The appointment of members of the National Electoral Council (Consejo Nacional Electoral, CNE) in 2021 was the fruit of a political agreement between the Venezuelan opposition and the government of Nicolás Maduro led by distinct sectors of civil society.
Political agreements between actors should be seen as permanent. All efforts to build
consensus that are carried out in the name of the majority of Venezuelans, in order to escape the serious and prolonged crisis that they suffer, will constructively help rebuild institutions in the benefit of the Venezuelan people.
The Congress of the People wants to highlight a fundamental matter of national importance and calls for urgent action to be implemented to realise the Freedom Charter vision that "The People Shall Govern".
This document outlines proposed articles of law and reforms for the sovereign country of Ukraine. It establishes a democratic government with elected representatives and guarantees freedoms and rights to its citizens. It divides the country into nine districts each governed by a governor and two lieutenant governors. It establishes provisions for education, healthcare, social services, military benefits, protests, criminal justice processes, property rights, and decentralizing the government to prevent corruption. It also outlines the roles and responsibilities of federal, district, and local governments and establishes provisions for funding, emergency response, business investment, salaries, and taxes.
we are here to help you in the duration of your preparation
feel free to contact us for any query regarding your exam
contact us at : 9454721860, 0522-4241011
or log on to our website : www.iasnext.com
The document outlines the process for establishing an independent Lokpal authority in India to investigate and prosecute corruption cases. It proposes a selection committee to appoint 11 members including the chairperson from a shortlist prepared by a search committee comprising retired judges and others from civil society. The Lokpal would have powers to investigate public officials, review citizen charters, and oversee anti-corruption efforts following principles of transparency and accountability from the UN Convention Against Corruption.
Towards a new state in Myanmar
UPLOADED BY
Michael Lidauer-VIEWS-222
https://www.academia.edu/8144441/Towards_a_new_state_in_Myanmar
Towards a new state in Myanmar
UPLOADED BY
Michael Lidauer-VIEWS-222
kontakt@wahlbeobachtung.org
http://www.wahlbeobachtung.org/
Introduction
The state in Myanmar has gone through several incarnations since pre-colonial times.
1
After decades of military rule (1958–60, 1962–74, 1988–2010) and/or one-party-regime (1974–88), the 2008 Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar establishes the basis for new gov-ernmental institutions and new modes of governance. This constitution – the third for the country following those from 1947 and 1974
2
– has been heavily criticized by democracy activists and opposition parties inside the country and by the international community for not meeting basic international standards for democratic governance. The strong role of the military, in particular the provision for reserved seats in the legislature, has been especially criticized. In fact, the question whether to accept the new constitution as a preliminary framework – that could provide a transitional pathway, opening a window of opportunity for opposition forces to re-engage in politics – was a question of principle for political parties prior to the 2010 elections. These elections were held on the basis of the new constitution. Several parties split over this question, some deciding on a boycott while splinter groups or newly founded parties decided to contest the polls
The referendum as weapon of government to cool the popular revolt in brazilFernando Alcoforado
1) The mass protests in Brazil against government corruption and poor public services have not prompted an adequate response from political leaders. The government is using a proposed referendum to delay responding to popular demands and allow protests to cool down.
2) The referendum process will likely not meet public expectations because lawmakers who draft the referendum questions have little public trust. There is a risk the public's choice will be negated by Congress colluding with the executive branch.
3) Political reform in Brazil should establish a truly representative democracy where elected officials serve public rather than personal interests. Restrictions should bar corrupt candidates and allow voters to remove officials who betray promises through referendums.
The political model implemented in Brazil based on the 1988 Constitution are broke because, apart from being contaminated by the corruption that involves all powers of Republic, does not guarantee the governability of the country because the presidential system in force failed completely because it has been generator of political and institutional crises throughout its history and also in the contemporary era. In turn, representative democracy in Brazil manifests clear signs of exhaustion not only by corruption scandals in the powers of the Republic, but especially by failing to consider the effective popular participation in government decisions.
The document discusses voting rights for prisoners from international and national perspectives. Internationally, many countries grant all or some prisoners the right to vote based on court rulings. In India, the Representation of People Act currently bans all prisoners from voting except those under preventive detention. The document argues for extending voting rights to prisoners in India based on principles of democracy, rehabilitation, and international norms. It suggests advocacy efforts and legal challenges to amend the relevant laws.
The Congress of the People wants to highlight a fundamental matter of national importance and calls for urgent action to be implemented to realise the Freedom Charter vision that "The People Shall Govern".
This document outlines proposed articles of law and reforms for the sovereign country of Ukraine. It establishes a democratic government with elected representatives and guarantees freedoms and rights to its citizens. It divides the country into nine districts each governed by a governor and two lieutenant governors. It establishes provisions for education, healthcare, social services, military benefits, protests, criminal justice processes, property rights, and decentralizing the government to prevent corruption. It also outlines the roles and responsibilities of federal, district, and local governments and establishes provisions for funding, emergency response, business investment, salaries, and taxes.
we are here to help you in the duration of your preparation
feel free to contact us for any query regarding your exam
contact us at : 9454721860, 0522-4241011
or log on to our website : www.iasnext.com
The document outlines the process for establishing an independent Lokpal authority in India to investigate and prosecute corruption cases. It proposes a selection committee to appoint 11 members including the chairperson from a shortlist prepared by a search committee comprising retired judges and others from civil society. The Lokpal would have powers to investigate public officials, review citizen charters, and oversee anti-corruption efforts following principles of transparency and accountability from the UN Convention Against Corruption.
Towards a new state in Myanmar
UPLOADED BY
Michael Lidauer-VIEWS-222
https://www.academia.edu/8144441/Towards_a_new_state_in_Myanmar
Towards a new state in Myanmar
UPLOADED BY
Michael Lidauer-VIEWS-222
kontakt@wahlbeobachtung.org
http://www.wahlbeobachtung.org/
Introduction
The state in Myanmar has gone through several incarnations since pre-colonial times.
1
After decades of military rule (1958–60, 1962–74, 1988–2010) and/or one-party-regime (1974–88), the 2008 Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar establishes the basis for new gov-ernmental institutions and new modes of governance. This constitution – the third for the country following those from 1947 and 1974
2
– has been heavily criticized by democracy activists and opposition parties inside the country and by the international community for not meeting basic international standards for democratic governance. The strong role of the military, in particular the provision for reserved seats in the legislature, has been especially criticized. In fact, the question whether to accept the new constitution as a preliminary framework – that could provide a transitional pathway, opening a window of opportunity for opposition forces to re-engage in politics – was a question of principle for political parties prior to the 2010 elections. These elections were held on the basis of the new constitution. Several parties split over this question, some deciding on a boycott while splinter groups or newly founded parties decided to contest the polls
The referendum as weapon of government to cool the popular revolt in brazilFernando Alcoforado
1) The mass protests in Brazil against government corruption and poor public services have not prompted an adequate response from political leaders. The government is using a proposed referendum to delay responding to popular demands and allow protests to cool down.
2) The referendum process will likely not meet public expectations because lawmakers who draft the referendum questions have little public trust. There is a risk the public's choice will be negated by Congress colluding with the executive branch.
3) Political reform in Brazil should establish a truly representative democracy where elected officials serve public rather than personal interests. Restrictions should bar corrupt candidates and allow voters to remove officials who betray promises through referendums.
The political model implemented in Brazil based on the 1988 Constitution are broke because, apart from being contaminated by the corruption that involves all powers of Republic, does not guarantee the governability of the country because the presidential system in force failed completely because it has been generator of political and institutional crises throughout its history and also in the contemporary era. In turn, representative democracy in Brazil manifests clear signs of exhaustion not only by corruption scandals in the powers of the Republic, but especially by failing to consider the effective popular participation in government decisions.
The document discusses voting rights for prisoners from international and national perspectives. Internationally, many countries grant all or some prisoners the right to vote based on court rulings. In India, the Representation of People Act currently bans all prisoners from voting except those under preventive detention. The document argues for extending voting rights to prisoners in India based on principles of democracy, rehabilitation, and international norms. It suggests advocacy efforts and legal challenges to amend the relevant laws.
Jasmine Foundation Briefing: Tunisian new elections lawJasmine Foundation
Tunisia’s National Constituent Assembly passed, on 1st May, a new Electoral Law, marking a key step towards completing its democratic transition. The new Fundamental Law on Elections and Referenda, adopted by 132 deputies with 11 against and 9 abstentions, sets out the process for organising elections and referenda, from registration of voters to declaration of results and contestation mechanisms.
It comes as a result of two months of discussions within the Assembly and intense debate in the Consensus Committee (set up last June as a forum for political parties to debate the most contentious points within the Constitution and the democratic transition). The law is based on draft proposals by a group of civil society organisations, including Chahed Observatory, ATIDE, Youth without Borders, the Foundation for the Future and the Centre for Citizenship.
2020 Parliamentary Elections in VenezuelaCODEPINKAlert
Ever since the election of Hugo Chávez as president of Venezuela on December 6, 1998 in apparent defiance of U.S. hegemony in Latin America, the United States Government has made innumerable attempts to destabilize and even forcibly overthrow the elected Government of Venezuela. Over the course of 25 elections since 1998, among the most extensive exercises in electoral processes in the Americas, the U.S. has increasingly decried these elections to be “fraudulent” and “illegitimate” despite earlier more balanced reports by international observers, including the Organization of American States, the United Nations, the Carter Center.
The document discusses the need for electoral reforms in India to reduce the influence of money and muscle power in politics. It outlines several issues with the current system such as rampant criminalization of politics and vote-buying. Various organizations like the Election Commission and Association for Democratic Reforms have proposed reforms such as banning candidates with criminal charges, regulating campaign financing and introducing a 'none of the above' option. The document also summarizes the Supreme Court's recent decision to remove protection for convicted politicians. Overall, the document argues that substantial electoral reforms are needed to strengthen democracy and empower citizens in India.
The criminalization of politics means that criminals can participate in elections and get elected to positions in parliament or state legislatures. This occurs due to connections between politicians and criminals. There are several reasons for this, including a lack of enforcement of laws/judgments, voters prioritizing community interests over candidate backgrounds, muscle/money power influencing elections, violations of electoral codes, limited voter awareness, lack of governance, and favoritism based on caste/religion. Effects include limiting voter choice, undermining good governance as lawbreakers become lawmakers, and increased corruption affecting public servants. The Supreme Court asked if a lifetime ban on convicted candidates should be imposed.
The dismantling of political and legal super structure in brazilFernando Alcoforado
The Brazilian nation is facing the impasse of having to live with a solution that means to maintain in power until the presidential elections of 2018 the kleptocracy that governs Brazil. This solution is unacceptable to all Brazilians who want Brazil to go through the path of economic, social, political and moral progress. This solution would aggravate further the gigantic economic crisis that has affected Brazil since 2014.
The document provides an overview of key concepts in U.S. government and politics, including political culture, parties, elections, branches of government, interest groups, and policies/documents. Some key topics covered include political socialization, voting demographics, media influence, political ideologies, primary elections, the electoral college system, congressional committees, executive powers, Supreme Court cases, and the federal bureaucracy.
The political state and public administration reforms required for brazilFernando Alcoforado
The document discusses the need for political, state, and public administration reforms in Brazil. It argues that the current system is not truly democratic and elections are controlled by wealthy economic groups. It proposes establishing a network state to better integrate federal, state, and local governments. A new constituent assembly is needed to construct a new democratic political and administrative system based on ethics and development for all citizens. Key reforms include replacing the presidential system with a parliamentary system, empowering voters to remove elected officials, and allowing citizens to vote on important issues through plebiscites.
The document provides an overview of the Philippine administrative system and governance structure. It discusses that the Philippines operates as a democratic republic with separate legislative, executive, and judicial branches. It also outlines the roles of constitutional commissions, local governments, quasi-judicial bodies, nongovernmental organizations, and citizens' participation. The document emphasizes management techniques, contracting out services, and the importance of information technology for good governance.
Report #1 On results of long-term monitoring For the period August 28 - Septe...presskvukyiv
1. The legislative basis for the early parliamentary elections in Ukraine has some shortcomings, including preservation of the mixed electoral system and questionable constitutionality of some provisions.
2. Organization of elections will be challenging in parts of Luhansk and Donetsk oblasts that are under separatist control, and additional security measures will be needed.
3. Other issues that could impact the elections include the legitimacy of extending the Central Election Commission members' terms, inadequate preparation and resources for some District Election Commissions, and low transparency of campaign financing.
Reform of the constitution or political backlash in brazilFernando Alcoforado
There is no way to change the reality experienced by Brazil in the economic, political and administrative fields unless the holding of the constitutional reform to avoid a political and institutional breakdown in the country and build a new political and administrative radically democratic based on ethics and development for the benefit of the entire population. It is not enough to hold a mere political reform including as has been recommended by President Dilma Rousseff. The situation currently lived in Brazil calls into question not only the powers, but also representative democracy that may lead to ungovernability of the power structures in Brazil, now quite demoralized by successive corruption scandals that are reaching all branches of government.
Elections form the mainstay of our Indian Democracy. Our democratic setup bestows on us the right to elect the representatives of the state. Besides, the elected people have the right to choose the Head of the State. The elections in India have a long history. India has both General and State elections as promoted by our federal structure. The Election Commission of India is the apex body that conducts elections in India. Both the General and State Elections are held as per the rules prescribed by the Election Commission. This Commission is composed of high-ranking government officials and is constituted according to the provisions of the Indian Constitution. A great degree of autonomous power is bestowed on the Election Commission to exercise control over the election process. Even the judiciary has no right to intervene while the electoral process is on.
The document discusses several proposed electoral reforms in India to reduce the influence of money and muscle power in politics. It identifies some key problem areas like increasing election costs leading to illegal funding and corruption. It suggests reforms such as improving electoral rolls and voter IDs to prevent rigging, strengthening laws against booth capturing, and establishing institutional mechanisms for political parties to discuss issues and educate members. Overall the document analyzes issues with the current system and proposes options for reforming the electoral process in India.
This bulletin, which circulates bi-monthly, is produced by a group of Venezuelan social organizations, together with journalists and academics. The main objective of this publication is to alert the international community to developments in the electoral campaign for the October 7 presidential elections and regional elections on December 16, 2012.
The document condemns incidents that occurred in the Venezuelan National Assembly on April 16, 2013. It summarizes that Senator William Davila was injured after being hit with a microphone and required 14 stitches. It calls for investigations into the attack and for the National Assembly to condemn such attacks and guarantee free expression for all members. The document expresses worry about censorship mechanisms established by the National Assembly President violating senators' freedom of expression. It urges that discriminatory and unconstitutional actions be stopped to reflect democracy in Venezuela.
This document discusses several flaws in India's electoral system that allow undue influence of money and power. It notes that candidates often need money to bribe their way onto ballots or resist other candidates, and need power to threaten opponents. It also discusses how lack of money or power can prevent legitimate candidates from participating. The document then outlines several proposed reforms to address these issues, such as restricting candidates with criminal charges, implementing negative voting, increasing spending limits with enforcement, requiring disclosure of assets/finances, and restricting government advertising before elections. The goal of these reforms is to reduce corruption and intimidation in the electoral process.
The future trajectory of Brazil is of growing political instability because the Brazilian economic crisis has structural roots, it is systemic and the Dilma Rousseff government does not meet policy and managerial competence to overcome it. The Brazilian government's inability manifests itself not only in solving today's problems, but above all for jeopardizing the future of the nation. Time conspires against the Dilma Rousseff government whose tendency is to worsen the current situation and drop in acceptance of his government by the Brazilian population as has been found in recent surveys where only 7% of the population approves of his government. The Brazilian population is against the Dilma Rousseff government what is seen as responsible for corruption at Petrobras and also for their economic decisions in the post-election period contrary to the interests of the people (increase in taxes, temporary blocking spending, more expensive energy with cutting subsidies for the electricity sector and changes in the rules of social benefits).
Tunisia Elects President in Successful and Transparent Electoral ProcessJamaity
Early Carter Center observer reports indicate that Tunisia has successfully completed its first democratic election cycle under the new constitution with Dec. 21's final round of the presidential election. The country's transition from an authoritarian regime, ousted in a largely peaceful revolution on Jan. 14, 2011, to transparent elections and permanent democratic institutions represents the brightest hope in the region for a successful and peaceful transition following the Arab revolutions. Once the electoral process is finalized, Tunisia's leaders should work to consolidate the country's achievements and fulfill the promise of the revolution by enshrining the tenets of its new constitution in domestic legislation and tackling pressing economic and social concerns.
The document proposes several electoral reforms put forth by the Election Commission of India. It discusses proposed amendments to the Constitution of India to provide greater constitutional protection and safeguards to all members of the Election Commission, including Election Commissioners, similar to what is provided to the Chief Election Commissioner. It proposes making the budget of the Election Commission a "charged" expenditure to symbolize its independence. It also proposes establishing an independent secretariat for the Election Commission to insulate it from executive interference in matters like appointments and promotions of staff.
In modern legal systems, referendums allow citizens to participate directly in democracy.
one of the first theorists and supporters of the referendum was Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who considered direct democracy the only way to ensure the formation of the general will.
Análisis de los requerimientos políticos, técnicos y legales para garantizar que los venezolanos en el extranjero puedan ejercer sus derechos políticos.
El sufragio de los venezolanos en el extranjero tiene restricciones jurídicas y logísticas que obstruyen el ejercicio de ese derecho fundamental y que suponen una clara regresión del sufragio extraterritorial.
Como se indicó en el informe previo, según los datos aportados por la Plataforma de
Coordinación para Refugiados y Migrantes de Venezuela (liderada por ACNUR y la
Organización Internacional de Migraciones), la cantidad de venezolanos en el exterior asciende a 7.134.132. Esta cifra equivale al 21,3% de la estimación poblacional del Instituto Nacional de Estadística de Venezuela para el año 2022.
CONDICIONES ESENCIALES PARA EL EJERCICIO DEL SUFRAGIO DE LOS VENEZOLANOS EN E...EugenioGMartnez
Las elecciones presidenciales de 2024 deben
entenderse como un proceso electoral bajo condiciones
extremas.
Se trata de unas elecciones que podrían generar un
avance en la transición a la democracia en Venezuela
para lo cual será fundamental el sufragio de todos los
electores, incluidos los venezolanos en el exterior.
Es una elección que se desarrollará en un escenario
complejo sin garantías totales de integridad
electoral y con debilitamiento sustancial del Estado de
Derecho.
Esas condiciones extremas traen como consecuencia la
necesidad de mayor cooperación internacional a
través de acuerdos institucionales y de mayor
flexibilidad en las condiciones del sufragio de
venezolanos en el exterior.
More Related Content
Similar to ANOTHER ELECTORAL AUTHORITY IN VENEZUELA?
Jasmine Foundation Briefing: Tunisian new elections lawJasmine Foundation
Tunisia’s National Constituent Assembly passed, on 1st May, a new Electoral Law, marking a key step towards completing its democratic transition. The new Fundamental Law on Elections and Referenda, adopted by 132 deputies with 11 against and 9 abstentions, sets out the process for organising elections and referenda, from registration of voters to declaration of results and contestation mechanisms.
It comes as a result of two months of discussions within the Assembly and intense debate in the Consensus Committee (set up last June as a forum for political parties to debate the most contentious points within the Constitution and the democratic transition). The law is based on draft proposals by a group of civil society organisations, including Chahed Observatory, ATIDE, Youth without Borders, the Foundation for the Future and the Centre for Citizenship.
2020 Parliamentary Elections in VenezuelaCODEPINKAlert
Ever since the election of Hugo Chávez as president of Venezuela on December 6, 1998 in apparent defiance of U.S. hegemony in Latin America, the United States Government has made innumerable attempts to destabilize and even forcibly overthrow the elected Government of Venezuela. Over the course of 25 elections since 1998, among the most extensive exercises in electoral processes in the Americas, the U.S. has increasingly decried these elections to be “fraudulent” and “illegitimate” despite earlier more balanced reports by international observers, including the Organization of American States, the United Nations, the Carter Center.
The document discusses the need for electoral reforms in India to reduce the influence of money and muscle power in politics. It outlines several issues with the current system such as rampant criminalization of politics and vote-buying. Various organizations like the Election Commission and Association for Democratic Reforms have proposed reforms such as banning candidates with criminal charges, regulating campaign financing and introducing a 'none of the above' option. The document also summarizes the Supreme Court's recent decision to remove protection for convicted politicians. Overall, the document argues that substantial electoral reforms are needed to strengthen democracy and empower citizens in India.
The criminalization of politics means that criminals can participate in elections and get elected to positions in parliament or state legislatures. This occurs due to connections between politicians and criminals. There are several reasons for this, including a lack of enforcement of laws/judgments, voters prioritizing community interests over candidate backgrounds, muscle/money power influencing elections, violations of electoral codes, limited voter awareness, lack of governance, and favoritism based on caste/religion. Effects include limiting voter choice, undermining good governance as lawbreakers become lawmakers, and increased corruption affecting public servants. The Supreme Court asked if a lifetime ban on convicted candidates should be imposed.
The dismantling of political and legal super structure in brazilFernando Alcoforado
The Brazilian nation is facing the impasse of having to live with a solution that means to maintain in power until the presidential elections of 2018 the kleptocracy that governs Brazil. This solution is unacceptable to all Brazilians who want Brazil to go through the path of economic, social, political and moral progress. This solution would aggravate further the gigantic economic crisis that has affected Brazil since 2014.
The document provides an overview of key concepts in U.S. government and politics, including political culture, parties, elections, branches of government, interest groups, and policies/documents. Some key topics covered include political socialization, voting demographics, media influence, political ideologies, primary elections, the electoral college system, congressional committees, executive powers, Supreme Court cases, and the federal bureaucracy.
The political state and public administration reforms required for brazilFernando Alcoforado
The document discusses the need for political, state, and public administration reforms in Brazil. It argues that the current system is not truly democratic and elections are controlled by wealthy economic groups. It proposes establishing a network state to better integrate federal, state, and local governments. A new constituent assembly is needed to construct a new democratic political and administrative system based on ethics and development for all citizens. Key reforms include replacing the presidential system with a parliamentary system, empowering voters to remove elected officials, and allowing citizens to vote on important issues through plebiscites.
The document provides an overview of the Philippine administrative system and governance structure. It discusses that the Philippines operates as a democratic republic with separate legislative, executive, and judicial branches. It also outlines the roles of constitutional commissions, local governments, quasi-judicial bodies, nongovernmental organizations, and citizens' participation. The document emphasizes management techniques, contracting out services, and the importance of information technology for good governance.
Report #1 On results of long-term monitoring For the period August 28 - Septe...presskvukyiv
1. The legislative basis for the early parliamentary elections in Ukraine has some shortcomings, including preservation of the mixed electoral system and questionable constitutionality of some provisions.
2. Organization of elections will be challenging in parts of Luhansk and Donetsk oblasts that are under separatist control, and additional security measures will be needed.
3. Other issues that could impact the elections include the legitimacy of extending the Central Election Commission members' terms, inadequate preparation and resources for some District Election Commissions, and low transparency of campaign financing.
Reform of the constitution or political backlash in brazilFernando Alcoforado
There is no way to change the reality experienced by Brazil in the economic, political and administrative fields unless the holding of the constitutional reform to avoid a political and institutional breakdown in the country and build a new political and administrative radically democratic based on ethics and development for the benefit of the entire population. It is not enough to hold a mere political reform including as has been recommended by President Dilma Rousseff. The situation currently lived in Brazil calls into question not only the powers, but also representative democracy that may lead to ungovernability of the power structures in Brazil, now quite demoralized by successive corruption scandals that are reaching all branches of government.
Elections form the mainstay of our Indian Democracy. Our democratic setup bestows on us the right to elect the representatives of the state. Besides, the elected people have the right to choose the Head of the State. The elections in India have a long history. India has both General and State elections as promoted by our federal structure. The Election Commission of India is the apex body that conducts elections in India. Both the General and State Elections are held as per the rules prescribed by the Election Commission. This Commission is composed of high-ranking government officials and is constituted according to the provisions of the Indian Constitution. A great degree of autonomous power is bestowed on the Election Commission to exercise control over the election process. Even the judiciary has no right to intervene while the electoral process is on.
The document discusses several proposed electoral reforms in India to reduce the influence of money and muscle power in politics. It identifies some key problem areas like increasing election costs leading to illegal funding and corruption. It suggests reforms such as improving electoral rolls and voter IDs to prevent rigging, strengthening laws against booth capturing, and establishing institutional mechanisms for political parties to discuss issues and educate members. Overall the document analyzes issues with the current system and proposes options for reforming the electoral process in India.
This bulletin, which circulates bi-monthly, is produced by a group of Venezuelan social organizations, together with journalists and academics. The main objective of this publication is to alert the international community to developments in the electoral campaign for the October 7 presidential elections and regional elections on December 16, 2012.
The document condemns incidents that occurred in the Venezuelan National Assembly on April 16, 2013. It summarizes that Senator William Davila was injured after being hit with a microphone and required 14 stitches. It calls for investigations into the attack and for the National Assembly to condemn such attacks and guarantee free expression for all members. The document expresses worry about censorship mechanisms established by the National Assembly President violating senators' freedom of expression. It urges that discriminatory and unconstitutional actions be stopped to reflect democracy in Venezuela.
This document discusses several flaws in India's electoral system that allow undue influence of money and power. It notes that candidates often need money to bribe their way onto ballots or resist other candidates, and need power to threaten opponents. It also discusses how lack of money or power can prevent legitimate candidates from participating. The document then outlines several proposed reforms to address these issues, such as restricting candidates with criminal charges, implementing negative voting, increasing spending limits with enforcement, requiring disclosure of assets/finances, and restricting government advertising before elections. The goal of these reforms is to reduce corruption and intimidation in the electoral process.
The future trajectory of Brazil is of growing political instability because the Brazilian economic crisis has structural roots, it is systemic and the Dilma Rousseff government does not meet policy and managerial competence to overcome it. The Brazilian government's inability manifests itself not only in solving today's problems, but above all for jeopardizing the future of the nation. Time conspires against the Dilma Rousseff government whose tendency is to worsen the current situation and drop in acceptance of his government by the Brazilian population as has been found in recent surveys where only 7% of the population approves of his government. The Brazilian population is against the Dilma Rousseff government what is seen as responsible for corruption at Petrobras and also for their economic decisions in the post-election period contrary to the interests of the people (increase in taxes, temporary blocking spending, more expensive energy with cutting subsidies for the electricity sector and changes in the rules of social benefits).
Tunisia Elects President in Successful and Transparent Electoral ProcessJamaity
Early Carter Center observer reports indicate that Tunisia has successfully completed its first democratic election cycle under the new constitution with Dec. 21's final round of the presidential election. The country's transition from an authoritarian regime, ousted in a largely peaceful revolution on Jan. 14, 2011, to transparent elections and permanent democratic institutions represents the brightest hope in the region for a successful and peaceful transition following the Arab revolutions. Once the electoral process is finalized, Tunisia's leaders should work to consolidate the country's achievements and fulfill the promise of the revolution by enshrining the tenets of its new constitution in domestic legislation and tackling pressing economic and social concerns.
The document proposes several electoral reforms put forth by the Election Commission of India. It discusses proposed amendments to the Constitution of India to provide greater constitutional protection and safeguards to all members of the Election Commission, including Election Commissioners, similar to what is provided to the Chief Election Commissioner. It proposes making the budget of the Election Commission a "charged" expenditure to symbolize its independence. It also proposes establishing an independent secretariat for the Election Commission to insulate it from executive interference in matters like appointments and promotions of staff.
In modern legal systems, referendums allow citizens to participate directly in democracy.
one of the first theorists and supporters of the referendum was Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who considered direct democracy the only way to ensure the formation of the general will.
Similar to ANOTHER ELECTORAL AUTHORITY IN VENEZUELA? (20)
Análisis de los requerimientos políticos, técnicos y legales para garantizar que los venezolanos en el extranjero puedan ejercer sus derechos políticos.
El sufragio de los venezolanos en el extranjero tiene restricciones jurídicas y logísticas que obstruyen el ejercicio de ese derecho fundamental y que suponen una clara regresión del sufragio extraterritorial.
Como se indicó en el informe previo, según los datos aportados por la Plataforma de
Coordinación para Refugiados y Migrantes de Venezuela (liderada por ACNUR y la
Organización Internacional de Migraciones), la cantidad de venezolanos en el exterior asciende a 7.134.132. Esta cifra equivale al 21,3% de la estimación poblacional del Instituto Nacional de Estadística de Venezuela para el año 2022.
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Las elecciones presidenciales de 2024 deben
entenderse como un proceso electoral bajo condiciones
extremas.
Se trata de unas elecciones que podrían generar un
avance en la transición a la democracia en Venezuela
para lo cual será fundamental el sufragio de todos los
electores, incluidos los venezolanos en el exterior.
Es una elección que se desarrollará en un escenario
complejo sin garantías totales de integridad
electoral y con debilitamiento sustancial del Estado de
Derecho.
Esas condiciones extremas traen como consecuencia la
necesidad de mayor cooperación internacional a
través de acuerdos institucionales y de mayor
flexibilidad en las condiciones del sufragio de
venezolanos en el exterior.
El documento presenta un cronograma detallado de 70 actividades para la realización de unas elecciones primarias. La Comisión Nacional de Primaria será instalada el 15 de noviembre para comenzar el proceso que incluye la consulta pública, construcción del cronograma electoral, registro de candidatos, campaña electoral, votación el 22 de octubre, escrutinio y proclamación de resultados. El cronograma también contempla la logística, capacitación, observación internacional, auditorías y análisis postelectoral.
La Unión Europea ha anunciado nuevas sanciones contra Rusia por su invasión de Ucrania. Las sanciones incluyen prohibiciones de viaje y congelamiento de activos para más funcionarios rusos, así como restricciones a las importaciones de productos rusos de acero y tecnología. Los líderes de la UE esperan que estas medidas adicionales aumenten la presión sobre Rusia para poner fin a su guerra contra Ucrania.
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Here is Gabe Whitley's response to my defamation lawsuit for him calling me a rapist and perjurer in court documents.
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El Puerto de Algeciras continúa un año más como el más eficiente del continente europeo y vuelve a situarse en el “top ten” mundial, según el informe The Container Port Performance Index 2023 (CPPI), elaborado por el Banco Mundial y la consultora S&P Global.
El informe CPPI utiliza dos enfoques metodológicos diferentes para calcular la clasificación del índice: uno administrativo o técnico y otro estadístico, basado en análisis factorial (FA). Según los autores, esta dualidad pretende asegurar una clasificación que refleje con precisión el rendimiento real del puerto, a la vez que sea estadísticamente sólida. En esta edición del informe CPPI 2023, se han empleado los mismos enfoques metodológicos y se ha aplicado un método de agregación de clasificaciones para combinar los resultados de ambos enfoques y obtener una clasificación agregada.
An astonishing, first-of-its-kind, report by the NYT assessing damage in Ukraine. Even if the war ends tomorrow, in many places there will be nothing to go back to.
1. https://www.redobservacion.org/
https://oevenezolano.org/
https://www.sumate.org/
https://www.redobservacion.org/
https://oevenezolano.org/
https://www.sumate.org/
https://www.redobservacion.org/
WHAT HAPPENS WITH THE AUTHORITY
ELECTION IN VENEZUELA?
Keys to respect the 2021 agreement
ANOTHER ELECTORAL AUTHORITY
IN VENEZUELA?
What can the international
community do?
The appointment of members of the National Electoral Council (Consejo Nacional Electoral,
CNE) in 2021 was the fruit of a political agreement between the Venezuelan opposition and
the government of Nicolás Maduro led by distinct sectors of civil society.
Political agreements between actors should be seen as permanent. All efforts to build
consensus that are carried out in the name of the majority of Venezuelans, in order to escape
the serious and prolonged crisis that they suffer, will constructively help rebuild institutions in the
benefit of the Venezuelan people.
As outlined in the report from the Electoral Observation Mission of the European Union
about the municipal and regional elections held in 2021, “many consider its appointment as the
most important measure in re-establishing trust in the CNE after opposition parties boycotted
the previous three national elections.”
It becomes evident that unrecognizing the agreement that enabled the appointment of the
rectors of the CNE will notably affect the organization of the electoral processes that are
scheduled for 2024 and 2025.
The Venezuelan Constitution establishes five independent public powers: legislative, executive,
judicial, citizen and electoral. The electoral power is exercised through the CNE, a permanent
institution with autonomous functioning and budgeting. The broad powers of the CNE include the
organization and facilitation of all electoral processes and the regulation of electoral laws, the
Civil and Electoral Registry and political parties.
The CNE is led byfive rectors and 10 alternates (three of whom are incorporated into the daily
activities of the institution) who are appointed for a period of seven years. According to the law,
the rectors cannot have connections to any political party. However, three members of the
current council can be considered closely affiliated with the governing United Socialist Party of
Venezuela (Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela, PSUV). Of the remaining rectors, one is linked
to the opposition and the other was appointed by civil society organizations.
Additionally, the CNE has three subordinate bodies: the National Electoral Board (Junta
Nacional Electoral, JNE), in charge of the majority of electoral operations; the Commission for
Civil and Electoral Registration (Comisión de Registro Civil y Electoral, CRCE), responsible for the
administration of the Civil and Electoral Registry; and the Commision for Political Participation
and Financing (Comisión de Participación Política y Financiamiento, COPAFI), in charge of the
registration of political parties and the control of their finances.
The political agreement that facilitated the appointment of
the CNE contributed to institutional stability and
facilitated, among other things, the presence of the
Electoral Observation Mission of the European Union and
the Panel of Experts of the United Nations. However, this
process was not without opposition within the Maduro
government and the democratic opposition itself.
On January 9, 2023, PSUV politician Jorge Rodriguez,
elected president of the Maduro-backed National
Assembly in 2020, suggested that some sectors of the
opposition had requested a modification of the CNE, a
claim that will be analyzed carefully.
The appointment of new members of the CNE in an
extemporaneous manner has no legal or constitutional
justification.
Rodriguez’s proposition would contravene what is stated
in constitutional Article 296, which clearly states that
“the members of the CNE will remain in their roles for seven
years.” That is to say, the current members of the electoral
authority still have more than five years left in their
tenures.
Although the Organic Law of the Electoral Power (Ley
Orgánica del Poder Electoral, LOPE) in Article 31 provides
legal authority for the National Assembly to remove a CNE
rector from their post with a two-thirds majority, this
should be considered exceptional and distinct from “the
appointment of a new CNE,” as proposed by the president
of the Maduro-backed National Assembly.
An Agreement that Could
be Unrecognized?
What should happen with
the vacancy of D’Amelio?
In this regard, Article 32 of the LOPE establishes that
the substitution of a rector could occur only under four
scenarios, which are as follows:
1. If a rector is subject to interdiction or political
disqualification;
2. If a rector affiliates oneself directly or indirectly
with a political organization;
3. If a rector receives, directly or indirectly, any kind
of benefit from a person or organization that
compromises their independence; and
4. If a rector is criminally convicted with a final
sentence from the commission of intentional crimes or
is declared administratively responsible through a final
decision from the Office of the Comptroller General of
the Republic.
While legal or constitutional justifications for changing the
current rectors of the CNE do not exist, there are
political-electoral interests in this taking place. The most
interested party in changing the rectors of the CNE is the
Maduro government.
Why is the government interested in changing the
CNE? The rectors – affiliated with the government – do
not have the political or relational profile that is needed for
2024, especially after rector Tania D’Amelio, ratified to
her post in 2021, was appointed in 2022 to be part of the
Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court of
Justice (Tribunal Supremo de Justicia, TSJ). D’Amelio had
been a member of the CNE since 2008.
The possibility of changing the composition of the CNE has
been denounced by Gerardo Blyde, chief negotiator of the
Unitary Platform (Plataforma Unitaria Democrática, PUD)
in the negotiations with the Maduro government in Mexico.
Blyde has even signaled that the PUD supports the
continuity of the current CNE. Nonetheless, given that the
opposition and the Maduro government are set to discuss
political-electoral conditions when they resume their talks
in Mexico, Rodriguez’s proposal suggests that the Maduro
government will demand changing the electoral authority if
the opposition proposes the need to advance electoral
conditions for 2024 to balance the subordinate
institutions and shield the CNE from the actions of the
Comptroller General of the Republic.
A hypothetical change to the CNE could serve as a
strategy for opposition political parties who hope that
the primary elections are carried out without technical
assistance from the CNE, arguing that the eventual
modification of the Council could unjustly obstruct or delay
the opposition primaries. As with the rest of the electoral
guarantees for 2024, the composition of the CNE
depends on the negotiations in Mexico.
Nonetheless, it cannot be ruled out that in the face of the
need for having a CNE that could reactivate the opposition
debate over participating in the next elections, the regime
could unilaterally generate a crisis in the institution by
making the principal rectors and alternates resign. The
resignation of principal rectors Pedro Calzadilla and
Alexis Corredor – along with their alternates – would
result in the CNE not being able to remain in session. In
the face of this scenario, the intervention of the
Maduro-backed National Assembly or TSJ to appoint
new rectors would be justified.
Although the Constitution does not justify a broad
modification of the CNE, the National Assembly should
resolve the vacancy generated by the departure of
rector Tania D’Amelio to the TSJ.
The vacancy caused by D’Amelio’s appointment to the
TSJ should be covered by her first alternate, Leonel
Enrique Párica Hernández, just as Article 13 of the LOPE
dictates, which establishes: “Alternates will cover the
temporary or absolute vacancies of their
corresponding electoral rectors.”
Nonetheless, Article 12 of the same instrument clearly
signals that “when there is an absolute absence of a
rector and their alternates, the National Assembly will
make the appointment of the principal rector and their
alternates from the list of selected candidates that was
presented by the Committee of Nominations, taking into
account the corresponding order.”
Although the absolute vacancy of D’Amelio was generated
a year ago, the process for formalizing her substitution
has still not taken place.
The Venezuelan electoral authority will be charged
with organizing fundamental electoral processes for
the future ofthe nation, as over the next two years every
executive and legislative post in Venezuela should be
elected. Potential changes to the electoral
administration before the expiration of the periods
prescribed by law based solely on partisan conveniences
does not represent a promising sign for the imperative
recovery of electoral institutionality.
On the other hand, the absence of an electoral rector
(principal) that also had two other positions in subordinate
bodies of the CNE, diminishes the dynamism from the
entire institution and poses challenges to achieving
greater guarantees and conditions for competitive
elections in 2024 and 2025.
Recognizing the need to respect political agreements
and especially laws is essential for the
reinstitutionalization of the country and to guarantee
that the electoral results in 2024 and 2025 benefit
from broad national and international recognition.