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Gay Identity Development Factors

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David Rosen
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  i   COMING OUT IN CONTEXT: PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL FACTORS IMPACTING GAY IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT A Doctoral Dissertation Research Submitted to the Faculty of Argosy University, San Diego College of Psychological and Behavioral Sciences in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Education in Counseling Psychology by David Rosen Argosy University, San Diego March, 2015
    ii   COMING OUT IN CONTEXT: PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL FACTORS IMPACTING GAY IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT Copyright © 2015 David Rosen All Rights Reserved
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    iv   COMING OUT IN CONTEXT: PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL FACTORS IMPACTING GAY IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT A Doctoral Dissertation Research Submitted to the Faculty of Argosy University, San Diego College of Psychological and Behavioral Sciences in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Education in Counseling Psychology by David Rosen Argosy University, San Diego March, 2015 Adrian Calderon, Psy.D. Kathleen Andrews, Ph.D. Department: College of Psychological and Behavioral Sciences
    v   ABSTRACT This research study set out to objectively investigate the impact of social context on coming out and the gay identity development process. This study explored the participant’s recollections of their personal coming out processes, as well as the social and historical contextual factors that they encountered during this process. Findings included the identification of three major themes: the impact of generational cohorts on the coming out process, the distinction between gay identity development and gay identity acquisition, and the effect of contextual relationships on self-concept and the development of a gay self. Results showed that context played an important role in mediating experiences of both coming out and developing a gay self-concept.
    vi   ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to take a moment to acknowledge all of the individuals who helped me to finish my dissertation and complete my life-long goal of obtaining a doctoral degree: To Dr. Calderon and Dr. Andrews, who provided valuable assistance and support through the dissertation process and who trusted me and allowed me the freedom to engage in the dissertation process in my own way and in my own time. You both have my deepest appreciation. To my mother, who supported me and had faith in my abilities, even when I wasn’t sure if I could finish my research on time. To Lauren Buchbauer, Joseph Buchbauer, Yu-Ling Ting, Mayra Gomez, Marylou Gomez, Daylin Murray, and countless others who provided contacts and references to source possible participants: This study could not have been completed without you. To my participants, I appreciate the courage and strength that each of you had to share your personal narratives with me. I hope that my interpretation of your stories can help improve the research base for gay studies and make a worthwhile contribution in each of your names. To the many others who allowed me to talk incessantly about my research topic over the course of the last two years, thank you for not getting tired of me.
    vii   DEDICATION I find that when I get lost, it always helps to retrace my steps and go back to the beginning. In that spirit, I want to dedicate this work to the person who started me on this path, who taught me that it was selfish to make everyone have to work to see my authentic self, and that it was my responsibility to be proud of myself in whomever I ended up to be and whatever I ended up doing. To Analisa Pilecki, who showed kindness, empathy, and a listening ear during a life-changing conversation, who inspired my interest in coming out stories, and without whom this study would never exist, I thank you and dedicate this work to you.
   viii   TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TABLE OF APPENDICIES................................................................................................x TABLES OF TABLES ..................................................................................................... xi CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION..................................................................................1 Problem Background ...........................................................................................................1 Purpose of the Study............................................................................................................3 Research Questions..............................................................................................................4 Limitations and Delimitations..............................................................................................5 Definitions............................................................................................................................6 Importance of the Study.......................................................................................................8 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW .....................................................................9 Introduction..........................................................................................................................9 Coming Out from a Developmental Perspective .................................................................9 Erikson...................................................................................................................10 Cass........................................................................................................................12 Troiden...................................................................................................................13 Limitations.............................................................................................................14 Coming Out in Cultural Context........................................................................................16 Coming Out as Ritual.............................................................................................17 Historical Contextual Factors ............................................................................................19 Generational Cohorts in Gay Identity Development .............................................20 Four Cohorts ..............................................................................................21 Millenials ...................................................................................................23 Coming Out from a Social Perspective..............................................................................24 Social Environment, Context, and the Transmission of Culture ...........................24 Feminism, Queer Theory, Stigmatization, and Coming Out .................................26 Summary ...........................................................................................................................27 CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY .........................................................................29 Research Design.................................................................................................................29 Selection of Participants ........................................................................................29 Instrumentation ......................................................................................................30 Recruitment Letter .....................................................................................30 Demographic Sheet/Matching Document..................................................30 Interview Guide .........................................................................................31 Digital Audio Recorder..............................................................................31 Coding Software ........................................................................................31 Methodological Assumptions ................................................................................32 Procedures..............................................................................................................33 Data Processing and Analysis............................................................................................34
    ix   Trustworthiness and Rigor ................................................................................................35 CHAPTER FOUR: ANALYSIS AND RESULTS ...........................................................37 Overview ...........................................................................................................................37 Introduction .......................................................................................................................37 Interview Protocol .............................................................................................................38 Methods for Analysis ........................................................................................................40 Participants ........................................................................................................................42 Themes ..............................................................................................................................44 Thematic Categories .............................................................................................44 Theme Presentations .........................................................................................................48 Coming Out and the Feeling of Being Different ..................................................48 Social Context and Modeling ................................................................................55 Identity Construction and Deriving Meaning .......................................................57 Challenges .........................................................................................................................60 Summary and Findings .....................................................................................................61 CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCULSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS .....65 Discussion .........................................................................................................................65 Researcher’s Reflections .......................................................................................67 Interpretation of Results ....................................................................................................67 T1: Generational Effects on the Coming Out Process ..........................................68 T2: Identity Construction and Acquisition ...........................................................70 T3: Contextual Relationships, Support Systems, and Coming Out ......................72 Implications .......................................................................................................................73 Limitations ........................................................................................................................74 Conclusions and Recommendations .................................................................................76 REFERENCES .................................................................................................................78 APPENDICIES .................................................................................................................84  
    x   TABLE OF APPENDICIES Appendix Page A. Letter of Informed Consent ...................................................................................85 B. Demographic Survey ............................................................................................88 C. Interview Protocol .................................................................................................90 D. Semi Structured Interview Question Guide ..........................................................92 E. List of Operational Definitions .............................................................................96
    xi   TABLE OF TABLES Table Page 1. Participant Demographics .....................................................................................43 2. Subthemes from First Thematic Category ............................................................45 3. Subthemes from Second Thematic Category.........................................................47 4. Subthemes from Third Thematic Category............................................................48
    1   CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION Problem Background According to the Williams Institute, an estimated 9 million adults in the United States identify as gay, lesbian, or bisexual—approximately 3.5% of all adults in the United States (Gates, 2011). Additionally, an estimated 19 million Americans report that they have engaged in same-sex sexual behavior, and nearly 25.6 million Americans acknowledge at least some same-sex attraction. As a sizable minority population, LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) individuals can often be an understudied community. Confusion regarding the categorization of gender and sexual categories persists, leading to marginalization and stigmatization of the various sexual and gender identities that exist in today’s society (Halperin, 2011). Research focus is placed on the outcomes of being gay—specifically political, legal, and social implications for society. Little focus is placed on the meaning of being gay and the implications that this meaning has for the gay individual. Without understanding this population from a gay identity perspective, there exists a potential for providing services and community programs that may not be needed by the LGBT community. Additionally, without understanding the gay experience from the perspective of a gay individual, mislabeling and stigmatization can occur, with potentially harmful consequences to the LGBT population as a result. Theoretical Causation for Coming Out As one of the defining features of the sexual minority population is the realization that one is different from the normative population (Yarhouse, 2001). Understanding how this realization comes about would appear to be an ideal way to understanding the experience of sexual minority individuals. For gays, lesbians, and bisexuals (GLB), this
    2   process is often referred to as “coming out,” and can be seen through a variety of perspectives, from a distinct stage in sexual identity acquisition (Cass, 1979; Troiden, 1979), a dynamic process through which every GLB individual must proceed through in their development (Diamond, 2003) and make a choice to identify with an established cultural group and become a member of the “gay community” (Harper, 2007; Herdt, 1997). Despite a variety of perspectives regarding the theoretical causal factors of this process, many authors agree that it is a developmental milestone and defining event for the GLB individual (Diamond, 2003; Halperin, 2011; Herdt, 1997; Riley, 2010). While this process is common to any member of a sexual minority, there is no analogous event for heterosexual youth and their families (Floyd & Stein, 2002). This is a contributing factor to feelings of isolation felt by GLB youth during the coming out process, as the GLB youth may not know or be afraid to relate to other GLB individuals who have had similar experiences, or only have heterosexual “straight” friends in their social networks (Riley, 2010). Despite the fact that this is the only common event that unifies lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals as a cohesive group, individuals are expected to progress through their gay identity development as isolated individuals observing the activities and actions of others with their own internal cognitive schemas. Moral Development In addition to concerns and debate over theoretical causation, an aspect of moral development is intertwined with the formation of a gay identity. Individuals in the process of coming out are not engaging in this process alone, or in isolation. These individuals, especially adolescents and young adults in the process of coming out, must
    3   adjust their previously held cognitive schemas of what is good, appropriate, and just in society and evaluate these new schemas based on the perceived risk of coming out (Herdt & Boxer, 2001). As such, culture plays a crucial mediating role in the coming out process, providing various contextual factors that must be also factored in when one choses to study this development process. However, while moral development appears to be an important consideration when investigating the coming out process, few scholars have actually addressed the issue of coming out in terms of moral development and social justice. Freud (1920) initially did not see any connection between the psychological well-being of the gay individual, their connections to a broader society and community, and the presence of social injustice in said society. Erikson (1950) conceptualized his developmental stages as timeless and pathologized homosexuality as a matter of identity confusion and peer group pressures. Contemporary psychologists are still uncertain of how to precisely characterize and define the coming out process, as many aspects of this process are still in question. As Hunter, Shannon, Knox, & Martin (1998) state: “Almost everything known about the coming out process is in question, such as how it happens (e. g., a discovered essential lesbian, gay, or bisexual identity or a socially constructed identity), when it happens, its order or disorder, and whether there is an end state to the process or whether it is always open-ended.” (p. 67) As this quote reflects, many aspects of the coming out process are still unknown to researchers today, as there are few means to easily classify this process. As such, this study will endeavor to provide insight into the coming out process, specifically in how context impacts this process, in order to provide data to help better understand an often- misunderstood phenomenon. Purpose of the Study
    4   The purpose of this study is to investigate the coming out process from a gay perspective, through the taking of narratives from members of the gay community regarding their experiences as they “came out” and began to identify as a member of the gay community. This will allow for a better understanding of a process that is often misunderstood and misrepresented. Where previous studies and research endeavors sought to understand this process from a single theoretical and conceptual perspective, this study will provide understanding of this process from a developmental, cultural, and contextual perspective. This will allow for a better understanding of the coming out process as the union, and intersections of these perspectives can be highlighted and emphasized for further investigation. Additionally, while the emphasis on understanding the impact that social context has on identity development, this study also aims to link two concepts that have been linked due to common consensus and not based on empirical study. While a great deal of literature exists linking the impact of social context on decision-making vis-à-vis peer pressure (Bamaca & Umaña-Taylor, 2006), on elements of choice theory (Barnett & Casper, 2001), and the development of interpersonal and individual behavior frameworks and group activities (Earle & Earle, 2000), there is a paucity of research that examines how social context specifically intersects with gay identity development and the impact that social context has on this process. By focusing on the relationship between social context and gay identity formation, this study can show a relationship that is often taken for granted: that social context does influence gay identity development. Research Questions
    5   1. How does social context affect personal construction and adoption of a gay identity? 2. How does social context affect the coming out process and an individual’s willingness to disclose their sexual identity? 3. What common themes in coming out experiences exist that explain the coming out process as a general process? These three questions were created to align with the three main domains that are recommended by the American Psychological Association to be addressed when working with LGBT clients. These domains include (a) knowing oneself, (b) disclosing and sharing gay identity with others, and (c) living as a gay individual (APA, 2012). These questions were also designed to examine how social context and gay identity development intersect, with the intention of using the themes generated through the course of this study as a basis for future research on the coming out process for other sexual minority categories. Limitations and Delimitations Limitations As an estimated 9 million individuals identify as lesbian, gay, or bisexual in the United States (Gates, 2011), it would appear that the LGB group may have regional characteristics similar to that of the normal population distribution of the United States. While there are individual estimates of the population size of the LGB population in Southern California, an official estimate is hard to be generated, though a sizable concentration of LGB individuals has been attributed to this area. While a sizeable
    6   concentration of LGB individuals may reside in Southern California, a sample taken from this area may not be representative of all LGB individuals in the United States. As much of the data generated in this study will be gathered through the use of qualitative interviewing, various limitations potentially emerge, including the use of indirect information filtered through the perspectives of the research participants. Additional limitations resulting from the use of interviews include memory or recall bias and potential bias on the part of the researcher when engaging in the coding, categorizing, and thematic analysis of the data. Delimitations A key delimitation to this study is the sample size of the population. Financial, travel, and time constraints limit the scope of the study to the sampling of individuals in the counties of Southern California. Definitions Coming out refers to a continual developmental process in which an individual identifies, accepts, and chooses to self-label and self-identify as gay or lesbian. Cass (1979) believed that this process consisted of six linear steps, beginning with the recognition of incongruence between personal identity and social norms through to the acceptance of a gay identity, with the possibility of identity foreclosure. Rotheram-Borus and Fernandez (1995) believed that coming out encompassed four broad dimensions that are addressed in a non-linear manner: recognizing oneself as lesbian or gay, exploring one’s sexual orientation through the gay and lesbian community, disclosing one’s sexual orientation to others, and becoming more comfortable with one’s own sexual orientation.
    7   Social context can be defined as general environmental factors, actions, or circumstances that create a social framework for interpersonal and individual behavior. Social context can also serve to mediate said behavioral frameworks once they have been created. Social context theory is focused on the interactions between social forces that affect individual behavior and individual or group actions that change society. The theory defines these interactions and changes, recognizes the impetus for change, identifies future patterns, and offers potential solutions (Earle & Earle, 1999). Sex refers to the biological and physiological characteristics that define men and women (WHO, 2014). Gender refers to the socially constructed roles, behaviors, activities, and attitudes that a given society considers appropriate for men and women (WHO, 2014). Gender identity refers to a person’s private sense and subjective experience of their own gender (Carlson & Heth, 2009). This is primarily accomplished through the acceptance of membership into either the category of male or female once a private, personal sense of self has been generated, usually between the ages of three to six years (Kalbfleisch & Cody, 1995). Sexual identity refers to one’s self-perception based on who they are romantically and sexually attracted to. Sexual identity and sexual behavior are closely linked to sexual orientation and can be distinguished with identity referring to an individual’s self- conception, behavior referring to the actual sexual acts performed by the individual, and sexual orientation referring to the romantic or sexual attraction to individuals of the opposite sex, same sex, both sexes, or having no sexual attractions (Reiter, 1989).
    8   Sexual orientation refers to “an enduring pattern of emotional, romantic, and/or sexual attractions to men, women, or both sexes” (APA, 2013). Sexual orientation can also refer to a person’s sense of identity based on these attractions, their related behaviors based on these attractions, and feeling of membership in a community of individuals who share similar attractions (APA, 2013; Reiter, 1989). Importance of the Study This study has importance as it can fill a gap in the existing research by providing data to link two phenomena that had previously been linked without merit. Additionally, this study will help explore and understand the impact that social context has when working with gay male clients. Rich, detailed, and descriptive data can be generated through the process of qualitative interviewing, which can be used as a foundation for future research, which can be performed to investigate whether similar themes are found with lesbian, bisexual, or transgendered populations, while quantitative research can be performed to see if the themes generated from this small sample can be generalized over the entire LGB population.
    9   CHAPTER TWO REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction With the perceived importance of various contextual factors in mind, this chapter is organized to first examine previous impacts of historical context and generational cohorts on gay identity development. After discussing how historical context has impacted gay identity development, developmental context, cultural context, and social contexts will similarly be discussed, particularly in relation to these context’s impact on sexual identity development, demonstrating how these contextual elements have previously mediated identity development with the intent to show similar mediating effects on current identity development processes. Coming Out from a Developmental Perspective Achieving a personal identity is one of the central developmental tasks faced by heterosexual, gay, and lesbian individuals (Rotheram-Borus & Fernandez, 1995). Erikson (1950) believed that a healthy identity search involves exploring a range of choices, making a commitment, and disclosing or sharing individual roles or beliefs with others. This search can take multiple and different foci depending on the individual circumstances of the youth (Rotheram-Borus & Fernandez, 1995). Consider, for example, a first-generation Mexican adolescent whose parents immigrated to the United States from Mexico. As the search for ethnic identity is often a dominant theme for adolescents in this cultural group (Rotheram-Borus & Fernandez, 1995), these individuals may experiment with various labels and styles of identification as part of the identity developmental process. Depending on their circumstances, the adolescent may come to identify as “Chicano,” connecting their identity with a term that has political roots in
    10   activism. Perhaps the adolescent chooses to identify as “Latino,” which is a less politically connected term that has greater ties to indigenous origin. Whichever label the adolescent decides to adopt, the social context of said label must be considered before it is adopted. The sexual identity search is very similar to this example of the search for ethnic identity. Developmental stage models persist as a standard for normative sexual development (Diamond, 2005; Diamond, 2008). Consistent among all models is the process of coming out: when the individual comes to identify as something other than heterosexual, incorporating a sexual minority status to their established self-concept (Carrion, V.G. & Lock, J., 1997). As part of the coming out process, the questioning individual has to engage in introspection and self-reflection as well as analyzing the context of their social environment and the perceived meaning of various sexual identity labels before choosing a label to self-identify with. Once this new identity label has been identified, adopted, and has started to become integrated into their self-concept, then the individual will then socially disclose this label and new gay identity to others (Chirrey, 2003). Unlike the example of ethnic identity search, coming out is a necessary part of developing a positive and healthy identity as a gay individual. While the process of gay identity development differs by theorist, there is a general consensus that coming out reduces feelings of isolation, alienation, and stress while allowing the individual to receive increased support from the gay and lesbian community (Cass, 1979; Rotheram- Borus, 1995). Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development
    11   In 1950, Erikson proposed a model of psychosocial development that identified eight stages in which a healthy developing individual would progress through, from infancy to late adulthood. Crucial to this model was the idea of “crisis,” in which the individual struggles between two conflicting psychological and social forces before coming to reconcile the internal conflict between these forces and gaining a specific virtue to be built upon in future stages (Erikson, 1950). The fifth stage, fidelity, or the conflict between identity and role confusion, was the stage often seen in the development of adolescents and the stage where sexual identity begins to develop. Erikson proposed that adolescence is the time that one reconciles two important conceptions of identity: the individual that one once was, and the individual that one must become (Erikson, 1968). As with other stages, the fidelity stage has the individual engaging in multiple bio-psycho-social factors, with personal ideologies being chosen by the individual, despite how they were raised. Should experimentation be criticized and society play too great of a role, the individual could foreclose on their internal desires, ending experimentation and self-discovery based on external pressures. As Stevens (1983) claimed, fidelity is the crucial virtue for this stage of development, requiring the individual to sustain loyalties in spite of the inevitable and inherent confusion and contradictions of social value systems. This would suggest that, from Erikson’s perspective, adolescence is a critical stage for examination for the purposes of this study, as it not only links identity development with developmental concerns of an emerging gay identity, but also reflects the importance of social context in the pressures exerted on the individual through their social networks and familial connections. These social
    12   contextual factors will be a recurring theme throughout each of the models used in creating the framework for this dissertation. Cass’s Model of Gay Identity Development Sexual identity developmental models such as Vivienne Cass’s (1979) model of gay identity acquisition were formed based on retrospective data collected primarily from gay men (Patterson, 2008; Yarhouse, 2001). In her model, Cass proposed a six-stage identity development model in which individuals “acquire” identity through both internal contemplation of personal identity and the comparison of personal identity to gay identity seen in other individuals (Cass, 1979, Yarhouse, 2001). Through the process of development, the gay individual comes to synthesize a new identity with all other aspects of themselves, reducing the experience of leading a “dual life” and increasing feelings of incongruence (Cass, 1979, Yarhouse, 2001). This feeling of difference, derived from comparisons to the individual’s social environment and community, in turn serves as a motivating factor to encourage the individual to process through the stages of gay identity development, from the initial stages of Identity Confusion through to the final stages of Identity Synthesis. Cass’s model is historically important, as it was one of the first models to treat gay individuals as normal while living in a heterosexist society, rather than treating “homosexuality” as the problem (Yarhouse, 2001). Cass’s model has many other important contributions to the field of gay studies. This model of gay identity development saw coming out as a continual process, rather than a one-time life event that could be completed as a part of development. Cass believed that coming out occurred many times during an individual’s identity development, increasing the importance of the social environment and its effects on the
    13   individual. As with Erikson’s model, the concept of identity foreclosure plays an important role in the Cass model. Cass believed that if, during the process of developing a gay identity, the individual should encounter resistance and is unable to proceed to the next stage of gay identity formation, identity foreclosure could occur (Cass, 1979). When this happens, the individual chooses to deny or hide their identity, effectively pausing identity development at the stage when foreclosure occurred (Yarhouse, 2001). However, Cass believed that this could continue to cause distress in the individual’s personal life, and once the distress reached critical level, the individual could decide that the stress of remaining in foreclosure is more harmful than the stress of continuing to develop their gay identity and resume their progress through the Cass stages (Cass, 1979, Yarhouse, 2001). This is an important aspect because it shows the autonomy that the individual has in their sexual identity development, in that there is an element of choice in whether the individual will progress through the stages and develop a healthy self-concept of sexual identity. Additionally, the process of foreclosure reinforces the role of social context in gay identity formation, mediating the experience of adopting a gay identity and providing challenges that must the considered and overcome before the gay identity can be fully adopted. Troiden and Identity Acquisition When building upon Cass’s model of gay identity development, Troiden (1989) developed his own four-stage model of homosexual identity development. Much like Cass’s model, Troiden believed that identity was “a label which people apply to themselves and which is representative of the self in a social situation” (Cox & Gallois, 1996, p. 3). As a sociologist, Troiden recognized the impact of the social world on the
    14   individual, specifically in how the social environment shaped individual perceptions and self-concept. Like Cass, Troiden proposed a concept of gay identity acquisition, in which aspects of identity were identified, contemplated, and incorporated into an existing identity, creating a new synthesized identity (Troiden, 1979, Yarhouse, 2001). Unlike identity development, where the previous identity is cast off and a new identity is adopted, identity acquisition posits that the individual already has a previously established identity but looks to the social world for virtues that they sympathize with that can be incorporated into their identity (Yarhouse, 2001). This concept of identity acquisition informs both the Cass and Troiden models, creating a social focus that impacts psychological development. For example, identity foreclosure happens not only when there is social pressure on the developing individual, but can also happen if there is a lack of positive role models to base identity development off of. In this case, identity development would cease due to lack of social influences that the individual can acquire from which their new synthesized identity can be based. By focusing on the concept of identity acquisition and identity development, one can see how the external social world interacts with the internal psychological construction of identity, creating a psychosocial identity synthesis. Limitations While developmental stage models have provided the foundation on which much of gay identity study is based, there are a few limitations that also need to be discussed, specifically in how these limitations impact the framework for this dissertation research. As stage models, Erikson’s, Cass’s, and Troiden’s models of identity development are often criticized for the assumption that identity development is a one-way process, and
    15   that individuals engaging in this form of identity development must progress through each stage in sequential order for the functional identity development. Theorists such as Anthony D’Augelli created their own models for gay identity development. D’Augelli and Patterson (2001) conceptualized identity development as six independent identity processes, which could co-occur at the same time or occur at various times throughout the individual’s lifespan. This creates an explanation for individual identity development that does not fit the theorized norm proposed in the stage development models, allowing for a wider section of the population to be explained with these theoretical models. Another argument against the use of these stage models is the exclusivity proposed through the use of these models. Cass and Troiden’s research was done using white gay males (Patterson, 2008), creating doubt that their models could effectively be applied to lesbian, bisexual, and transgender populations. Furthermore, these models lack explanation for various social and cultural contextual factors that other minority populations may experience. To address this, some theorists recommend the use of a framework, rather than a comprehensive theory. For example, the use of a differential developmental trajectories approach assumes sexual identity development as a natural context for adolescence, regardless of sexual orientation (Savin-Williams, 2005; Julian, Duys, & Wood, 2014). The use of frameworks are also ideal as attempts to reconstruct accurate stage development of non-heterosexual identity have failed due to the lack of sensitivity to social and historical contexts (Sophie, 1985). This would suggest that the older stage models of Cass, Erikson, and Troiden could be used for modern research so long as social, cultural, and historical contexts are also considered, and the stages
    16   proposed by these classical theorists are used in the context of a framework, rather than a literal interpretation of their theory. Coming Out in Cultural Context With these critiques in mind, the coming out process must also be understood from a cultural context. One way of viewing the coming out process is as an entry and identification with a specific cultural group. The existence of a distinct “gay culture” has been supported by psychologists, sociologists, and anthropologists and has been shown to involve language, rituals, symbolic interactions, cultural icons, and culturally specific practices (Harper, 2007). In viewing the coming out process as a cultural milestone and a requirement for adoption into gay culture, this process is then seen as a way for emerging gay and lesbian individuals to learn appropriate sexual behaviors within the gay culture, but also learn the cultural norms and expectations around ways of being, acting, and knowing (Gee, 1990; Harper, 2007). Then, from this perspective, to come out as gay or lesbian requires not only both developing and exploring a sexual identity, but also choosing to engage in cultural practices and interactions identified as being part of the gay community. As young people explore their sexuality and learn about sexual cultures, an individualized sense of sexuality develops within the context of a larger cultural system (Harper, 2007; Herdt, 1992). As Herdt and Boxer (2001) argue, gay culture is a result of a process in which historical factors and socialization through events and cultural practices intersect to bring the questioning individual away from the alienation of secrecy and into the solidarity of a group membership. As a cultural identity in practice, being gay is a social experience similar to being a member of any cultural group (Halperin, 2011). This cultural perspective allows for the
    17   experience of being gay to be a collective phenomenon that results as a consequence of social belonging, rather than a natural condition. Additionally, this perspective allows for the better understanding of the role of stigma and prejudice in the coming out process. Patterson (2008) encouraged therapists to further look into how the roles that religion, family of origin, social context, and environmental norms can affect sexual identity development. Another study took Patterson’s findings a step further to examine how homoprejudice, discrimination, and oppression can negatively impact the mental health of sexual minority individuals and impact their sexual identity development (Julian, Duys, & Wood, 2014). In short, being gay, just as being a member of an ethnic or another cultural group, is not just about who one is, but also places importance on what one does as well (Barnett & Casper, 2001; Halperin, 2011). This perspective implies that being gay is more than being about a lifestyle choice and places value in understanding the process that the individual engages in to become gay by accepting a gay identity and engaging in gay culture (Alderson, 2003; Halperin, 2011). However, while the process of how individuals obtain membership in certain cultural groups has been studied in depth, the developmental process in which one becomes gay is less understood and requires more investigation. As the gay community lacks common unifying identifiers and the meaning of being gay is not yet fully understood, one must look to the few common experiences and rituals that each member of the gay community engages in to understand their membership in the gay community. Coming Out as Ritual
    18   As the process of coming out is one common event in a diverse and not fully understood cultural group, it would follow that this event would be an important one to analyze to understand deeper meanings regarding what it means to identify as a member of the gay population. From an anthropological perspective, the process of coming out is a ritual directed at changing the conception of desire of gay youth (Herdt & Boxer, 2001). Coming out requires a transition from one social and cultural role to another. Through these ritual transitions, the external social world sees the transformation as immutable or irreversible (Herdt & Boxer, 2001). Herdt and Boxer (2001) claim that rituals “adjust the individual to a stable social system in the face of a constantly changing biological and social nature” (p.14). Through ritual, the symbolic roles and mechanisms bind the energy of individuals into a new, more complex cultural form (Herdt, 1992). For the purposes of this study, the coming out process can be seen as an important ritual of passage, casting aside one’s previous natural state of heterosexual ethnocentrism (Hooker, 1965) for a counterculture of ideas to form, including the idea of self as a gay individual and the freedom of ideas that come with this identity (Herdt & Boxer, 2001). The ritual of coming out is a culturally bound phenomenon, occurring as an event of great importance in the United States and in parts of Western Europe, such as the United Kingdom. In other parts of Europe, homosexuality is treated much less harshly, from the adoption of same-sex desire into traditional patterns of family and neighborhood life with the family unit monitoring and enforcing heterosexual norms as seen in France, Spain, Italy, and Greece, to moderate acceptance of same-sex desire and same-sex activity as seen in Holland and Sweden (Herdt & Boxer, 2001; Hammack & Cohler, 2011). These differences in global opinion would seem to suggest that it is important to
    19   see gay identity development not only from a cultural perspective, but from a historical and a social perspective as well, in understanding the generational cohort effects that impact the gay individual at the time of coming out (Herdt & Boxer, 2001) as well as understanding the social and historical environment in which the gay identity is developed. Historical Contextual Factors The meaning of being gay and developing a gay identity changes greatly based on the historical context in which the gay identity is being developed. Individuals who come out in today’s society encounter a different set of advantages, social reactions, and social attitudes than individuals of any other generational cohort. The coming out process is significantly different than it was even 30 years ago (Riley, 2010). In less than a century, the political and social meaning of same-sex attraction has shifted dramatically in the United States and in other countries (Hammack & Cohler, 2011). Historically, the disclosure of sexual identity has been phenomenon present in gay culture only in the post-Stonewall era of the 1970s, as prior to this era, disclosure could have potentially harmful legal and social consequences (Herdt & Boxer, 2001; Riley, 2010). Since this era, coming out has gained support in the LGBT community, as sexual identity has come to be intrinsically linked to personal identity, while fears of negative physical or social consequences to coming out has significantly decreased (Halperin, 2011). Today’s gay adolescent may or may not label themselves as GLB or as a sexual minority because they may not feel that labels are necessary or may aim to avoid stigmatization (Savin- Williams, 2005). While it is unclear whether teens that do not self-label ever disclose or feel the need to come out to family or friends (Savin-Williams, 2005; Riley, 2010), the
    20   element of self-realization of a gay identity remains despite when or even if a disclosure occurs (Halperin, 2011). Using a narrative perspective, historical context becomes an important mediating factor for understanding both the societal structure and the social processes that influence the patterns of behavior bound in the action of the time (Hammack & Cohler, 2011). As such, human development occurs in a distinct social and political environment that results in distinctions among generations (Elder, 1998). Elder and Caspi (1990) suggest that historical events link lives to historical context and foster a collective consciousness within generational cohorts. However, other theorists note that variation can occur within each cohort, with factors such as gender and life choice leading to variation in life outcomes (Diamond, 2008). A life course perspective is important to the study of gay and lesbian identity development as it incorporates and considers the historical, social, and political context in which the individual is embedded (Hammack, 2005). A narrative approach, such as one that uses memoirs and retrospective memory, can address these various contexts while still being a method of inquiry that has been well-validated in humanistic and social science methodologies (Creswell, 2006). Generational Cohorts in Gay Identity Development One of the most predominant themes is the difference of interests and foci among generational cohorts of the LGBT population. To effectively examine this population and the developmental issues impacting this population, a particular cohort must be identified and their interests be closely examined to understand the various social and cultural issues impacting this age group to understand the context impacting individual identity development for members of this group. Two major ways of dividing the LGBT
    21   population into generational cohorts that seem to emerge from the literature are Herdt and Boxer’s (2001) conceptualization of the four historical cohorts and Howe and Strauss’s (2009) identification of the millennial generational cohort. Four Cohorts. Herdt and Boxer (2001) argue for the identification of four cohorts, categorizing characteristics of four different groups of gay individuals based on the generation that these individuals belong to. In their research, Hammack and Cohler (2011) agreed with the identified four cohorts, and proposed an emerging fifth cohort similar to Howe and Strauss’s millennial cohort. The four cohorts identified by Herdt and Boxer include: 1. The First Cohort, generally categorizing individuals born between the 1930s and the 1940s, where homosexuality was both a criminal activity and a pathological illness (Hammack & Cohler, 2011). This cohort was thematically characterized by struggles to resolve internal sense of shame and stigma, the detrimental effect of mental health professionals on this cohort, and an inferior sense of self, with psychological support only able to occur through integration into the stigmatized gay community (Herdt & Boxer, 2001; Hammack & Cohler, 2011). 2. The Second Cohort, usually having individuals born in the 1950s, was similarly characterized with negative attitudes towards homosexuality, creating a negative perception towards the gay community. However, this cohort reached adolescence during the 1960s, which was a decade of great upheaval in the area of civil rights and an era of great political activism. Therefore, this cohort is characterized not only with a continued struggle for self-acceptance and the achievement of success and happiness by coming out, but with an increased activity in politics and
    22   activism to raise awareness about the gay community (Hammack & Cohler, 2011). It is at the end of this generational cohort and at the beginning of the next that the Stonewall riots occurred, spurring the growth of gay and lesbian civil rights and social change on national and global scales. 3. The Third Cohort, populated by gay individuals born in the 1950s, saw many political advances from the efforts of previous generational cohorts. The gay community was able to become more open and visible in this generation, with community celebrations such as Pride starting to be organized. Coming out and the entering into the gay community came to be seen as a positive attribute and narratives of the process at the time were ones of redemption (Herdt & Boxer, 2001) and sexual openness. Towards the end of this generation, AIDS became an emerging issue, with advocacy efforts starting to focus around addressing health concerns. 4. The Fourth Cohort (people born during the 1960s) saw individuals coming out during the 1980s, which was a time of growing power and influence for religious and conservative politicians. This caused great upheaval in the area of gay civil rights, particularly with the emergence of seeing homosexuality as a sin. Narratives of individuals coming out during this time saw a conflict between the redemptive narratives expressed in the previous generational cohort and the contaminating narrative of AIDS and the social discourse of homosexuality. To reconcile this, gay individuals often used compartmentalization to separate their gay and straight worlds in an effort to avoid this growing intrapersonal conflict (Hammack & Cohler, 2011).
    23   These cohorts and generational divisions reflect the importance of historical context on the coming out process, specifically how the gay community conceptualized homosexuality and how social forces present at the time shaped individual self-concept. Combined with Howe and Strauss’s description of the current millennial cohort, these five cohorts allow for the analysis of historical context by providing a narrative of coming out for the last ninety years. Millennials. Adding to the discussion of generation cohorts is the identification of a new cohort, the millennial cohort, or individuals born in the 1980s who entered adolescence around the time of the new millennium. Howe and Strauss (2000) categorize this generation as a group of individuals who were the objects of tightening child standards set by non-conformist parents. They believed that the millennial generation would be known for its hard work “on a grassroots reconstruction of community, teamwork, and civic spirit…in the realms of community service, race, gender relations, politics and faith.” (Howe & Strauss, 2000, p. 214) Hammack and Cohler (2011) also identified a similar generational cohort, seeing the emergence of the Internet as an important resource for mobilizing individual as a community, allowing for outreach efforts that had not previous been able to be accomplished. Hammack and Cohler also see individuals in this generational cohort as ones who are coming out at earlier times in their lives, starting in middle and high school, with experiences of coming out reflecting themes of redemption, resilience, and the quest for normality.
    24   While generational cohorts reflect the historical context that impacts an individual’s sense of self and personal identity, one important limitation emerges: that the identification of generational cohorts is a retrospective endeavor, and that presently a new cohort could be developing that has yet to be identified. It is the intention of this study to identify common themes from the coming out experiences of young adults living as part of the current generational cohort to see if the themes expressed in these narratives reflect the themes expressed by millennials, or if these themes can be used to identify a new generational cohort, with specific historical and social context that impact these individuals on a daily basis. Coming Out from a Social Perspective Social Environment, Context, and the Social Transmission of Culture While culture and history provide important roles in mediating the coming out process and gay identity development, social forces, such as the means for cultural transmission, have had similar impacts. The social environment provides a key context in understanding an individual’s development. Social environment, as defined by Barnett and Casper (2001), is the immediate social, physical, cultural, and psychological settings in which people live and develop, including institutions and social situations that the individual was educated in, as well as the people and institutions with which these individuals interact. Social interaction may be interpersonal or one-way, through media, or even through anonymous transmission. Social context is not confined to individuals of equivalent social power, class, or status and has broader scopes than the concepts of a social class, social circle, or social network. From this definition, one can see how the
    25   social environment plays a key role in the transmission of cultural values and essential virtues, while serving as an enforcer for these same norms. As culture has changed in the past few decades, so too have means of cultural transmission of norms and expectations. Various forms of mass media have been identified as sources for acculturation into gay culture (Gomillion & Giuliano, 2011; Savin-Williams, 2005). Russell (2002) asserted that computers and the Internet provide gay youth with a way to community-build and explore personal identity while connecting with other members of the gay community. Other studies showed that an increasing number of gay adolescents and young adults are meeting their first same-gender sexual partners online (Bolding, Davis, Hart, Sherr, & Elford, 2007). Regardless of the means of transmission, the transformative nature of identifying with gay culture is important, especially as value judgments are made, such as those highlighted in feminist theory. Especially important in the discussion of social development is the role of schemas and how the individual deals with a new schema (such as the identification of a possible new sexual identity) while holding a previously established one. Piaget first developed the notion of schemas, or how the set of perceptions, ideas, and actions guide an individual’s conception of the world (Bhattacharya & Han, 2001). Key to this concept is the notion of assimilation and accommodation, or how one is able to deal with multiple, potentially conflicting, schemas. Piaget believed that, when learning new concepts or faced with a new schema, the individual will take material into their mind from the environment and integrate this new information into their previously established conception of the world (Atherton, 2013; Bhattacharya & Han, 2001). When dealing with gay identity development, the concept of assimilation can be seen as similar to Troiden’s
    26   theory of identity acquisition, wherein the individual takes aspects of identity that they see in their social environment and incorporates these aspects into a new synthesized identity (Troiden, 1979). As a partner concept to assimilation, Piaget’s notion of accommodation is equally important to this study. Piaget saw accommodation as the changes made to established schemas when the individual learns new information and incorporates this information into their established schema as part of assimilation (Atherton, 2013). This is an important concept to this study, as the coming out process requires individuals to identify and debate new conceptions of identity and potentially completely alter their previously held heterosexual identity for a new gay identity. The individual would use assimilation and accommodation as part of the social learning process. Without these social learning processes, individuals would stay static in their development, and gay identity could not be developed. Feminism, Queer Theory, Stigmatization, and Coming Out A modern approach to understanding gay identity development is to understand how feminist theorists such as Judith Butler describe this phenomenon. Butler (1991) argues against the label of coming out, as it creates a dichotomy of either being in or being out. This dichotomy creates a situation when those who are out (as in, have made their sexual identity publically known) are seen by the LGBT community as having the “light of illumination,” (Butler, 1991, p. 15) where they are celebrated for living a true, even essential identity. On the other hand, individuals who have not publically disclosed their sexual identity are stigmatized as living false, unhappy, and even meaningless lives (Seidman, Meeks, & Traschen, 1999). This can result in a fragmentation in the notion of
    27   what it means to be gay, with debate over whether being gay is something that is done (e.g., discovering and disclosing sexual identity) or if being gay is something that one is (e.g., their sexual attractions and desires). From a feminist perspective sexual identity, as with gender, is something that is done—specifically through the negotiation of relationships (Butler, 1991). Butler (2004) suggests that no one can exist outside of power relations, gender roles, and sexual stereotypes. However, meaning is derived from how gender and sexual identity is portrayed—through speech (Chirrey, 2003), appearance (Riley, 2010), and other social interactions. In short, how one chooses to “do” sexuality is only restricted by cultural conceptions of gender and sexuality, what is intelligible, and what is perceived to be possible by the individual (Butler 1991; Butler, 2004). This would seem to suggest that there is no way for individuals to escape the power relation dynamic, but that the potential to change the system remains a possibility. However, in order to be able to change the social context, one must do so from the inside—by first recognizing how context and power affects personal circumstance. Summary While initially identified and developed as a stage in gay identity development, the process of coming out has become a universal component seen in most studies on gay identity. Whether seen as a stage of development, as a ritual to be performed, or as one of many processes that must be addressed, the concept of coming to identify as gay or non- heterosexual and the process of disclosure of this new identity concept to others is a crucial part of gay development. As such, this researcher would argue that to understand individual gay identity development on a broader scale, such as is required in this study,
    28   would require the identification of common themes during the gay identity development process. Key among these common themes is the coming out process, which provides an ideal focus for investigation. In centering the research questions on how social context impacts the gay identity development process, this researcher is able to begin exploring how social variables impact a common process within the gay male population.
    29   CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY Research Design According to Yin (2009), a qualitative case study would appear to be the ideal methodology to address and understand gay identity development and the coming out process, as it allows the researcher to understand individual personal experiences, providing access to previously unattainable views and allowing for the identification of common themes to these various experiences. Case study methodology is an ideal approach as it investigates the “why” and “how” of decision making, allowing the researcher to gain an in-depth understanding of human behavior and decision making and reasons that govern these behaviors (Creswell, 2006; Yin 2009). For the purposes of this study, qualitative interviews were utilized to provide rich data to provide a solid foundation on which the research project will be based. This data was analyzed using transcription and coding software to identify broader themes, which were presented using data displays and thematic analysis. Selection of Participants Participants were selected based on a variety of criteria. Due to generational concerns, participants were between 18–35 years old, as this age range will ensure that participants are either part of the Millennial Generation as defined by Howe and Stauss (2009) or the Fourth Cohort generational group as described by Herdt and Boxer (1996). Each of the participants identified as a gay male with an identified gender of male, an androphilic sexual orientation, and a homosexual sexual identity. Participants identified as residing in one of six Southern California counties and had experienced “coming out”
    30   to a degree in which they were able to identify and articulate their experiences with this developmental process. Instrumentation Five major instruments were used for the implementation of this research study. These five instruments include the recruitment letter, a demographic sheet and matching document, an interview guide, a digital audio recorder, and a copy of NVivo computer software. A discussion of each instrument and their importance to the study follows. Recruitment Letter. The recruitment letter detailed an outline of the study, the extent of the potential participant’s participation, and the screening requirements of the study. Ethical concerns are also addressed within the letter, detailing potential resources available to the participants, outlining potential risks to the participant, and contact information for the principal investigator, the research advisor, and the university’s institutional review board. Demographic Sheet/Matching Document. A demographic sheet was used to collect simple demographic data from each of the participants. Among the information gathered was an assigned pseudonym to be used throughout the course of the study. This ensures confidentiality of participant data and security of participant responses. The matching document, which is part of the demographic sheet, will be the only document to contain both participant demographic information and the participant’s contact information. This document was used to follow up after interviews have been conducted to confirm or clarify information provided in an effort to triangulate data and increase the rigor of the study through the process of member checking.
    31   Interview guide. Interviews were conducted based on an interview guide constructed to elicit deep, rich responses from the participants regarding their experiences in coming out, as well as the social context in which they came out in. To do this, the interview guide adapted questions from previous research studies, specifically Thurston (2000), who created a qualitative research design on gay identity development within the life course of gay men aged 40–55, and Gomillion & Giuliano (2011), who created a qualitative research design to investigate the influence of media role models on gay identity. Through the integration and adaptation of the questions used by these studies, an interview guide was created, allowing for the investigation of individual experience of social context on personal gay identity development. Digital audio recorder. A digital audio recorder was used for all interviews to record and replay interview responses. The digital audio recorder utilized a four-digit passcode to maintain security of responses until the digital file was downloaded onto the researcher’s computer. The digital files were then deleted from the audio recorder and kept as password-protected files for further review by the researcher. The digital files were only located on the digital audio recorder, the researcher’s computer, or a university computer during the transcription and coding process. Coding software. The proposed research study used NVivo 10 computer software for both transcription and coding of interview responses. This software is currently available for use on university computers. These computers are ideal for security of information and responses, as they automatically delete all information nightly, ensuring that the interview responses remain secure on the audio recorder or on the researcher’s computer. The NVivo software was first used to transcribe interview
    32   responses after the researcher trained the computer to identify the both researcher’s and participant’s voices. For interviews that were unable to be transcribed using the computer software, the researcher transcribed the interviews through audio review. Once the interviews were transcribed, the software was used to categorize interview responses, allowing the researcher to code responses based on tenants of both in vivo and axial coding, allowing categorical themes to emerge from interview responses. Methodological Assumptions As the main source of data collection was through qualitative interviewing regarding autobiographical information, the primary methodological assumption was that the participants have reliable retrospective autobiographical memory recall. Abenavoli & Henkel (2009) found that when context was recreated and remembered, memory improved, as did the vividness of the actual event. An additional result of that study was that the length of time that had passed since the event had significant impact on retrospective autobiographical recall. Therefore, to ensure accurate and reliable recall, participants need to have recently experienced “coming out,” or still be in the process of coming out. To ensure this, participants were selected from a specific age range (18–35) to ensure both that the event is recent in their own personal history and that contextual aspects that occurred during this process can also be identified and recalled. Additionally, the interview protocols and interview questions focused on context to improve participant responses regarding the impact of contextual factors on their development. Another theoretical assumption was that social constructivism does exist, in that the gay identity development process is affected by social environment, and social context in turn impacts psychological self-concept. This impacts methodological
    33   construction as the research and interview questions designed for this project assumes social constructivism in the gay identity development process and theorizes that social environment does impact and shape the individual’s sense of self, especially as a gay individual. Procedures Participants were recruited for this study primarily through snowball sampling. Requests for participants were issued through the researcher’s social networks, asking that potential participants who met the screening criteria be forwarded the researcher’s contact information for an initial interview to be conducted via email, phone, or chat. Participants indicating interest were sent an intake packet with the informed consent document (Appendix A), a brief description of the study and its time requirements for the interview, and the demographic sheet (Appendix B) to determine whether the interested participant meets the requirements of the study. If the participant met the screening requirements, an interview was then scheduled. Solicitations for participants continued to be made regularly until a saturated sample was achieved. The researcher determined that sample saturation occurred when there was enough data to portray the full range of viewpoints on the content of the study, provided detailed descriptions of a wide range of participant views, and contributed to the formation of theoretical categories for theory building. Participants that reached the interview process were assigned a pseudonym that will be attached to all materials, including interview transcripts, audio recordings of the interview, and memos that reflect on the interview. This ensured confidentiality and security of interview responses. Documents that contain the participant’s real name such
    34   as the informed consent form, initial screening survey responses, and matching document are being held in a secure lockbox until the required time for document destruction. Participants were contacted exclusively through a dedicated secure email address that was used solely for dissertation research and communication with participants in an attempt to maximize security of responses and participant information and to reduce potential of harm from the disclosure of confidential information. Data Processing and Analysis As the primary data source for the study was interview responses, the ideal method of data analysis was determined to be coding said responses. As part of a qualitative approach, open, in vivo, and axial coding were performed to initially code individual responses from separate events before categorizing the responses into themes and begin comparing individual events across the created thematic categories. Finally, the thematic categories were identified in the effort to derive generalizable activities that occur across several categories for the formation of theory based on the individual events and thematic categories generated within the collected data. Yin (2009) describes a case study as “a descriptive, exploratory, or explanatory analysis of a person, group, or event” (p. 9). Yin goes on to describe the usefulness of case study approaches by explaining that individual case studies can be used to explore causation, identify and explain underlying principles, and allow for limited generalization in that “if it is true for this case, it may be true for all cases” (Yin, 2009, p. 10). This is an ideal approach for the proposed study because it will investigate the “how” and “why” of decision making, allowing for an in-depth investigation of human behavior and the
    35   rationale that governs such behavior based on the responses of a very small segment of the population (Creswell, 2006; Yin, 2009). While a qualitative approach emphasizes the importance of not entering into research with preconceived notions (Charmaz, 2006), this author theorizes that certain categories will be present across the various responses despite cultural and contextual differences in the groups. These categories include the impact of historical and social context in which the participant is living, the importance of specific social contextual effects, such as media, technology, and societal perceptions of gay identity, and classical cultural categories such as the impact of ethnicity, age, and socioeconomic class in which the participant exists. It is the theory of this author that these factors will become prominent through the research process as the literature has shown how these categories have had significant impact on aspects of identity formation, especially sexual identity formation. Trustworthiness and Rigor Trustworthiness is the validity or correctness of a qualitative study (Saukko, 2005). Trustworthiness was ensured in this research through the use of member checking the use of a semi-structured interview guide as well as reflexive journaling. Qualitative methodologies use triangulation to ensure accuracy of data and to test for truthfulness, accuracy, and consistency of data. Patton (2002) identifies four types of triangulation: data triangulation, investigator triangulation, theory triangulation, and methodological triangulation. This researcher used data triangulation and theory triangulation for the purposes of this research study. Data triangulation was used through the use of multiple data
    36   collection sources. Through the use of a reflexive journal, member checking, and noting, the data can be checked for consistency by comparing these different forms of data collection. Theory triangulation was used through the establishment of a theoretical framework, and analyzing thematic categories generated from the data through this framework. As the focus of data analysis was on the participant’s coming out process and the social and contextual factors that impacted this process, the researcher used the theoretical frameworks of Cass’s identity development model and Herdt’s historical discussion of gay culture and coming out as ritual as the lenses through which the data was analyzed.
    37   CHAPTER FOUR: ANALYSIS AND RESULTS Overview The goals of this study were to explore the various social and psychological factors that impact the individual during the coming out process. This chapter presents the themes identified through the process of coding each qualitative interview that were conducted with twelve gay men, aged 18–35. Data to be discussed include (a) a summary of the demographic information gathered from the interview participants at the beginning of the interview, (b) a summary of data obtained during the face to face interviews with the interview participants, (c) findings including themes obtained through the process of coding and theme presentations, and (d) the summary of the findings made during this entire process. Introduction This researcher wanted to know how the same development process could vary so differently between similar individuals and if social contextual factors played a role in creating variety in this process. This researcher hoped to gain a broader understanding of the various factors impacting the coming out process and highlight a process that is often misunderstood due to the wide variety of experiences in coming out. By interviewing individuals who have experienced coming out about their individual processes, the researcher wanted to gather a diverse set of experiences of coming out and see if there are common themes that emerged across these interviews that could be possibly explained as causal factors influencing and impacting the coming out process. Prior to beginning the study, the researcher provided an electronic version of the informed consent document for the potential participants to review that outlined the
    38   interview process and gave a broad understanding of the purpose of the study and the goals of the semi-structured interview. Once the participant reviewed this document, an interview time and location was set to conduct the interviews. As part of the construction of the interview protocols, interview guide, and demographic questionnaire, all documents and protocols were approved by the Institutional Review Board of Argosy University to maintain ethical practice and protect the participant’s rights and welfare. Prior to beginning the interviews, the researcher reviewed the informed consent document with the participant and allowed time for questions, should the participants have any. As the study is entirely voluntary, the participant was informed that they had the option to discontinue participation at any point in the study’s process, but this option was not used by any of the participants. The researcher then gathered demographic information from the participant using the Demographic Questionnaire (Appendix B). The researcher was present with the participant during the completion of the informed consent document, demographic questionnaire, and during the semi-structured interview. Interview Protocol The researcher sent out messages to call for participants on multiple social networks. Additionally, the researcher used social connections as well as referrals to increase the potential participant pool. An informed letter of consent (Appendix A) explained the purpose of the research study as well as potential risks and benefits of participating in the study. The informed consent document also assured participants that all information and data collected and generated during the course of the research process would be kept confidential and outlined the security measures to keep the material
    39   private. Each participant signed the informed consent document to give consent for participation in the study. The participant interviews gathered detailed information about the participant’s coming out experiences, and the various factors that influenced this process. Creswell (2006) recommends the use of open-ended questions to elicit deep, detailed responses that will contribute to the generation of rich data. Interview questions were created in an interview protocol (Appendix D). The interviews followed a semi-structured format, with all participants answering the same nine core questions from the core protocols, with the use of structured and spontaneous follow-up questions depending on the researcher’s need for additional extended information beyond the participant’s initial response. These questions were designed to serve as prompts to allow the participants to detail their coming out experiences in their own words. Twelve face-to-face interviews were conducted at locations identified or selected by the participant to encourage comfort and ease in discussion. Each interview lasted approximately 45–70 minutes, with the shortest interview taking 43 minutes and the longest taking 69 minutes. The researcher used an interview guide (Appendix C) to develop discussion prompts, with the main questions on the guide being asked of all participants and the follow-up questions being asked based on the responses of each individual participant, creating a semi-structured interview dynamic using open-ended questions to allow the participant to freely answer questions around the thematic event of their coming out process. The research questions that the interviews attempted to answer were: (RQ1) How does social context affect personal construction and adaptation of a gay identity?, (RQ2)
    40   How does social context affect the coming out process and an individual’s willingness to disclose their sexual identity?, and (RQ3) What common themes in coming out experiences can be used that explain the coming out process as a general process? During the interview, the researcher made field notes and used an audio recorder to record the interviews. The researcher attempted to establish rapport and encourage detailed response through the use of follow-up questions, active listening skills, and asking for clarification for any areas of ambiguity that emerged over the course of the interview (Creswell, 2006). As part of the study, the researcher notified the participant that a follow-up contact might be made for additional clarification of the responses of the initial interview during the analysis portion of the study. Methods for Analysis To ensure rigor and trustworthiness of the study, multiple forms of analysis were used to triangulate and analyze data generated from the qualitative interviews. Qualitative methodology focuses on the participant experience and how these individuals derive meaning from these experiences (Creswell, 2006). Unlike other forms of data analysis, qualitative methodology, the researcher is encouraged to remain subjective and attached during the data collection process and the data analysis phase of research (Patton, 2002). This meant that that during the interview and data analysis process, the researcher acted as a participant observer, being present in the interviews while attending and engaging with the participant during the interviews while keeping the research focus in mind and working to understand how the data would ultimately fit into the larger research design (Charmaz, 2006; Patton, 2002).
    41   To protect anonymity, participants were given a choice of pseudonym or had a pseudonym assigned to them if the participant had no preference. These pseudonyms were used during the data analysis and data reporting phases of the research project. Each interview was audio recorded with the permission of the participant. After each of the interviews, the researcher spent approximately 20 minutes immediately after conducting the interview keeping a reflexive journal focusing specifically on questions, thoughts, or ideas that had emerged as part of the interview process. The audio recording of the interviews were reviewed twice, first by the researcher as a whole while reviewing the reflexive journal, writing down possible themes, excerpts, and other aspects of the interview that the research thought could add to the research agenda. On the second review, the interviews were transcribed into written format for coding analysis. After transcription was finished, if there was any areas of doubt or areas in need of clarification, the participants were contacted again for clarification. This form of member checking allowed participants an opportunity to further participate in the research by confirming or disconfirming data and to be heard beyond the initial interview (Miller & Crabtree, 2005). Of the 12 participants’ interviews, 5 were contacted for further clarification, and all were notified that they were able to contact the research if they wanted to add to previous interview responses. Interview responses were loaded into the NVivo data analysis software, in which the research used axial and in vivo coding to analyze the chat transcripts. These codes were used to create thematic categories that allowed for cross-case analysis. The research used axial, thematic, and in vivo coding to analyze the data generated for this dissertation. In vivo coding is the process of assigning a label to a section of data, in this
    42   case excerpts of the interview transcript. Once the transcript was entirely coded, these codes were organized into thematic categories based on the similarities found in the codes. Finally, the use of axial coding allowed for the identification of central characteristics by reassembling data in a way that draws attention to the relationships between categories (Charmaz, 2006). Participants As part of the interview protocols, participants were asked to fill out a demographic questionnaire that asked participants to self-identify on a variety of categories, including race/ethnicity, employments, and highest educational level achieved. To qualify for this study, participants had to identify sexually as gay and with a male gender. Participants identified with a variety of racial and ethnic backgrounds, including Caucasian (4), Hispanic/Latino (3), and African American (1). As shown in Table 1, the participants in this study also all reported having a coming out experience and reported their age and their age at time of coming out as well.
    43   Table 1 Participant Demographics Participant Age Coming Out Age Ethnicity/Race County of Residence Highest Education Level Employment Alan 28 25 Hispanic/Latino SD J.D. Paralegal Brad 30 21 African American LA J.D. Lawyer Charlie 30 22 Hispanic/Latino Orange J.D. Lawyer Daniel 35 18 Asian/Pacific Islander (JP) SD M.D. Physician Ethan 18 14 Caucasian Orange H.S.D. Massage Therapist Frank 21 18 Hispanic/Latino SD H.S.D. College Student George 25 19 Caucasian SD M.A. Psychologist Hank 25 20 Caucasian SD M.A. Psychologist Ivan 23 16 Caucasian RI B.A. Sales Rep James 22 19 African American LA B.A. Retail Ken 22 17 Caucasian RI H.S.D. College Student Lee 30 23 Asian/Pacific Islander (CH) LA M.D. Pediatrician Note: Degree Codes: * H.S.D. = High School Diploma * B.A. = Bachelor’s Degree * M.A. = Master’s Degree * J.D. = Juris Doctorate/Law Degree
    44   Themes This researcher used a semi-structured interview with open-ended interview questions to gather information about the participant’s experiences with coming out and adopting a gay sexual identity. The focus of these interviews was to understand the social and psychological processes that influenced and impacted the participant’s coming out process. The semi-structured interview attempted to answer the following questions: (RQ1) How does social context affect personal construction and adaptation of a gay identity?, (RQ2) How does social context affect the coming out process and an individual’s willingness to disclose their sexual identity?, and (RQ3) What common themes in coming out experiences exist to explain the coming out process as a general process? As part of the interview experience, participants were asked to discuss their coming out process, as well as the social and psychological influences that they encountered during this process. The open-ended questions allowed the researcher to gather rich descriptions of how the participant came to identify as gay and came out to themselves, their friends, and their families. Thematic Categories The first theme addressed by the interview after obtaining demographic questions was regarding coming out and the emerging awareness of being different. The first main question to address this theme was, “Tell me about how you realized that you were gay.” This question was created to identify how the participant initially came to realize that they had an alternative sexual identity as well as how this process of self-discovery occurred and if there was anything prompting this realization. The second question was,
    45   “What was it like for you to disclose your sexual identity to someone else?” This question was designed to elicit detailed responses from the participant about their disclosure of their sexual orientation to their social structure as well as how the reactions resulting from this disclosure affected the participant’s attitudes regarding the coming out process. The third question for this theme followed up on the answers from the second question and asked, “What changed for you personally once you started to self-identify as gay?” This question was designed to specifically address how the participant’s lives differed from before they came out to after their disclosure of their sexual identity and how their perspectives on their own identity and the gay community changed after starting to identify as gay. Table 2 Subthemes from First Thematic Category Question Subthemes 1. Tell me about how you realized that you were gay. 2. What was it like for you to disclose your identity to someone else? 3. What else has changed for you personally since you started to self- identify as gay? a. Feeling of being different b. Attractions during high school c. Fear of alienation, isolation d. Gaps between perceptions and reality of gay identity a. Fear, especially about stereotypes b. Worry about rejection c. Anticlimactic compared to what they thought that it would be like a. Feelings of being free b. Felt like things “made sense” c. Still dealing with repercussions of coming out
    46   The second theme addressed by the interviews is on social context and modeling. The first question that addressed this theme was, “Who are your role models in the gay community?” This question was designed to have the participant identify particular role roles in the gay community that may have been influential in the participant’s decision to come out when they did. Additionally, this question allows the participant to identify themes, traits, and characteristics of these role models that the participant identified with that could have possibly prompted the participant to disclose their sexual identity in the way that they did. The second question to address this theme was, “What are some qualities that you see in LGBT individuals that you don’t want to be like?” This question was implemented to allow the participant to also identify negative traits about the LGBT population that may have hindered their coming out process as well as help the participant describe negative attributes or characteristics of the LGBT population that could also negatively impact the participant’s gay identity construction. The third question to address the theme of social context and modeling was, “How did your experiences with the LGBT community affect your decision to come out?” This question allowed the participant to describe their previous experiences of interacting with the LGBT community and how these interactions impacted their coming out process. This question allowed the participant to identify both positive and negative experiences with the LGBT community and how this impacted the construction of their personal sexual identity.
    47   Table 3 Subthemes from Second Thematic Category Question Subthemes 1. Who are your role models in the gay community? 2. What are some qualities that you see in LGBT individuals that you don’t want to be like? 3. How did your experiences with the LGBT community affect your decision to come out? a. Tolerant people b. Fight for what they believe in, debate values, not always yelling about injustice c. Confident a. Participants had fears of being stereotyped b. Acting excessively feminine/ “acting like a queen” c. Not seeing sexuality as a spectrum, not just either gay or not a. Didn’t have a lot of experiences b. No positive experiences c. Saw it as something they wanted to be part of/an ideal The third thematic category highlighted by the interviews was that of identity construction and deriving meaning. The first question to address this theme was, “How are you like other gay individuals?” This allows the participant to find commonalties and differences between themselves and other gay individuals, allowing for the identification of some themes that could be applied to the gay community in general. The second question to address this theme was, “What does it mean for you to be gay?” This allows the participant to offer current personal meaning of their gay identity as well as allows the participant to identify and discuss the essential characteristics that they identify as being linked with a gay identity. The third question to address this theme was, “How (if any) has your perception of being gay changed as your sexual identity developed?” This
    48   question was designed to have the participant discuss how their internal meaning of being gay has changed as they come out and become more comfortable with their sexual identity. Table 4 Subthemes from Third Thematic Category Question Subthemes 1. How are you like other gay individuals? 2. What does it mean for you to be gay? 3. How (if any) has your perception of being gay changed as your sexual identity developed? a. All attracted to men/masculinity b. Struggles with being something that is different than what is expected c. Feeling of connection/community a. Attraction (not just sexual) to men/masculinity b. Being part of a sexual minority c. Accepting who one is a. Being happier with oneself and with others being who they are b. Realized that it is not just a lifestyle choice Theme Presentations Coming Out and the Feeling of Being Different All of the participants interviewed shared their experiences in coming out and the process they engaged in to begin adopting a gay identity. There were various subthemes that emerged from this central thematic category (Table 2). Each individual had a different experience coming out, but each experience had common elements. The subthemes that emerged from this thematic category include feelings of being different,
    49   feelings of incongruence, attractions to other males in their social environment, fears of rejections during disclosure, and feelings of being free once disclosure of sexual identity had been made. The following transcript excerpts illustrate these themes and categories. Question: Tell me about how you realized that you were gay. Alan: I had always kind of known, I guess. I was so busy with high school and then college and law school that it took me awhile to finally look around at my friends, see that they had all started to have serious relationships, and see that I was still alone. I sat down and realized that the person I wanted to be with wasn’t a woman. I have had a few friendships with females in the past, but nothing ever happened. I had experimented in college with same-sex relationships, but I don’t think that I was ready to commit to a man just yet. It wasn’t until I realized that I wanted to be with a man, and that I had always been attracted to men, things kind of clicked. I finally figured out something that was a long time coming: I was gay. I AM gay. I think I always knew that. If anything, it took me too long to figure that out. Brad: It took me a long time to put a label on it. I had a few relationships with some guys, but never thought much of it—never thought that I was gay, just that I slept with men in between sleeping with women. Towards the end of college I finally realized that I was nearly exclusively sleeping with men and that I probably was a little closer to being gay versus bisexual or just recreationally sleeping with men as I had originally thought. I started playing with the idea of being gay and started talking to my friends about my relationships being same-sex and never went back to thinking of myself as bisexual or straight. Charlie: I took a long time to finally admit that I was gay. Looking back on my life, I had one friendship right at the beginning of college that probably could have become my first same-sex relationship, but I had never had that experience before. I came from a pretty conservative background—small town, small people, I like to say. I had only known one person who was out before I got to college, and I knew that I wasn’t like that person, so I thought that I wasn’t gay because we weren’t alike. When I got to college and met this guy, we just clicked, and I thought that I had met this really close friend and we got pretty close—we never did anything sexually, but we had this connection that I had never had before. So I guess that was my first inkling. That ended badly because I think some of our mutual friends had problems with the fact that we clicked, and they tried to set us up with girls,
    50   and he ended up with a girlfriend and I ended up on the outs with that group of friends. It wasn’t until I got into law school and met a group of out guys that I felt really connected to that I realized that I was gay. I was able to see that there were a lot of different types of gay men and not just one stereotype, and I felt much more comfortable thinking of myself as gay. Daniel: It took me a long time to finally admit to myself that I was gay. I still am not fully out—there are members of my family that I just don’t think that would be that accepting, so I don’t even bring it up with them. I’m the oldest child and the only son in a traditional Japanese family, and my family has always been focused on me having a family and having children. When my mother found gay porn on my computer when I was back from break from school, she genuinely thought that it was a phase, and I just kind of followed that lead. My parents tried setting me up for a bunch of dates, and I always just thought that it would be a phase that I would eventually grow out of. When I started med school I became so busy that I just delayed everything and kept punting any decision about my sexual identity down the road to be dealt with in the future. It wasn’t until I started my residency that I met my current boyfriend and we started a relationship that I finally accepted that I was gay. I disclosed my identity at work and to my friends, and slowly to my family. It’s still a process, but if I hadn’t met my current boyfriend, I don’t know if I would have ever really come to think of myself as gay. Ethan: I’ve always known that I was gay, at least on some level. I always liked fashion and I always had close friendships with girls. In middle school, when everyone started going out with each other, I never wanted to go out with girls and always seemed to end up being the person that the girls would come back to and talk about their dates with, rather than the person that everyone wanted to out with. At the beginning of high school, my parents hosted an exchange student from England and I felt really connected with him. Eventually we just got really close and one night we just clicked and made out and then had sex. He was really nice about things afterwards and talked to me how he had been with other women but was also attracted to some of his male friends from school, and that I was his first same-sex experience, and I told his that he was mine. He told me that he was probably bisexual, maybe even straight and just had sex with guys this one time, but I realized that I had feelings for him and that the experience had meant a lot more to me than it did to him. He left to go back home to England about a month later, but that experience helped me realize that I really only had sexual feelings for guys and that I was gay and the rest is history, so to speak. Frank:
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Gay Identity Development Factors

  • 1.   i   COMING OUT IN CONTEXT: PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL FACTORS IMPACTING GAY IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT A Doctoral Dissertation Research Submitted to the Faculty of Argosy University, San Diego College of Psychological and Behavioral Sciences in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Education in Counseling Psychology by David Rosen Argosy University, San Diego March, 2015
  • 2.     ii   COMING OUT IN CONTEXT: PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL FACTORS IMPACTING GAY IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT Copyright © 2015 David Rosen All Rights Reserved
  • 3.     iii    
  • 4.     iv   COMING OUT IN CONTEXT: PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL FACTORS IMPACTING GAY IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT A Doctoral Dissertation Research Submitted to the Faculty of Argosy University, San Diego College of Psychological and Behavioral Sciences in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Education in Counseling Psychology by David Rosen Argosy University, San Diego March, 2015 Adrian Calderon, Psy.D. Kathleen Andrews, Ph.D. Department: College of Psychological and Behavioral Sciences
  • 5.     v   ABSTRACT This research study set out to objectively investigate the impact of social context on coming out and the gay identity development process. This study explored the participant’s recollections of their personal coming out processes, as well as the social and historical contextual factors that they encountered during this process. Findings included the identification of three major themes: the impact of generational cohorts on the coming out process, the distinction between gay identity development and gay identity acquisition, and the effect of contextual relationships on self-concept and the development of a gay self. Results showed that context played an important role in mediating experiences of both coming out and developing a gay self-concept.
  • 6.     vi   ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to take a moment to acknowledge all of the individuals who helped me to finish my dissertation and complete my life-long goal of obtaining a doctoral degree: To Dr. Calderon and Dr. Andrews, who provided valuable assistance and support through the dissertation process and who trusted me and allowed me the freedom to engage in the dissertation process in my own way and in my own time. You both have my deepest appreciation. To my mother, who supported me and had faith in my abilities, even when I wasn’t sure if I could finish my research on time. To Lauren Buchbauer, Joseph Buchbauer, Yu-Ling Ting, Mayra Gomez, Marylou Gomez, Daylin Murray, and countless others who provided contacts and references to source possible participants: This study could not have been completed without you. To my participants, I appreciate the courage and strength that each of you had to share your personal narratives with me. I hope that my interpretation of your stories can help improve the research base for gay studies and make a worthwhile contribution in each of your names. To the many others who allowed me to talk incessantly about my research topic over the course of the last two years, thank you for not getting tired of me.
  • 7.     vii   DEDICATION I find that when I get lost, it always helps to retrace my steps and go back to the beginning. In that spirit, I want to dedicate this work to the person who started me on this path, who taught me that it was selfish to make everyone have to work to see my authentic self, and that it was my responsibility to be proud of myself in whomever I ended up to be and whatever I ended up doing. To Analisa Pilecki, who showed kindness, empathy, and a listening ear during a life-changing conversation, who inspired my interest in coming out stories, and without whom this study would never exist, I thank you and dedicate this work to you.
  • 8.    viii   TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TABLE OF APPENDICIES................................................................................................x TABLES OF TABLES ..................................................................................................... xi CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION..................................................................................1 Problem Background ...........................................................................................................1 Purpose of the Study............................................................................................................3 Research Questions..............................................................................................................4 Limitations and Delimitations..............................................................................................5 Definitions............................................................................................................................6 Importance of the Study.......................................................................................................8 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW .....................................................................9 Introduction..........................................................................................................................9 Coming Out from a Developmental Perspective .................................................................9 Erikson...................................................................................................................10 Cass........................................................................................................................12 Troiden...................................................................................................................13 Limitations.............................................................................................................14 Coming Out in Cultural Context........................................................................................16 Coming Out as Ritual.............................................................................................17 Historical Contextual Factors ............................................................................................19 Generational Cohorts in Gay Identity Development .............................................20 Four Cohorts ..............................................................................................21 Millenials ...................................................................................................23 Coming Out from a Social Perspective..............................................................................24 Social Environment, Context, and the Transmission of Culture ...........................24 Feminism, Queer Theory, Stigmatization, and Coming Out .................................26 Summary ...........................................................................................................................27 CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY .........................................................................29 Research Design.................................................................................................................29 Selection of Participants ........................................................................................29 Instrumentation ......................................................................................................30 Recruitment Letter .....................................................................................30 Demographic Sheet/Matching Document..................................................30 Interview Guide .........................................................................................31 Digital Audio Recorder..............................................................................31 Coding Software ........................................................................................31 Methodological Assumptions ................................................................................32 Procedures..............................................................................................................33 Data Processing and Analysis............................................................................................34
  • 9.     ix   Trustworthiness and Rigor ................................................................................................35 CHAPTER FOUR: ANALYSIS AND RESULTS ...........................................................37 Overview ...........................................................................................................................37 Introduction .......................................................................................................................37 Interview Protocol .............................................................................................................38 Methods for Analysis ........................................................................................................40 Participants ........................................................................................................................42 Themes ..............................................................................................................................44 Thematic Categories .............................................................................................44 Theme Presentations .........................................................................................................48 Coming Out and the Feeling of Being Different ..................................................48 Social Context and Modeling ................................................................................55 Identity Construction and Deriving Meaning .......................................................57 Challenges .........................................................................................................................60 Summary and Findings .....................................................................................................61 CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCULSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS .....65 Discussion .........................................................................................................................65 Researcher’s Reflections .......................................................................................67 Interpretation of Results ....................................................................................................67 T1: Generational Effects on the Coming Out Process ..........................................68 T2: Identity Construction and Acquisition ...........................................................70 T3: Contextual Relationships, Support Systems, and Coming Out ......................72 Implications .......................................................................................................................73 Limitations ........................................................................................................................74 Conclusions and Recommendations .................................................................................76 REFERENCES .................................................................................................................78 APPENDICIES .................................................................................................................84  
  • 10.     x   TABLE OF APPENDICIES Appendix Page A. Letter of Informed Consent ...................................................................................85 B. Demographic Survey ............................................................................................88 C. Interview Protocol .................................................................................................90 D. Semi Structured Interview Question Guide ..........................................................92 E. List of Operational Definitions .............................................................................96
  • 11.     xi   TABLE OF TABLES Table Page 1. Participant Demographics .....................................................................................43 2. Subthemes from First Thematic Category ............................................................45 3. Subthemes from Second Thematic Category.........................................................47 4. Subthemes from Third Thematic Category............................................................48
  • 12.     1   CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION Problem Background According to the Williams Institute, an estimated 9 million adults in the United States identify as gay, lesbian, or bisexual—approximately 3.5% of all adults in the United States (Gates, 2011). Additionally, an estimated 19 million Americans report that they have engaged in same-sex sexual behavior, and nearly 25.6 million Americans acknowledge at least some same-sex attraction. As a sizable minority population, LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) individuals can often be an understudied community. Confusion regarding the categorization of gender and sexual categories persists, leading to marginalization and stigmatization of the various sexual and gender identities that exist in today’s society (Halperin, 2011). Research focus is placed on the outcomes of being gay—specifically political, legal, and social implications for society. Little focus is placed on the meaning of being gay and the implications that this meaning has for the gay individual. Without understanding this population from a gay identity perspective, there exists a potential for providing services and community programs that may not be needed by the LGBT community. Additionally, without understanding the gay experience from the perspective of a gay individual, mislabeling and stigmatization can occur, with potentially harmful consequences to the LGBT population as a result. Theoretical Causation for Coming Out As one of the defining features of the sexual minority population is the realization that one is different from the normative population (Yarhouse, 2001). Understanding how this realization comes about would appear to be an ideal way to understanding the experience of sexual minority individuals. For gays, lesbians, and bisexuals (GLB), this
  • 13.     2   process is often referred to as “coming out,” and can be seen through a variety of perspectives, from a distinct stage in sexual identity acquisition (Cass, 1979; Troiden, 1979), a dynamic process through which every GLB individual must proceed through in their development (Diamond, 2003) and make a choice to identify with an established cultural group and become a member of the “gay community” (Harper, 2007; Herdt, 1997). Despite a variety of perspectives regarding the theoretical causal factors of this process, many authors agree that it is a developmental milestone and defining event for the GLB individual (Diamond, 2003; Halperin, 2011; Herdt, 1997; Riley, 2010). While this process is common to any member of a sexual minority, there is no analogous event for heterosexual youth and their families (Floyd & Stein, 2002). This is a contributing factor to feelings of isolation felt by GLB youth during the coming out process, as the GLB youth may not know or be afraid to relate to other GLB individuals who have had similar experiences, or only have heterosexual “straight” friends in their social networks (Riley, 2010). Despite the fact that this is the only common event that unifies lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals as a cohesive group, individuals are expected to progress through their gay identity development as isolated individuals observing the activities and actions of others with their own internal cognitive schemas. Moral Development In addition to concerns and debate over theoretical causation, an aspect of moral development is intertwined with the formation of a gay identity. Individuals in the process of coming out are not engaging in this process alone, or in isolation. These individuals, especially adolescents and young adults in the process of coming out, must
  • 14.     3   adjust their previously held cognitive schemas of what is good, appropriate, and just in society and evaluate these new schemas based on the perceived risk of coming out (Herdt & Boxer, 2001). As such, culture plays a crucial mediating role in the coming out process, providing various contextual factors that must be also factored in when one choses to study this development process. However, while moral development appears to be an important consideration when investigating the coming out process, few scholars have actually addressed the issue of coming out in terms of moral development and social justice. Freud (1920) initially did not see any connection between the psychological well-being of the gay individual, their connections to a broader society and community, and the presence of social injustice in said society. Erikson (1950) conceptualized his developmental stages as timeless and pathologized homosexuality as a matter of identity confusion and peer group pressures. Contemporary psychologists are still uncertain of how to precisely characterize and define the coming out process, as many aspects of this process are still in question. As Hunter, Shannon, Knox, & Martin (1998) state: “Almost everything known about the coming out process is in question, such as how it happens (e. g., a discovered essential lesbian, gay, or bisexual identity or a socially constructed identity), when it happens, its order or disorder, and whether there is an end state to the process or whether it is always open-ended.” (p. 67) As this quote reflects, many aspects of the coming out process are still unknown to researchers today, as there are few means to easily classify this process. As such, this study will endeavor to provide insight into the coming out process, specifically in how context impacts this process, in order to provide data to help better understand an often- misunderstood phenomenon. Purpose of the Study
  • 15.     4   The purpose of this study is to investigate the coming out process from a gay perspective, through the taking of narratives from members of the gay community regarding their experiences as they “came out” and began to identify as a member of the gay community. This will allow for a better understanding of a process that is often misunderstood and misrepresented. Where previous studies and research endeavors sought to understand this process from a single theoretical and conceptual perspective, this study will provide understanding of this process from a developmental, cultural, and contextual perspective. This will allow for a better understanding of the coming out process as the union, and intersections of these perspectives can be highlighted and emphasized for further investigation. Additionally, while the emphasis on understanding the impact that social context has on identity development, this study also aims to link two concepts that have been linked due to common consensus and not based on empirical study. While a great deal of literature exists linking the impact of social context on decision-making vis-à-vis peer pressure (Bamaca & Umaña-Taylor, 2006), on elements of choice theory (Barnett & Casper, 2001), and the development of interpersonal and individual behavior frameworks and group activities (Earle & Earle, 2000), there is a paucity of research that examines how social context specifically intersects with gay identity development and the impact that social context has on this process. By focusing on the relationship between social context and gay identity formation, this study can show a relationship that is often taken for granted: that social context does influence gay identity development. Research Questions
  • 16.     5   1. How does social context affect personal construction and adoption of a gay identity? 2. How does social context affect the coming out process and an individual’s willingness to disclose their sexual identity? 3. What common themes in coming out experiences exist that explain the coming out process as a general process? These three questions were created to align with the three main domains that are recommended by the American Psychological Association to be addressed when working with LGBT clients. These domains include (a) knowing oneself, (b) disclosing and sharing gay identity with others, and (c) living as a gay individual (APA, 2012). These questions were also designed to examine how social context and gay identity development intersect, with the intention of using the themes generated through the course of this study as a basis for future research on the coming out process for other sexual minority categories. Limitations and Delimitations Limitations As an estimated 9 million individuals identify as lesbian, gay, or bisexual in the United States (Gates, 2011), it would appear that the LGB group may have regional characteristics similar to that of the normal population distribution of the United States. While there are individual estimates of the population size of the LGB population in Southern California, an official estimate is hard to be generated, though a sizable concentration of LGB individuals has been attributed to this area. While a sizeable
  • 17.     6   concentration of LGB individuals may reside in Southern California, a sample taken from this area may not be representative of all LGB individuals in the United States. As much of the data generated in this study will be gathered through the use of qualitative interviewing, various limitations potentially emerge, including the use of indirect information filtered through the perspectives of the research participants. Additional limitations resulting from the use of interviews include memory or recall bias and potential bias on the part of the researcher when engaging in the coding, categorizing, and thematic analysis of the data. Delimitations A key delimitation to this study is the sample size of the population. Financial, travel, and time constraints limit the scope of the study to the sampling of individuals in the counties of Southern California. Definitions Coming out refers to a continual developmental process in which an individual identifies, accepts, and chooses to self-label and self-identify as gay or lesbian. Cass (1979) believed that this process consisted of six linear steps, beginning with the recognition of incongruence between personal identity and social norms through to the acceptance of a gay identity, with the possibility of identity foreclosure. Rotheram-Borus and Fernandez (1995) believed that coming out encompassed four broad dimensions that are addressed in a non-linear manner: recognizing oneself as lesbian or gay, exploring one’s sexual orientation through the gay and lesbian community, disclosing one’s sexual orientation to others, and becoming more comfortable with one’s own sexual orientation.
  • 18.     7   Social context can be defined as general environmental factors, actions, or circumstances that create a social framework for interpersonal and individual behavior. Social context can also serve to mediate said behavioral frameworks once they have been created. Social context theory is focused on the interactions between social forces that affect individual behavior and individual or group actions that change society. The theory defines these interactions and changes, recognizes the impetus for change, identifies future patterns, and offers potential solutions (Earle & Earle, 1999). Sex refers to the biological and physiological characteristics that define men and women (WHO, 2014). Gender refers to the socially constructed roles, behaviors, activities, and attitudes that a given society considers appropriate for men and women (WHO, 2014). Gender identity refers to a person’s private sense and subjective experience of their own gender (Carlson & Heth, 2009). This is primarily accomplished through the acceptance of membership into either the category of male or female once a private, personal sense of self has been generated, usually between the ages of three to six years (Kalbfleisch & Cody, 1995). Sexual identity refers to one’s self-perception based on who they are romantically and sexually attracted to. Sexual identity and sexual behavior are closely linked to sexual orientation and can be distinguished with identity referring to an individual’s self- conception, behavior referring to the actual sexual acts performed by the individual, and sexual orientation referring to the romantic or sexual attraction to individuals of the opposite sex, same sex, both sexes, or having no sexual attractions (Reiter, 1989).
  • 19.     8   Sexual orientation refers to “an enduring pattern of emotional, romantic, and/or sexual attractions to men, women, or both sexes” (APA, 2013). Sexual orientation can also refer to a person’s sense of identity based on these attractions, their related behaviors based on these attractions, and feeling of membership in a community of individuals who share similar attractions (APA, 2013; Reiter, 1989). Importance of the Study This study has importance as it can fill a gap in the existing research by providing data to link two phenomena that had previously been linked without merit. Additionally, this study will help explore and understand the impact that social context has when working with gay male clients. Rich, detailed, and descriptive data can be generated through the process of qualitative interviewing, which can be used as a foundation for future research, which can be performed to investigate whether similar themes are found with lesbian, bisexual, or transgendered populations, while quantitative research can be performed to see if the themes generated from this small sample can be generalized over the entire LGB population.
  • 20.     9   CHAPTER TWO REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction With the perceived importance of various contextual factors in mind, this chapter is organized to first examine previous impacts of historical context and generational cohorts on gay identity development. After discussing how historical context has impacted gay identity development, developmental context, cultural context, and social contexts will similarly be discussed, particularly in relation to these context’s impact on sexual identity development, demonstrating how these contextual elements have previously mediated identity development with the intent to show similar mediating effects on current identity development processes. Coming Out from a Developmental Perspective Achieving a personal identity is one of the central developmental tasks faced by heterosexual, gay, and lesbian individuals (Rotheram-Borus & Fernandez, 1995). Erikson (1950) believed that a healthy identity search involves exploring a range of choices, making a commitment, and disclosing or sharing individual roles or beliefs with others. This search can take multiple and different foci depending on the individual circumstances of the youth (Rotheram-Borus & Fernandez, 1995). Consider, for example, a first-generation Mexican adolescent whose parents immigrated to the United States from Mexico. As the search for ethnic identity is often a dominant theme for adolescents in this cultural group (Rotheram-Borus & Fernandez, 1995), these individuals may experiment with various labels and styles of identification as part of the identity developmental process. Depending on their circumstances, the adolescent may come to identify as “Chicano,” connecting their identity with a term that has political roots in
  • 21.     10   activism. Perhaps the adolescent chooses to identify as “Latino,” which is a less politically connected term that has greater ties to indigenous origin. Whichever label the adolescent decides to adopt, the social context of said label must be considered before it is adopted. The sexual identity search is very similar to this example of the search for ethnic identity. Developmental stage models persist as a standard for normative sexual development (Diamond, 2005; Diamond, 2008). Consistent among all models is the process of coming out: when the individual comes to identify as something other than heterosexual, incorporating a sexual minority status to their established self-concept (Carrion, V.G. & Lock, J., 1997). As part of the coming out process, the questioning individual has to engage in introspection and self-reflection as well as analyzing the context of their social environment and the perceived meaning of various sexual identity labels before choosing a label to self-identify with. Once this new identity label has been identified, adopted, and has started to become integrated into their self-concept, then the individual will then socially disclose this label and new gay identity to others (Chirrey, 2003). Unlike the example of ethnic identity search, coming out is a necessary part of developing a positive and healthy identity as a gay individual. While the process of gay identity development differs by theorist, there is a general consensus that coming out reduces feelings of isolation, alienation, and stress while allowing the individual to receive increased support from the gay and lesbian community (Cass, 1979; Rotheram- Borus, 1995). Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development
  • 22.     11   In 1950, Erikson proposed a model of psychosocial development that identified eight stages in which a healthy developing individual would progress through, from infancy to late adulthood. Crucial to this model was the idea of “crisis,” in which the individual struggles between two conflicting psychological and social forces before coming to reconcile the internal conflict between these forces and gaining a specific virtue to be built upon in future stages (Erikson, 1950). The fifth stage, fidelity, or the conflict between identity and role confusion, was the stage often seen in the development of adolescents and the stage where sexual identity begins to develop. Erikson proposed that adolescence is the time that one reconciles two important conceptions of identity: the individual that one once was, and the individual that one must become (Erikson, 1968). As with other stages, the fidelity stage has the individual engaging in multiple bio-psycho-social factors, with personal ideologies being chosen by the individual, despite how they were raised. Should experimentation be criticized and society play too great of a role, the individual could foreclose on their internal desires, ending experimentation and self-discovery based on external pressures. As Stevens (1983) claimed, fidelity is the crucial virtue for this stage of development, requiring the individual to sustain loyalties in spite of the inevitable and inherent confusion and contradictions of social value systems. This would suggest that, from Erikson’s perspective, adolescence is a critical stage for examination for the purposes of this study, as it not only links identity development with developmental concerns of an emerging gay identity, but also reflects the importance of social context in the pressures exerted on the individual through their social networks and familial connections. These social
  • 23.     12   contextual factors will be a recurring theme throughout each of the models used in creating the framework for this dissertation. Cass’s Model of Gay Identity Development Sexual identity developmental models such as Vivienne Cass’s (1979) model of gay identity acquisition were formed based on retrospective data collected primarily from gay men (Patterson, 2008; Yarhouse, 2001). In her model, Cass proposed a six-stage identity development model in which individuals “acquire” identity through both internal contemplation of personal identity and the comparison of personal identity to gay identity seen in other individuals (Cass, 1979, Yarhouse, 2001). Through the process of development, the gay individual comes to synthesize a new identity with all other aspects of themselves, reducing the experience of leading a “dual life” and increasing feelings of incongruence (Cass, 1979, Yarhouse, 2001). This feeling of difference, derived from comparisons to the individual’s social environment and community, in turn serves as a motivating factor to encourage the individual to process through the stages of gay identity development, from the initial stages of Identity Confusion through to the final stages of Identity Synthesis. Cass’s model is historically important, as it was one of the first models to treat gay individuals as normal while living in a heterosexist society, rather than treating “homosexuality” as the problem (Yarhouse, 2001). Cass’s model has many other important contributions to the field of gay studies. This model of gay identity development saw coming out as a continual process, rather than a one-time life event that could be completed as a part of development. Cass believed that coming out occurred many times during an individual’s identity development, increasing the importance of the social environment and its effects on the
  • 24.     13   individual. As with Erikson’s model, the concept of identity foreclosure plays an important role in the Cass model. Cass believed that if, during the process of developing a gay identity, the individual should encounter resistance and is unable to proceed to the next stage of gay identity formation, identity foreclosure could occur (Cass, 1979). When this happens, the individual chooses to deny or hide their identity, effectively pausing identity development at the stage when foreclosure occurred (Yarhouse, 2001). However, Cass believed that this could continue to cause distress in the individual’s personal life, and once the distress reached critical level, the individual could decide that the stress of remaining in foreclosure is more harmful than the stress of continuing to develop their gay identity and resume their progress through the Cass stages (Cass, 1979, Yarhouse, 2001). This is an important aspect because it shows the autonomy that the individual has in their sexual identity development, in that there is an element of choice in whether the individual will progress through the stages and develop a healthy self-concept of sexual identity. Additionally, the process of foreclosure reinforces the role of social context in gay identity formation, mediating the experience of adopting a gay identity and providing challenges that must the considered and overcome before the gay identity can be fully adopted. Troiden and Identity Acquisition When building upon Cass’s model of gay identity development, Troiden (1989) developed his own four-stage model of homosexual identity development. Much like Cass’s model, Troiden believed that identity was “a label which people apply to themselves and which is representative of the self in a social situation” (Cox & Gallois, 1996, p. 3). As a sociologist, Troiden recognized the impact of the social world on the
  • 25.     14   individual, specifically in how the social environment shaped individual perceptions and self-concept. Like Cass, Troiden proposed a concept of gay identity acquisition, in which aspects of identity were identified, contemplated, and incorporated into an existing identity, creating a new synthesized identity (Troiden, 1979, Yarhouse, 2001). Unlike identity development, where the previous identity is cast off and a new identity is adopted, identity acquisition posits that the individual already has a previously established identity but looks to the social world for virtues that they sympathize with that can be incorporated into their identity (Yarhouse, 2001). This concept of identity acquisition informs both the Cass and Troiden models, creating a social focus that impacts psychological development. For example, identity foreclosure happens not only when there is social pressure on the developing individual, but can also happen if there is a lack of positive role models to base identity development off of. In this case, identity development would cease due to lack of social influences that the individual can acquire from which their new synthesized identity can be based. By focusing on the concept of identity acquisition and identity development, one can see how the external social world interacts with the internal psychological construction of identity, creating a psychosocial identity synthesis. Limitations While developmental stage models have provided the foundation on which much of gay identity study is based, there are a few limitations that also need to be discussed, specifically in how these limitations impact the framework for this dissertation research. As stage models, Erikson’s, Cass’s, and Troiden’s models of identity development are often criticized for the assumption that identity development is a one-way process, and
  • 26.     15   that individuals engaging in this form of identity development must progress through each stage in sequential order for the functional identity development. Theorists such as Anthony D’Augelli created their own models for gay identity development. D’Augelli and Patterson (2001) conceptualized identity development as six independent identity processes, which could co-occur at the same time or occur at various times throughout the individual’s lifespan. This creates an explanation for individual identity development that does not fit the theorized norm proposed in the stage development models, allowing for a wider section of the population to be explained with these theoretical models. Another argument against the use of these stage models is the exclusivity proposed through the use of these models. Cass and Troiden’s research was done using white gay males (Patterson, 2008), creating doubt that their models could effectively be applied to lesbian, bisexual, and transgender populations. Furthermore, these models lack explanation for various social and cultural contextual factors that other minority populations may experience. To address this, some theorists recommend the use of a framework, rather than a comprehensive theory. For example, the use of a differential developmental trajectories approach assumes sexual identity development as a natural context for adolescence, regardless of sexual orientation (Savin-Williams, 2005; Julian, Duys, & Wood, 2014). The use of frameworks are also ideal as attempts to reconstruct accurate stage development of non-heterosexual identity have failed due to the lack of sensitivity to social and historical contexts (Sophie, 1985). This would suggest that the older stage models of Cass, Erikson, and Troiden could be used for modern research so long as social, cultural, and historical contexts are also considered, and the stages
  • 27.     16   proposed by these classical theorists are used in the context of a framework, rather than a literal interpretation of their theory. Coming Out in Cultural Context With these critiques in mind, the coming out process must also be understood from a cultural context. One way of viewing the coming out process is as an entry and identification with a specific cultural group. The existence of a distinct “gay culture” has been supported by psychologists, sociologists, and anthropologists and has been shown to involve language, rituals, symbolic interactions, cultural icons, and culturally specific practices (Harper, 2007). In viewing the coming out process as a cultural milestone and a requirement for adoption into gay culture, this process is then seen as a way for emerging gay and lesbian individuals to learn appropriate sexual behaviors within the gay culture, but also learn the cultural norms and expectations around ways of being, acting, and knowing (Gee, 1990; Harper, 2007). Then, from this perspective, to come out as gay or lesbian requires not only both developing and exploring a sexual identity, but also choosing to engage in cultural practices and interactions identified as being part of the gay community. As young people explore their sexuality and learn about sexual cultures, an individualized sense of sexuality develops within the context of a larger cultural system (Harper, 2007; Herdt, 1992). As Herdt and Boxer (2001) argue, gay culture is a result of a process in which historical factors and socialization through events and cultural practices intersect to bring the questioning individual away from the alienation of secrecy and into the solidarity of a group membership. As a cultural identity in practice, being gay is a social experience similar to being a member of any cultural group (Halperin, 2011). This cultural perspective allows for the
  • 28.     17   experience of being gay to be a collective phenomenon that results as a consequence of social belonging, rather than a natural condition. Additionally, this perspective allows for the better understanding of the role of stigma and prejudice in the coming out process. Patterson (2008) encouraged therapists to further look into how the roles that religion, family of origin, social context, and environmental norms can affect sexual identity development. Another study took Patterson’s findings a step further to examine how homoprejudice, discrimination, and oppression can negatively impact the mental health of sexual minority individuals and impact their sexual identity development (Julian, Duys, & Wood, 2014). In short, being gay, just as being a member of an ethnic or another cultural group, is not just about who one is, but also places importance on what one does as well (Barnett & Casper, 2001; Halperin, 2011). This perspective implies that being gay is more than being about a lifestyle choice and places value in understanding the process that the individual engages in to become gay by accepting a gay identity and engaging in gay culture (Alderson, 2003; Halperin, 2011). However, while the process of how individuals obtain membership in certain cultural groups has been studied in depth, the developmental process in which one becomes gay is less understood and requires more investigation. As the gay community lacks common unifying identifiers and the meaning of being gay is not yet fully understood, one must look to the few common experiences and rituals that each member of the gay community engages in to understand their membership in the gay community. Coming Out as Ritual
  • 29.     18   As the process of coming out is one common event in a diverse and not fully understood cultural group, it would follow that this event would be an important one to analyze to understand deeper meanings regarding what it means to identify as a member of the gay population. From an anthropological perspective, the process of coming out is a ritual directed at changing the conception of desire of gay youth (Herdt & Boxer, 2001). Coming out requires a transition from one social and cultural role to another. Through these ritual transitions, the external social world sees the transformation as immutable or irreversible (Herdt & Boxer, 2001). Herdt and Boxer (2001) claim that rituals “adjust the individual to a stable social system in the face of a constantly changing biological and social nature” (p.14). Through ritual, the symbolic roles and mechanisms bind the energy of individuals into a new, more complex cultural form (Herdt, 1992). For the purposes of this study, the coming out process can be seen as an important ritual of passage, casting aside one’s previous natural state of heterosexual ethnocentrism (Hooker, 1965) for a counterculture of ideas to form, including the idea of self as a gay individual and the freedom of ideas that come with this identity (Herdt & Boxer, 2001). The ritual of coming out is a culturally bound phenomenon, occurring as an event of great importance in the United States and in parts of Western Europe, such as the United Kingdom. In other parts of Europe, homosexuality is treated much less harshly, from the adoption of same-sex desire into traditional patterns of family and neighborhood life with the family unit monitoring and enforcing heterosexual norms as seen in France, Spain, Italy, and Greece, to moderate acceptance of same-sex desire and same-sex activity as seen in Holland and Sweden (Herdt & Boxer, 2001; Hammack & Cohler, 2011). These differences in global opinion would seem to suggest that it is important to
  • 30.     19   see gay identity development not only from a cultural perspective, but from a historical and a social perspective as well, in understanding the generational cohort effects that impact the gay individual at the time of coming out (Herdt & Boxer, 2001) as well as understanding the social and historical environment in which the gay identity is developed. Historical Contextual Factors The meaning of being gay and developing a gay identity changes greatly based on the historical context in which the gay identity is being developed. Individuals who come out in today’s society encounter a different set of advantages, social reactions, and social attitudes than individuals of any other generational cohort. The coming out process is significantly different than it was even 30 years ago (Riley, 2010). In less than a century, the political and social meaning of same-sex attraction has shifted dramatically in the United States and in other countries (Hammack & Cohler, 2011). Historically, the disclosure of sexual identity has been phenomenon present in gay culture only in the post-Stonewall era of the 1970s, as prior to this era, disclosure could have potentially harmful legal and social consequences (Herdt & Boxer, 2001; Riley, 2010). Since this era, coming out has gained support in the LGBT community, as sexual identity has come to be intrinsically linked to personal identity, while fears of negative physical or social consequences to coming out has significantly decreased (Halperin, 2011). Today’s gay adolescent may or may not label themselves as GLB or as a sexual minority because they may not feel that labels are necessary or may aim to avoid stigmatization (Savin- Williams, 2005). While it is unclear whether teens that do not self-label ever disclose or feel the need to come out to family or friends (Savin-Williams, 2005; Riley, 2010), the
  • 31.     20   element of self-realization of a gay identity remains despite when or even if a disclosure occurs (Halperin, 2011). Using a narrative perspective, historical context becomes an important mediating factor for understanding both the societal structure and the social processes that influence the patterns of behavior bound in the action of the time (Hammack & Cohler, 2011). As such, human development occurs in a distinct social and political environment that results in distinctions among generations (Elder, 1998). Elder and Caspi (1990) suggest that historical events link lives to historical context and foster a collective consciousness within generational cohorts. However, other theorists note that variation can occur within each cohort, with factors such as gender and life choice leading to variation in life outcomes (Diamond, 2008). A life course perspective is important to the study of gay and lesbian identity development as it incorporates and considers the historical, social, and political context in which the individual is embedded (Hammack, 2005). A narrative approach, such as one that uses memoirs and retrospective memory, can address these various contexts while still being a method of inquiry that has been well-validated in humanistic and social science methodologies (Creswell, 2006). Generational Cohorts in Gay Identity Development One of the most predominant themes is the difference of interests and foci among generational cohorts of the LGBT population. To effectively examine this population and the developmental issues impacting this population, a particular cohort must be identified and their interests be closely examined to understand the various social and cultural issues impacting this age group to understand the context impacting individual identity development for members of this group. Two major ways of dividing the LGBT
  • 32.     21   population into generational cohorts that seem to emerge from the literature are Herdt and Boxer’s (2001) conceptualization of the four historical cohorts and Howe and Strauss’s (2009) identification of the millennial generational cohort. Four Cohorts. Herdt and Boxer (2001) argue for the identification of four cohorts, categorizing characteristics of four different groups of gay individuals based on the generation that these individuals belong to. In their research, Hammack and Cohler (2011) agreed with the identified four cohorts, and proposed an emerging fifth cohort similar to Howe and Strauss’s millennial cohort. The four cohorts identified by Herdt and Boxer include: 1. The First Cohort, generally categorizing individuals born between the 1930s and the 1940s, where homosexuality was both a criminal activity and a pathological illness (Hammack & Cohler, 2011). This cohort was thematically characterized by struggles to resolve internal sense of shame and stigma, the detrimental effect of mental health professionals on this cohort, and an inferior sense of self, with psychological support only able to occur through integration into the stigmatized gay community (Herdt & Boxer, 2001; Hammack & Cohler, 2011). 2. The Second Cohort, usually having individuals born in the 1950s, was similarly characterized with negative attitudes towards homosexuality, creating a negative perception towards the gay community. However, this cohort reached adolescence during the 1960s, which was a decade of great upheaval in the area of civil rights and an era of great political activism. Therefore, this cohort is characterized not only with a continued struggle for self-acceptance and the achievement of success and happiness by coming out, but with an increased activity in politics and
  • 33.     22   activism to raise awareness about the gay community (Hammack & Cohler, 2011). It is at the end of this generational cohort and at the beginning of the next that the Stonewall riots occurred, spurring the growth of gay and lesbian civil rights and social change on national and global scales. 3. The Third Cohort, populated by gay individuals born in the 1950s, saw many political advances from the efforts of previous generational cohorts. The gay community was able to become more open and visible in this generation, with community celebrations such as Pride starting to be organized. Coming out and the entering into the gay community came to be seen as a positive attribute and narratives of the process at the time were ones of redemption (Herdt & Boxer, 2001) and sexual openness. Towards the end of this generation, AIDS became an emerging issue, with advocacy efforts starting to focus around addressing health concerns. 4. The Fourth Cohort (people born during the 1960s) saw individuals coming out during the 1980s, which was a time of growing power and influence for religious and conservative politicians. This caused great upheaval in the area of gay civil rights, particularly with the emergence of seeing homosexuality as a sin. Narratives of individuals coming out during this time saw a conflict between the redemptive narratives expressed in the previous generational cohort and the contaminating narrative of AIDS and the social discourse of homosexuality. To reconcile this, gay individuals often used compartmentalization to separate their gay and straight worlds in an effort to avoid this growing intrapersonal conflict (Hammack & Cohler, 2011).
  • 34.     23   These cohorts and generational divisions reflect the importance of historical context on the coming out process, specifically how the gay community conceptualized homosexuality and how social forces present at the time shaped individual self-concept. Combined with Howe and Strauss’s description of the current millennial cohort, these five cohorts allow for the analysis of historical context by providing a narrative of coming out for the last ninety years. Millennials. Adding to the discussion of generation cohorts is the identification of a new cohort, the millennial cohort, or individuals born in the 1980s who entered adolescence around the time of the new millennium. Howe and Strauss (2000) categorize this generation as a group of individuals who were the objects of tightening child standards set by non-conformist parents. They believed that the millennial generation would be known for its hard work “on a grassroots reconstruction of community, teamwork, and civic spirit…in the realms of community service, race, gender relations, politics and faith.” (Howe & Strauss, 2000, p. 214) Hammack and Cohler (2011) also identified a similar generational cohort, seeing the emergence of the Internet as an important resource for mobilizing individual as a community, allowing for outreach efforts that had not previous been able to be accomplished. Hammack and Cohler also see individuals in this generational cohort as ones who are coming out at earlier times in their lives, starting in middle and high school, with experiences of coming out reflecting themes of redemption, resilience, and the quest for normality.
  • 35.     24   While generational cohorts reflect the historical context that impacts an individual’s sense of self and personal identity, one important limitation emerges: that the identification of generational cohorts is a retrospective endeavor, and that presently a new cohort could be developing that has yet to be identified. It is the intention of this study to identify common themes from the coming out experiences of young adults living as part of the current generational cohort to see if the themes expressed in these narratives reflect the themes expressed by millennials, or if these themes can be used to identify a new generational cohort, with specific historical and social context that impact these individuals on a daily basis. Coming Out from a Social Perspective Social Environment, Context, and the Social Transmission of Culture While culture and history provide important roles in mediating the coming out process and gay identity development, social forces, such as the means for cultural transmission, have had similar impacts. The social environment provides a key context in understanding an individual’s development. Social environment, as defined by Barnett and Casper (2001), is the immediate social, physical, cultural, and psychological settings in which people live and develop, including institutions and social situations that the individual was educated in, as well as the people and institutions with which these individuals interact. Social interaction may be interpersonal or one-way, through media, or even through anonymous transmission. Social context is not confined to individuals of equivalent social power, class, or status and has broader scopes than the concepts of a social class, social circle, or social network. From this definition, one can see how the
  • 36.     25   social environment plays a key role in the transmission of cultural values and essential virtues, while serving as an enforcer for these same norms. As culture has changed in the past few decades, so too have means of cultural transmission of norms and expectations. Various forms of mass media have been identified as sources for acculturation into gay culture (Gomillion & Giuliano, 2011; Savin-Williams, 2005). Russell (2002) asserted that computers and the Internet provide gay youth with a way to community-build and explore personal identity while connecting with other members of the gay community. Other studies showed that an increasing number of gay adolescents and young adults are meeting their first same-gender sexual partners online (Bolding, Davis, Hart, Sherr, & Elford, 2007). Regardless of the means of transmission, the transformative nature of identifying with gay culture is important, especially as value judgments are made, such as those highlighted in feminist theory. Especially important in the discussion of social development is the role of schemas and how the individual deals with a new schema (such as the identification of a possible new sexual identity) while holding a previously established one. Piaget first developed the notion of schemas, or how the set of perceptions, ideas, and actions guide an individual’s conception of the world (Bhattacharya & Han, 2001). Key to this concept is the notion of assimilation and accommodation, or how one is able to deal with multiple, potentially conflicting, schemas. Piaget believed that, when learning new concepts or faced with a new schema, the individual will take material into their mind from the environment and integrate this new information into their previously established conception of the world (Atherton, 2013; Bhattacharya & Han, 2001). When dealing with gay identity development, the concept of assimilation can be seen as similar to Troiden’s
  • 37.     26   theory of identity acquisition, wherein the individual takes aspects of identity that they see in their social environment and incorporates these aspects into a new synthesized identity (Troiden, 1979). As a partner concept to assimilation, Piaget’s notion of accommodation is equally important to this study. Piaget saw accommodation as the changes made to established schemas when the individual learns new information and incorporates this information into their established schema as part of assimilation (Atherton, 2013). This is an important concept to this study, as the coming out process requires individuals to identify and debate new conceptions of identity and potentially completely alter their previously held heterosexual identity for a new gay identity. The individual would use assimilation and accommodation as part of the social learning process. Without these social learning processes, individuals would stay static in their development, and gay identity could not be developed. Feminism, Queer Theory, Stigmatization, and Coming Out A modern approach to understanding gay identity development is to understand how feminist theorists such as Judith Butler describe this phenomenon. Butler (1991) argues against the label of coming out, as it creates a dichotomy of either being in or being out. This dichotomy creates a situation when those who are out (as in, have made their sexual identity publically known) are seen by the LGBT community as having the “light of illumination,” (Butler, 1991, p. 15) where they are celebrated for living a true, even essential identity. On the other hand, individuals who have not publically disclosed their sexual identity are stigmatized as living false, unhappy, and even meaningless lives (Seidman, Meeks, & Traschen, 1999). This can result in a fragmentation in the notion of
  • 38.     27   what it means to be gay, with debate over whether being gay is something that is done (e.g., discovering and disclosing sexual identity) or if being gay is something that one is (e.g., their sexual attractions and desires). From a feminist perspective sexual identity, as with gender, is something that is done—specifically through the negotiation of relationships (Butler, 1991). Butler (2004) suggests that no one can exist outside of power relations, gender roles, and sexual stereotypes. However, meaning is derived from how gender and sexual identity is portrayed—through speech (Chirrey, 2003), appearance (Riley, 2010), and other social interactions. In short, how one chooses to “do” sexuality is only restricted by cultural conceptions of gender and sexuality, what is intelligible, and what is perceived to be possible by the individual (Butler 1991; Butler, 2004). This would seem to suggest that there is no way for individuals to escape the power relation dynamic, but that the potential to change the system remains a possibility. However, in order to be able to change the social context, one must do so from the inside—by first recognizing how context and power affects personal circumstance. Summary While initially identified and developed as a stage in gay identity development, the process of coming out has become a universal component seen in most studies on gay identity. Whether seen as a stage of development, as a ritual to be performed, or as one of many processes that must be addressed, the concept of coming to identify as gay or non- heterosexual and the process of disclosure of this new identity concept to others is a crucial part of gay development. As such, this researcher would argue that to understand individual gay identity development on a broader scale, such as is required in this study,
  • 39.     28   would require the identification of common themes during the gay identity development process. Key among these common themes is the coming out process, which provides an ideal focus for investigation. In centering the research questions on how social context impacts the gay identity development process, this researcher is able to begin exploring how social variables impact a common process within the gay male population.
  • 40.     29   CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY Research Design According to Yin (2009), a qualitative case study would appear to be the ideal methodology to address and understand gay identity development and the coming out process, as it allows the researcher to understand individual personal experiences, providing access to previously unattainable views and allowing for the identification of common themes to these various experiences. Case study methodology is an ideal approach as it investigates the “why” and “how” of decision making, allowing the researcher to gain an in-depth understanding of human behavior and decision making and reasons that govern these behaviors (Creswell, 2006; Yin 2009). For the purposes of this study, qualitative interviews were utilized to provide rich data to provide a solid foundation on which the research project will be based. This data was analyzed using transcription and coding software to identify broader themes, which were presented using data displays and thematic analysis. Selection of Participants Participants were selected based on a variety of criteria. Due to generational concerns, participants were between 18–35 years old, as this age range will ensure that participants are either part of the Millennial Generation as defined by Howe and Stauss (2009) or the Fourth Cohort generational group as described by Herdt and Boxer (1996). Each of the participants identified as a gay male with an identified gender of male, an androphilic sexual orientation, and a homosexual sexual identity. Participants identified as residing in one of six Southern California counties and had experienced “coming out”
  • 41.     30   to a degree in which they were able to identify and articulate their experiences with this developmental process. Instrumentation Five major instruments were used for the implementation of this research study. These five instruments include the recruitment letter, a demographic sheet and matching document, an interview guide, a digital audio recorder, and a copy of NVivo computer software. A discussion of each instrument and their importance to the study follows. Recruitment Letter. The recruitment letter detailed an outline of the study, the extent of the potential participant’s participation, and the screening requirements of the study. Ethical concerns are also addressed within the letter, detailing potential resources available to the participants, outlining potential risks to the participant, and contact information for the principal investigator, the research advisor, and the university’s institutional review board. Demographic Sheet/Matching Document. A demographic sheet was used to collect simple demographic data from each of the participants. Among the information gathered was an assigned pseudonym to be used throughout the course of the study. This ensures confidentiality of participant data and security of participant responses. The matching document, which is part of the demographic sheet, will be the only document to contain both participant demographic information and the participant’s contact information. This document was used to follow up after interviews have been conducted to confirm or clarify information provided in an effort to triangulate data and increase the rigor of the study through the process of member checking.
  • 42.     31   Interview guide. Interviews were conducted based on an interview guide constructed to elicit deep, rich responses from the participants regarding their experiences in coming out, as well as the social context in which they came out in. To do this, the interview guide adapted questions from previous research studies, specifically Thurston (2000), who created a qualitative research design on gay identity development within the life course of gay men aged 40–55, and Gomillion & Giuliano (2011), who created a qualitative research design to investigate the influence of media role models on gay identity. Through the integration and adaptation of the questions used by these studies, an interview guide was created, allowing for the investigation of individual experience of social context on personal gay identity development. Digital audio recorder. A digital audio recorder was used for all interviews to record and replay interview responses. The digital audio recorder utilized a four-digit passcode to maintain security of responses until the digital file was downloaded onto the researcher’s computer. The digital files were then deleted from the audio recorder and kept as password-protected files for further review by the researcher. The digital files were only located on the digital audio recorder, the researcher’s computer, or a university computer during the transcription and coding process. Coding software. The proposed research study used NVivo 10 computer software for both transcription and coding of interview responses. This software is currently available for use on university computers. These computers are ideal for security of information and responses, as they automatically delete all information nightly, ensuring that the interview responses remain secure on the audio recorder or on the researcher’s computer. The NVivo software was first used to transcribe interview
  • 43.     32   responses after the researcher trained the computer to identify the both researcher’s and participant’s voices. For interviews that were unable to be transcribed using the computer software, the researcher transcribed the interviews through audio review. Once the interviews were transcribed, the software was used to categorize interview responses, allowing the researcher to code responses based on tenants of both in vivo and axial coding, allowing categorical themes to emerge from interview responses. Methodological Assumptions As the main source of data collection was through qualitative interviewing regarding autobiographical information, the primary methodological assumption was that the participants have reliable retrospective autobiographical memory recall. Abenavoli & Henkel (2009) found that when context was recreated and remembered, memory improved, as did the vividness of the actual event. An additional result of that study was that the length of time that had passed since the event had significant impact on retrospective autobiographical recall. Therefore, to ensure accurate and reliable recall, participants need to have recently experienced “coming out,” or still be in the process of coming out. To ensure this, participants were selected from a specific age range (18–35) to ensure both that the event is recent in their own personal history and that contextual aspects that occurred during this process can also be identified and recalled. Additionally, the interview protocols and interview questions focused on context to improve participant responses regarding the impact of contextual factors on their development. Another theoretical assumption was that social constructivism does exist, in that the gay identity development process is affected by social environment, and social context in turn impacts psychological self-concept. This impacts methodological
  • 44.     33   construction as the research and interview questions designed for this project assumes social constructivism in the gay identity development process and theorizes that social environment does impact and shape the individual’s sense of self, especially as a gay individual. Procedures Participants were recruited for this study primarily through snowball sampling. Requests for participants were issued through the researcher’s social networks, asking that potential participants who met the screening criteria be forwarded the researcher’s contact information for an initial interview to be conducted via email, phone, or chat. Participants indicating interest were sent an intake packet with the informed consent document (Appendix A), a brief description of the study and its time requirements for the interview, and the demographic sheet (Appendix B) to determine whether the interested participant meets the requirements of the study. If the participant met the screening requirements, an interview was then scheduled. Solicitations for participants continued to be made regularly until a saturated sample was achieved. The researcher determined that sample saturation occurred when there was enough data to portray the full range of viewpoints on the content of the study, provided detailed descriptions of a wide range of participant views, and contributed to the formation of theoretical categories for theory building. Participants that reached the interview process were assigned a pseudonym that will be attached to all materials, including interview transcripts, audio recordings of the interview, and memos that reflect on the interview. This ensured confidentiality and security of interview responses. Documents that contain the participant’s real name such
  • 45.     34   as the informed consent form, initial screening survey responses, and matching document are being held in a secure lockbox until the required time for document destruction. Participants were contacted exclusively through a dedicated secure email address that was used solely for dissertation research and communication with participants in an attempt to maximize security of responses and participant information and to reduce potential of harm from the disclosure of confidential information. Data Processing and Analysis As the primary data source for the study was interview responses, the ideal method of data analysis was determined to be coding said responses. As part of a qualitative approach, open, in vivo, and axial coding were performed to initially code individual responses from separate events before categorizing the responses into themes and begin comparing individual events across the created thematic categories. Finally, the thematic categories were identified in the effort to derive generalizable activities that occur across several categories for the formation of theory based on the individual events and thematic categories generated within the collected data. Yin (2009) describes a case study as “a descriptive, exploratory, or explanatory analysis of a person, group, or event” (p. 9). Yin goes on to describe the usefulness of case study approaches by explaining that individual case studies can be used to explore causation, identify and explain underlying principles, and allow for limited generalization in that “if it is true for this case, it may be true for all cases” (Yin, 2009, p. 10). This is an ideal approach for the proposed study because it will investigate the “how” and “why” of decision making, allowing for an in-depth investigation of human behavior and the
  • 46.     35   rationale that governs such behavior based on the responses of a very small segment of the population (Creswell, 2006; Yin, 2009). While a qualitative approach emphasizes the importance of not entering into research with preconceived notions (Charmaz, 2006), this author theorizes that certain categories will be present across the various responses despite cultural and contextual differences in the groups. These categories include the impact of historical and social context in which the participant is living, the importance of specific social contextual effects, such as media, technology, and societal perceptions of gay identity, and classical cultural categories such as the impact of ethnicity, age, and socioeconomic class in which the participant exists. It is the theory of this author that these factors will become prominent through the research process as the literature has shown how these categories have had significant impact on aspects of identity formation, especially sexual identity formation. Trustworthiness and Rigor Trustworthiness is the validity or correctness of a qualitative study (Saukko, 2005). Trustworthiness was ensured in this research through the use of member checking the use of a semi-structured interview guide as well as reflexive journaling. Qualitative methodologies use triangulation to ensure accuracy of data and to test for truthfulness, accuracy, and consistency of data. Patton (2002) identifies four types of triangulation: data triangulation, investigator triangulation, theory triangulation, and methodological triangulation. This researcher used data triangulation and theory triangulation for the purposes of this research study. Data triangulation was used through the use of multiple data
  • 47.     36   collection sources. Through the use of a reflexive journal, member checking, and noting, the data can be checked for consistency by comparing these different forms of data collection. Theory triangulation was used through the establishment of a theoretical framework, and analyzing thematic categories generated from the data through this framework. As the focus of data analysis was on the participant’s coming out process and the social and contextual factors that impacted this process, the researcher used the theoretical frameworks of Cass’s identity development model and Herdt’s historical discussion of gay culture and coming out as ritual as the lenses through which the data was analyzed.
  • 48.     37   CHAPTER FOUR: ANALYSIS AND RESULTS Overview The goals of this study were to explore the various social and psychological factors that impact the individual during the coming out process. This chapter presents the themes identified through the process of coding each qualitative interview that were conducted with twelve gay men, aged 18–35. Data to be discussed include (a) a summary of the demographic information gathered from the interview participants at the beginning of the interview, (b) a summary of data obtained during the face to face interviews with the interview participants, (c) findings including themes obtained through the process of coding and theme presentations, and (d) the summary of the findings made during this entire process. Introduction This researcher wanted to know how the same development process could vary so differently between similar individuals and if social contextual factors played a role in creating variety in this process. This researcher hoped to gain a broader understanding of the various factors impacting the coming out process and highlight a process that is often misunderstood due to the wide variety of experiences in coming out. By interviewing individuals who have experienced coming out about their individual processes, the researcher wanted to gather a diverse set of experiences of coming out and see if there are common themes that emerged across these interviews that could be possibly explained as causal factors influencing and impacting the coming out process. Prior to beginning the study, the researcher provided an electronic version of the informed consent document for the potential participants to review that outlined the
  • 49.     38   interview process and gave a broad understanding of the purpose of the study and the goals of the semi-structured interview. Once the participant reviewed this document, an interview time and location was set to conduct the interviews. As part of the construction of the interview protocols, interview guide, and demographic questionnaire, all documents and protocols were approved by the Institutional Review Board of Argosy University to maintain ethical practice and protect the participant’s rights and welfare. Prior to beginning the interviews, the researcher reviewed the informed consent document with the participant and allowed time for questions, should the participants have any. As the study is entirely voluntary, the participant was informed that they had the option to discontinue participation at any point in the study’s process, but this option was not used by any of the participants. The researcher then gathered demographic information from the participant using the Demographic Questionnaire (Appendix B). The researcher was present with the participant during the completion of the informed consent document, demographic questionnaire, and during the semi-structured interview. Interview Protocol The researcher sent out messages to call for participants on multiple social networks. Additionally, the researcher used social connections as well as referrals to increase the potential participant pool. An informed letter of consent (Appendix A) explained the purpose of the research study as well as potential risks and benefits of participating in the study. The informed consent document also assured participants that all information and data collected and generated during the course of the research process would be kept confidential and outlined the security measures to keep the material
  • 50.     39   private. Each participant signed the informed consent document to give consent for participation in the study. The participant interviews gathered detailed information about the participant’s coming out experiences, and the various factors that influenced this process. Creswell (2006) recommends the use of open-ended questions to elicit deep, detailed responses that will contribute to the generation of rich data. Interview questions were created in an interview protocol (Appendix D). The interviews followed a semi-structured format, with all participants answering the same nine core questions from the core protocols, with the use of structured and spontaneous follow-up questions depending on the researcher’s need for additional extended information beyond the participant’s initial response. These questions were designed to serve as prompts to allow the participants to detail their coming out experiences in their own words. Twelve face-to-face interviews were conducted at locations identified or selected by the participant to encourage comfort and ease in discussion. Each interview lasted approximately 45–70 minutes, with the shortest interview taking 43 minutes and the longest taking 69 minutes. The researcher used an interview guide (Appendix C) to develop discussion prompts, with the main questions on the guide being asked of all participants and the follow-up questions being asked based on the responses of each individual participant, creating a semi-structured interview dynamic using open-ended questions to allow the participant to freely answer questions around the thematic event of their coming out process. The research questions that the interviews attempted to answer were: (RQ1) How does social context affect personal construction and adaptation of a gay identity?, (RQ2)
  • 51.     40   How does social context affect the coming out process and an individual’s willingness to disclose their sexual identity?, and (RQ3) What common themes in coming out experiences can be used that explain the coming out process as a general process? During the interview, the researcher made field notes and used an audio recorder to record the interviews. The researcher attempted to establish rapport and encourage detailed response through the use of follow-up questions, active listening skills, and asking for clarification for any areas of ambiguity that emerged over the course of the interview (Creswell, 2006). As part of the study, the researcher notified the participant that a follow-up contact might be made for additional clarification of the responses of the initial interview during the analysis portion of the study. Methods for Analysis To ensure rigor and trustworthiness of the study, multiple forms of analysis were used to triangulate and analyze data generated from the qualitative interviews. Qualitative methodology focuses on the participant experience and how these individuals derive meaning from these experiences (Creswell, 2006). Unlike other forms of data analysis, qualitative methodology, the researcher is encouraged to remain subjective and attached during the data collection process and the data analysis phase of research (Patton, 2002). This meant that that during the interview and data analysis process, the researcher acted as a participant observer, being present in the interviews while attending and engaging with the participant during the interviews while keeping the research focus in mind and working to understand how the data would ultimately fit into the larger research design (Charmaz, 2006; Patton, 2002).
  • 52.     41   To protect anonymity, participants were given a choice of pseudonym or had a pseudonym assigned to them if the participant had no preference. These pseudonyms were used during the data analysis and data reporting phases of the research project. Each interview was audio recorded with the permission of the participant. After each of the interviews, the researcher spent approximately 20 minutes immediately after conducting the interview keeping a reflexive journal focusing specifically on questions, thoughts, or ideas that had emerged as part of the interview process. The audio recording of the interviews were reviewed twice, first by the researcher as a whole while reviewing the reflexive journal, writing down possible themes, excerpts, and other aspects of the interview that the research thought could add to the research agenda. On the second review, the interviews were transcribed into written format for coding analysis. After transcription was finished, if there was any areas of doubt or areas in need of clarification, the participants were contacted again for clarification. This form of member checking allowed participants an opportunity to further participate in the research by confirming or disconfirming data and to be heard beyond the initial interview (Miller & Crabtree, 2005). Of the 12 participants’ interviews, 5 were contacted for further clarification, and all were notified that they were able to contact the research if they wanted to add to previous interview responses. Interview responses were loaded into the NVivo data analysis software, in which the research used axial and in vivo coding to analyze the chat transcripts. These codes were used to create thematic categories that allowed for cross-case analysis. The research used axial, thematic, and in vivo coding to analyze the data generated for this dissertation. In vivo coding is the process of assigning a label to a section of data, in this
  • 53.     42   case excerpts of the interview transcript. Once the transcript was entirely coded, these codes were organized into thematic categories based on the similarities found in the codes. Finally, the use of axial coding allowed for the identification of central characteristics by reassembling data in a way that draws attention to the relationships between categories (Charmaz, 2006). Participants As part of the interview protocols, participants were asked to fill out a demographic questionnaire that asked participants to self-identify on a variety of categories, including race/ethnicity, employments, and highest educational level achieved. To qualify for this study, participants had to identify sexually as gay and with a male gender. Participants identified with a variety of racial and ethnic backgrounds, including Caucasian (4), Hispanic/Latino (3), and African American (1). As shown in Table 1, the participants in this study also all reported having a coming out experience and reported their age and their age at time of coming out as well.
  • 54.     43   Table 1 Participant Demographics Participant Age Coming Out Age Ethnicity/Race County of Residence Highest Education Level Employment Alan 28 25 Hispanic/Latino SD J.D. Paralegal Brad 30 21 African American LA J.D. Lawyer Charlie 30 22 Hispanic/Latino Orange J.D. Lawyer Daniel 35 18 Asian/Pacific Islander (JP) SD M.D. Physician Ethan 18 14 Caucasian Orange H.S.D. Massage Therapist Frank 21 18 Hispanic/Latino SD H.S.D. College Student George 25 19 Caucasian SD M.A. Psychologist Hank 25 20 Caucasian SD M.A. Psychologist Ivan 23 16 Caucasian RI B.A. Sales Rep James 22 19 African American LA B.A. Retail Ken 22 17 Caucasian RI H.S.D. College Student Lee 30 23 Asian/Pacific Islander (CH) LA M.D. Pediatrician Note: Degree Codes: * H.S.D. = High School Diploma * B.A. = Bachelor’s Degree * M.A. = Master’s Degree * J.D. = Juris Doctorate/Law Degree
  • 55.     44   Themes This researcher used a semi-structured interview with open-ended interview questions to gather information about the participant’s experiences with coming out and adopting a gay sexual identity. The focus of these interviews was to understand the social and psychological processes that influenced and impacted the participant’s coming out process. The semi-structured interview attempted to answer the following questions: (RQ1) How does social context affect personal construction and adaptation of a gay identity?, (RQ2) How does social context affect the coming out process and an individual’s willingness to disclose their sexual identity?, and (RQ3) What common themes in coming out experiences exist to explain the coming out process as a general process? As part of the interview experience, participants were asked to discuss their coming out process, as well as the social and psychological influences that they encountered during this process. The open-ended questions allowed the researcher to gather rich descriptions of how the participant came to identify as gay and came out to themselves, their friends, and their families. Thematic Categories The first theme addressed by the interview after obtaining demographic questions was regarding coming out and the emerging awareness of being different. The first main question to address this theme was, “Tell me about how you realized that you were gay.” This question was created to identify how the participant initially came to realize that they had an alternative sexual identity as well as how this process of self-discovery occurred and if there was anything prompting this realization. The second question was,
  • 56.     45   “What was it like for you to disclose your sexual identity to someone else?” This question was designed to elicit detailed responses from the participant about their disclosure of their sexual orientation to their social structure as well as how the reactions resulting from this disclosure affected the participant’s attitudes regarding the coming out process. The third question for this theme followed up on the answers from the second question and asked, “What changed for you personally once you started to self-identify as gay?” This question was designed to specifically address how the participant’s lives differed from before they came out to after their disclosure of their sexual identity and how their perspectives on their own identity and the gay community changed after starting to identify as gay. Table 2 Subthemes from First Thematic Category Question Subthemes 1. Tell me about how you realized that you were gay. 2. What was it like for you to disclose your identity to someone else? 3. What else has changed for you personally since you started to self- identify as gay? a. Feeling of being different b. Attractions during high school c. Fear of alienation, isolation d. Gaps between perceptions and reality of gay identity a. Fear, especially about stereotypes b. Worry about rejection c. Anticlimactic compared to what they thought that it would be like a. Feelings of being free b. Felt like things “made sense” c. Still dealing with repercussions of coming out
  • 57.     46   The second theme addressed by the interviews is on social context and modeling. The first question that addressed this theme was, “Who are your role models in the gay community?” This question was designed to have the participant identify particular role roles in the gay community that may have been influential in the participant’s decision to come out when they did. Additionally, this question allows the participant to identify themes, traits, and characteristics of these role models that the participant identified with that could have possibly prompted the participant to disclose their sexual identity in the way that they did. The second question to address this theme was, “What are some qualities that you see in LGBT individuals that you don’t want to be like?” This question was implemented to allow the participant to also identify negative traits about the LGBT population that may have hindered their coming out process as well as help the participant describe negative attributes or characteristics of the LGBT population that could also negatively impact the participant’s gay identity construction. The third question to address the theme of social context and modeling was, “How did your experiences with the LGBT community affect your decision to come out?” This question allowed the participant to describe their previous experiences of interacting with the LGBT community and how these interactions impacted their coming out process. This question allowed the participant to identify both positive and negative experiences with the LGBT community and how this impacted the construction of their personal sexual identity.
  • 58.     47   Table 3 Subthemes from Second Thematic Category Question Subthemes 1. Who are your role models in the gay community? 2. What are some qualities that you see in LGBT individuals that you don’t want to be like? 3. How did your experiences with the LGBT community affect your decision to come out? a. Tolerant people b. Fight for what they believe in, debate values, not always yelling about injustice c. Confident a. Participants had fears of being stereotyped b. Acting excessively feminine/ “acting like a queen” c. Not seeing sexuality as a spectrum, not just either gay or not a. Didn’t have a lot of experiences b. No positive experiences c. Saw it as something they wanted to be part of/an ideal The third thematic category highlighted by the interviews was that of identity construction and deriving meaning. The first question to address this theme was, “How are you like other gay individuals?” This allows the participant to find commonalties and differences between themselves and other gay individuals, allowing for the identification of some themes that could be applied to the gay community in general. The second question to address this theme was, “What does it mean for you to be gay?” This allows the participant to offer current personal meaning of their gay identity as well as allows the participant to identify and discuss the essential characteristics that they identify as being linked with a gay identity. The third question to address this theme was, “How (if any) has your perception of being gay changed as your sexual identity developed?” This
  • 59.     48   question was designed to have the participant discuss how their internal meaning of being gay has changed as they come out and become more comfortable with their sexual identity. Table 4 Subthemes from Third Thematic Category Question Subthemes 1. How are you like other gay individuals? 2. What does it mean for you to be gay? 3. How (if any) has your perception of being gay changed as your sexual identity developed? a. All attracted to men/masculinity b. Struggles with being something that is different than what is expected c. Feeling of connection/community a. Attraction (not just sexual) to men/masculinity b. Being part of a sexual minority c. Accepting who one is a. Being happier with oneself and with others being who they are b. Realized that it is not just a lifestyle choice Theme Presentations Coming Out and the Feeling of Being Different All of the participants interviewed shared their experiences in coming out and the process they engaged in to begin adopting a gay identity. There were various subthemes that emerged from this central thematic category (Table 2). Each individual had a different experience coming out, but each experience had common elements. The subthemes that emerged from this thematic category include feelings of being different,
  • 60.     49   feelings of incongruence, attractions to other males in their social environment, fears of rejections during disclosure, and feelings of being free once disclosure of sexual identity had been made. The following transcript excerpts illustrate these themes and categories. Question: Tell me about how you realized that you were gay. Alan: I had always kind of known, I guess. I was so busy with high school and then college and law school that it took me awhile to finally look around at my friends, see that they had all started to have serious relationships, and see that I was still alone. I sat down and realized that the person I wanted to be with wasn’t a woman. I have had a few friendships with females in the past, but nothing ever happened. I had experimented in college with same-sex relationships, but I don’t think that I was ready to commit to a man just yet. It wasn’t until I realized that I wanted to be with a man, and that I had always been attracted to men, things kind of clicked. I finally figured out something that was a long time coming: I was gay. I AM gay. I think I always knew that. If anything, it took me too long to figure that out. Brad: It took me a long time to put a label on it. I had a few relationships with some guys, but never thought much of it—never thought that I was gay, just that I slept with men in between sleeping with women. Towards the end of college I finally realized that I was nearly exclusively sleeping with men and that I probably was a little closer to being gay versus bisexual or just recreationally sleeping with men as I had originally thought. I started playing with the idea of being gay and started talking to my friends about my relationships being same-sex and never went back to thinking of myself as bisexual or straight. Charlie: I took a long time to finally admit that I was gay. Looking back on my life, I had one friendship right at the beginning of college that probably could have become my first same-sex relationship, but I had never had that experience before. I came from a pretty conservative background—small town, small people, I like to say. I had only known one person who was out before I got to college, and I knew that I wasn’t like that person, so I thought that I wasn’t gay because we weren’t alike. When I got to college and met this guy, we just clicked, and I thought that I had met this really close friend and we got pretty close—we never did anything sexually, but we had this connection that I had never had before. So I guess that was my first inkling. That ended badly because I think some of our mutual friends had problems with the fact that we clicked, and they tried to set us up with girls,
  • 61.     50   and he ended up with a girlfriend and I ended up on the outs with that group of friends. It wasn’t until I got into law school and met a group of out guys that I felt really connected to that I realized that I was gay. I was able to see that there were a lot of different types of gay men and not just one stereotype, and I felt much more comfortable thinking of myself as gay. Daniel: It took me a long time to finally admit to myself that I was gay. I still am not fully out—there are members of my family that I just don’t think that would be that accepting, so I don’t even bring it up with them. I’m the oldest child and the only son in a traditional Japanese family, and my family has always been focused on me having a family and having children. When my mother found gay porn on my computer when I was back from break from school, she genuinely thought that it was a phase, and I just kind of followed that lead. My parents tried setting me up for a bunch of dates, and I always just thought that it would be a phase that I would eventually grow out of. When I started med school I became so busy that I just delayed everything and kept punting any decision about my sexual identity down the road to be dealt with in the future. It wasn’t until I started my residency that I met my current boyfriend and we started a relationship that I finally accepted that I was gay. I disclosed my identity at work and to my friends, and slowly to my family. It’s still a process, but if I hadn’t met my current boyfriend, I don’t know if I would have ever really come to think of myself as gay. Ethan: I’ve always known that I was gay, at least on some level. I always liked fashion and I always had close friendships with girls. In middle school, when everyone started going out with each other, I never wanted to go out with girls and always seemed to end up being the person that the girls would come back to and talk about their dates with, rather than the person that everyone wanted to out with. At the beginning of high school, my parents hosted an exchange student from England and I felt really connected with him. Eventually we just got really close and one night we just clicked and made out and then had sex. He was really nice about things afterwards and talked to me how he had been with other women but was also attracted to some of his male friends from school, and that I was his first same-sex experience, and I told his that he was mine. He told me that he was probably bisexual, maybe even straight and just had sex with guys this one time, but I realized that I had feelings for him and that the experience had meant a lot more to me than it did to him. He left to go back home to England about a month later, but that experience helped me realize that I really only had sexual feelings for guys and that I was gay and the rest is history, so to speak. Frank: