aspects that they simply had not noticed pre-
viously. Credibility is added if the participants also notice some
new aspects o f the paintings that they dislike, though our pre-
diction is that they will discover fewer o f these new disliked
as-
pects than liked aspects when the paintings are special. The re -
suits supported that prediction, too.
We believe that future research will show that the strategy o f
amassing misleading evidence is widely used. Most objects o f
e v a l u a t i o n - - f o r example, personalities, appearances, j
o b per-
formances, paintings, and journal articles--are complex stim-
uli that routinely elicit both positive and negative reactions. It
is
a fairly simple matter, then, when put on the spot to voice one's
opinion, to reel off one positive c o m m e n t after another.
Also as predicted by the defensibility postulate, participants
used the very clever strategy o f evaluation by implication. By
explicitly stating their disliking for the paintings created by
other artists, while refraining from stating their disli king for the
art student's own work, they implied a favorable social compar -
ison. They appeared to like the art student's own work more
than the other artists' work. They never exactly said that, how -
ever, so their communications can be defended as truthful.
I n contexts in which it is possible for evaluators simply to
avoid communicating their appraisals, we think that they will
often do just that. I n the performance appraisal literature, for
72. example, it has been noted that supervisors sometimes delay
giving negative feedback (Larson, 1989). Even when complete
avoidance is no longer possible, evaluators still manage to con-
vey less than the whole truth. For example, both supervisors
(Larson, 1986) and football coaches (Felson, 1981 ) hedge by
conveying specific appraisals rather than global ones. I n the
present research, we found that participants stonewalled by
offering fewer explicitly evaluative comments and mentioning
fewer aspects o f the paintings that they liked or disliked w hen
they were discussing paintings they disliked than ones they
liked.
The reversible figure. O u r results suggest an unanticipated
answer to the question o f why our perceptions o f others' ap-
praisals are n o t strongly related to others' actual appraisals:
Par-
ticipants described the paintings in ways that allowed the art
students a choice as to what to hear and what to believe.
When discussing disliked paintings that the artists cared
about, participants exaggerated their liking, withheld explicit
expressions o f disliking, and even told some outright lies. This
gave the art students the opportunity to think that the partici -
pants really did like those paintings. But the participants also
dropped some blatant hints as to their relative degrees o f
liking
for the different paintings that the artists cared about. For ex-
ample, they did not even try to convey as much liking for the
paintings they disliked as for the ones they liked. They rated the
disliked special paintings a 2 on the 9-point scale at the begin-
ning o f the study, and they tried to convey a rating o f 4 to the
art students. Although this was substantially higher than the lik-
ing they really did feel, it was still significantly lower than the
degree o f liking they tried to convey for the special paintings
they really did l i k e - - a 7.