Albanian_Dem_Rev._1924

Academia.edu Weekly Digest
Aziz Gjergji (Master Degree of Albanian History)
The Legitimacy of Albanian Democratic Revolution, June 1924
There are many reasons why Albanians have to be proud in commemoration of
the 90th anniversary of the June 1924 Democratic Revolution. Firstly, the
Albanian Democratic Revolution took place against the corrupt and
criminalized government of Albanian feudal lords, the participation of fighters
from all provinces of the country, from different layers of the population and of
the four major religious faiths in Albania. Second, leaders of the Democratic
Revolution in June 1924 supported their action insurgents in the basic
principles of Freedom and Human Rights, proclaimed by the American
Democratic Revolution (1776) and the French Democratic Revolution (1789).
Third, despite the failure of the Democratic Revolution ideas to June 1924
became a source of inspiration for the younger generation of Albanians in road
victories democratic governance systems in Albania, Kosovo and other Balkan
countries where Albanians live.
National Congress of Lushnja (21 to 31 January 1920) laid the foundations of
the Albanian state from the fragmentation of the remaining Albanian lands
during the Conference of the Ambassadors of the Great Powers of Europe, in
London in 1913. Most the attending politicians, educated at the universities of
Western Europe and the United States, committed to separate Albania from its
past five centuries under Ottoman rule and put it on the path to economic
modernization, as well as cultural and social development, according to the
basic principles of building á democratic state. The main leader of the group
idealistic democrats was Bishop Fan S. Noli, former brilliant student at
Harvard University. He had been an elected deputy in the National Assembly
of Albania since 1921, as a representative of the Federation "Vatra" Albanian
immigrants in the USA. After four years of parliamentary struggle between
conservative and democratic deputies, Albania was on the eve of the
Democratic Revolution of June 1924.

The Sparkle of the Revolution
Vlora, April 20, 1924. The staff of the “Politika” (“Politics”) newspaper sent out
the telegram of the ominous news to the colleagues of the Albanian democratic
press:
“Today, Avni Rustemi, the representative of the Kosovo people in the
Assembly, was treacherously injured in Tirana. People here are very
alarmed.” The well known democratic nationalists Halim Xhelo, Riza Cerova
and eleven other members of the “Bashkimi” (“Unity”) society would notify
their leader that the attack on the “sacred” body marked the starting point of
a phase, which would raise the nationalist movement to a higher level; the
feudal bullet had attacked “the Albanian ideal”. Also “Djalëria e Kosovës”
(“The youth of Kosovo”) association would send the following telegram to the
Ministry of Justice: “The injury of the Nation’s Hero, Avni Rustemi, has made
the greatest impact on the people, especially the Kosovo youth...” 1)
Two days later, in April 1924, the “Shkumbini” newspaper would write: “Avni
Rustemi, a hero of the Albanian nation, the heart of our country’s nationalism,
the leader of the idealists of the unfortunate Arbëria (old Albania), the pillar of
democracy, the flower of the Albanian youth, an ardent supporter of the
miserable farmer of such a prosperous and fertile land, deputy of the Kosovo
prefecture, falls a martyr, killed by the traitor’s hand.” 2)
The news of the murder of the distinguished personality of the Albanian people
spread like lightning in the troubled political sky of Albania. The traditional
meetings held in all regions of Albania expressed pain and revolt on the brink
of explosion. The meetings of youth, people, and the civil and military
authorities, gathered in Kruma of Has on April 23, 1924, informed the people
of Vlora that: “the despair caused by the assassination of the sacrament of the
Albanian idealism, the national hero Avni Rustemi, is progressively outraging
the people.” 3)
The Albanian immigrants in the United States of America, the students of
Paris, Vienna, Napoli, San Demetrio Korona, old and young patriots from
across the world expressed their most heartfelt condolences by telegrams,
which were published in the press of the time. Revolutionary situation that
would lead to the uprising of June 1924 was caused by violence and looting
votes in elections for the Constituent Assembly of December 1923, by
landlords in power. During the election campaign Sheikh Adem Gjinishi and
Hadji Yusuf Kazazi were killed - two public supporters of the democratic
opposition campaign. This would take Albania into a series of political
assassinations as had been warned by the youth democrats from Vlora, in their
condolences telegram sent to the family of Kazazi, in which the following was
written:
The veteran patriot Hadji Jusuf Kazazi, felled a martyr, by the feudal hand,
struck like lighting the hearts of the patriots and the people of Vlora. His

blood and that of Sheikh Adem Gjinishti will cause to bring the year 1789 of
France , in Albania 4)
In April 1924, the political and military situation in Albania had completely
gone out of control. According to the opinion of the head of the Italian Legation
in Durrës, Marquis Durazzo sent to the Ministry of the Foreign Affairs of Italy
those days, the ceremony of the funeral of Avni Rustemi was being prepared to
be: “a kind of congregation of all the nationalistic and democratic forces of the
country who are in opposition with the arrogant power of the beys and especially
Ahmet Bey Zogolli, who is considered delinquency’ commander.” The Italian
consul in Vlora, Salvatore Meloni, the witness of the funeral ceremony of Avni
Rustemi on May 3, 1924, informed Italian Legation in Durrës that “during
several speeches the crowd cried, which proves the level of sympathy Avni
enjoyed in Vlora. The most determined speakers publicly accused Ahmet Bey
Zogolli as an accomplice in murder.” (5)
The renowned speech of the democratic opposition leader, Fan Noli, at Avni
Rustemi’s funeral, remains a scientific analysis of the historic stage of the the
Albanian society of the time:
“Vlora learned the terrifying meaning of Avni’s murder in Tirana and with its
outcry woke the whole Albania from lethargy in which it had drowned. This
murder is nothing more than an incident of the critical situation we are in.
There are two characteristics of this stage:
1) The anti-nationalists are in power and the people can expect nothing
from this government and this Assembly.
2) The anti-nationalists are not satisfied only with this, but they ambush
the patriots and kill them behind their back as they did with Avni...
We must not rest until the culprits of this murder are found and punished.
We must chase the killers from cave to cave, from stream to stream, from
coast to coast, until we get them, and then we can call out loud to this
martyr: “ Avni we got them, you may rest in peace because Albania is no
longer living with the terror of antinationalist bashibazouks, Albania is on
the right path, the path of freedom” (6)
The Armed Uprising
In Vlora, about twenty six members of the Assembly, all members of the
opposition supported by the delegates of other regions congregated for Avni
Rustemi’s funeral, decided not to return to Tirana to carry on with the
sessions, since personal security and freedom of expression were not granted.
“This morning they sent a protest to all deputies requesting them to get
together in a meeting to pick the location for the permanent headquarters of
the Assembly,” informed Meloni. “In the occasion the partisans of the
Government refuse, they will not come back to Tirana and will start the
propaganda for an armed revolt against them.” (7)
Eighteen deputies of the People’s Party responded to the appeal of their
colleagues of the opposition to participate in the meeting of the delegates from
different regions of Albania, held in Vlora on May 24, 1924. Sejfi Vllamasi the
leader of this group writes:

“Considering that the unsolved chaotic situation could not be improved in
legal ways, considering that the opposition would not lack the ability to
produce statesmen, is not indifferent towards national interests and would
not trade these interests for ambitions and revenge, therefore we, the ex-
members of the National Side, civilians and officers decided to take active
part in the June 1924 Revolution, which without our participation could not
be successful.”(8)
While analyzing the causes of the outbreak of the armed uprising of June
1924, its leader, bishop Fan Noli, stated that “it was provoked by Ahmet Zogu
himself starting with the day he killed Avni Rustemi. Without this murder none
of the wise patriots would be in favor of an uprising and none of the strict
patriots would be able to fabricate an uprising at their own will. On the other
hand it should be added that after that murder nobody could manage to stop
the uprising, because as unlikely as it is for an uprising to be fabricated at
their will, the same holds true about being able to stop the provoked uprising
when blood is boiling.” (9)
The June 1924 uprising spread across all Albanian territory. The Democratic
Organization “Bashkimi” (“Union”), gathered for its meeting in Vlora, on May 5,
1924, sent an appeal to the Albanian youth for an armed uprising against the
government led by the big feudal Shefqet Bey Verlaci. The appeal of the boys of
“Bashkimi” (“Union”) found the prefectures of Skutari (Shkodra) and Kosovo
(Kosova) prepared. The garrison of the national army of Shkodra, at the
command of the Colonel Rexhep Shala, rebelled against the government on
May 16, 1924. On May 23, the Assembly of Labëria territory took the final
decision to join the general uprising and on May 24, 1924, the insurgents of
the Gjakova Mountain region, led by the retired Colonel Bajram Curri, got hold
of the headquarters of the Kruma prefecture. A day later, 400 armed men of
“Bashkimi” (“Union”) organization got ready to start marching towards Tirana.
On May 26, the garrison of the national army of Permet at the command of Vice
Colonel Kasem Qafezezi, proclaimed itself in favor of the armed uprising. The
objective of Colonel Bajram Curri and his armed peasants was Tirana, where
Colonel Ahmet Zogu had just been appointed the commander of the North
Operation. Colonel Ahmet Zogu urgently requested from the vice prefect of
Puka to provide him with information about Bajram Curri’s location, and which
direction he was planning to attack: from Puka or Mirdita, from Bicaj or
Dukagjini? (10)
Twelve thousand armed insurgents from the South and North of Albania,
supported by the majority of the Albanian people, set off to Tirana in the bloody
week of May 25-31, 1924 to overthrow the conservative regime of the feudal
landowners at any cost and replace it with the system of liberal democracy of
the Western Europe and the United States of America. When the insurgents
crossed Shkumbini and headed to Tirana, the head of the landowners Shefqet
Bey Verlaci, the prime minister Iliaz Bey Vrioni and the other members of the
government, deputies and other senior administration officials fled in panic
towards Durres harbor; boarded the ships they managed to find and ended up
on Bari and Korfu coast. In the afternoon of June 9, Colonel Ahmet Zogu
launched the last appeal to the people of Tirana to fight the insurgent troops.
But they let him understand that they were not willing to give their lives for a
regime that was against their liberal and democratic ideals. At the dawn of
June 10, 1924, Zogu withdrew towards Mati and Dibra. As a conclusion, as the

American historian Bernd J. Fisher writes, “Zogu was forced to flee to
Jugoslavia, thus shamefully closing his first years as an active politician in
Albania.” (11)
The democratic patriot Faik Konica described the victory of the Democratic
Revolution of June 1924 in “Dielli” (“The Sun”) newspaper, on June 5, 1924
with these words:
“In the course of one whole week the press of Europe and America, fed with
news from Rome, Belgrade and Athens spread words on efforts, battles, and
blood among the bashibazouks of Ahmet Zogolli and Shefqet Verlaci on one
side and the national soldiers (who are called “insurgents” by the foreign
press) on the other side ... The name “insurgents”, given by the press of
America and Europe to those who oppose with arms the clique of shame and
destruction, is a name which must not scare us”. The uprisings are harmful
often times; but there are occasions when the uprisings are noble,
indispensable, rescuing. The professor James Q Dealey, in his classical book
“The State and Government” says that it might happen that in the life of a
nation the uprising is necessary” (12)
The entry of the armed democratic forces in Tirana on June 10, 1924, marked
the triumph of the general uprising, which created the conditions for the
Albanian democrats to further develop the embryo of the democratic revolution
which had been born.
The failure of the Revolution
Two of the most important publications of the History of Albania confirm that
during the fight, about 200 people were killed or injured from both sides:
conservatives and democrats. (13) In compliance with the ideals of the French
Revolution of the year 1789 - freedom, equality, justice – in the morning of
June 16, 1924, the Organization of the Democratic Youth “Bashkimi” (“Union”),
posted its Appeal on the doors of Tirana houses and businesses. It stated:
“Today in the free capital of Albania, we celebrate the excellent triumph of
democracy. But the mission of the uprising is not over yet. From this
movement which is the sign of awakening of the national awareness, the
“Bashkimi” (“Union”) society which as always stands independent and far
from any political influence, expects: Instill of true democracy which must
never be entrusted to feudalism and pseudo democrats... Exemplary
punishment of those who caused killings among the people and their wealth
to be used as a compensation for all the costs and material damage caused
to the state and people. Clearing of the state from the spies, charlatans, and
incompetent officials who are the tools of the ambitions of those who want to
establish their rule over the destruction of Albania and the oppression of the
people. General disarmament. Ensuring the economic independence of the
farming population through extensive agrarian reforms which are the only
ones to save the nation from the centuries of slavery of the feudal rule. The

“Bashkimi” (“Union”) society is convinced that the sacrifices of the people
and the bloodshed unsparingly will not go in vain…” (14)
For the sake of truth, it must be said that the demands of the democratic
society “Bashkimi” (“Union”) were laid in the foundation of the Noli Government
program, which promised: “Eradication of feudalism, liberation of people and
definitive establishment of democracy in Albania; reduction and radical
clearance of the officials, and defining their rights and responsibilities by law;
changing of the system of taxation in favor of the people; improving farmers’
situation and their economic emancipation; facilitating the entry of foreign
capital and protecting and organizing of country’s capitals; repair of roads and
bridges; organizing of the health and education services; radical reformation of
the judicial communities and granting real independence of the court; friendly
relations with all countries especially the neighbor countries and also raising
the prestige and the credibility of the country abroad etc.” (15)
Noli Government program itself contained the essence of the common thought
of the democratic intellectuals, graduates from the most prestigious
universities of Western Europe and the United States of America. Without any
doubt it should be said that among them the personality of Archbishop Fan
Noli was the most accomplished one. “The Archbishop has spent many years of
his life in the United States of America and elsewhere abroad,- wrote those
days the correspondent of the London newspaper “The Times” in Tirana.- A
graduate of Harvard University, he studied law; is proficient in literature and
music and it is very likely he is a head above any Albanian public figure in the
field of education.” (16)
Fan Noli had really studied in Harvard, but as it was proved by the practices of
running of the Democratic Revolution of 1924, he had not properly adopted the
pragmatism of the American leadership. Although he addressed approximately
90% illiterate people, Fan Noli made the great characters of the world literature
like Julius Caesar, Othello, Macbeth, Hamlet, Don Quixote etc speak Albanian.
He enriched the golden fund of the Albanian culture with unmatchable
translations of the “Rubâiyât” of Omar Khayyam, “The Raven” and “Annabel
Lee” of Edgar Poe, “Scanderbeg” of the English poet Henry Longfellow, “La
Barraca” by Vicente Blasco Ibáñez, and “An Enemy of the People” by Henrik
Ibsen etc. His voice of a tenor could change the religious services in the
Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox Churches, and the orations held in the
National Council into magical chants. But this genius translator and creator
was not born to become a statesman. The democrat and patriot deputy Sotir
Peci had opposed the candidacy of Fan Noli for the position of the prime
minister of Albania two years before with the prophetic words: “ Noli is not a
statesman and he is leading us towards destruction.” But as a paradox, in
June of 1924, it turned out that particularly Sotir Peci the only member of the
High Council who didn’t resign from his duty, signed the appointment of Fan
Noli in the position of the prime minister of the democratic state. (17)

Selection of Fan Noli at the head of the government which emerged from the
victory of the June 1924 Uprising showed that the Albanian liberal democracy
was still very young and inexperienced in the combined management of the
political, legislative, executive and judicial powers. Noli’s program within itself
contained a series of chain reforms of a democratic and liberal character,
which could be accomplished only through a process of transformations of a
military character such as those carried out by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in the
new Turkey fresh from the ruins of the Ottoman Feudal Military Empire. But
unlike the great man of the Turkish state, Fan Noli did not possess
administrative and military experience to take the historical responsibility of
the leadership and complete development of a democratic revolution, which
remained in embryo. Fan Noli and the administration led by him made many
big historic mistakes, but related to our theme, we will present only three of
them, which were wisely pointed out by his contemporaries. In his notes the
politician Sejfi Vllamasi points out:
“The first duty of the government was its legalization by the Assembly or
through new elections. The government was not able to understand this very
pressing situation. The Minister of Great Britain, Mr. Harry Eyres, suggested
to the government the need for legalization in different ways. The same was
suggested by the Italian minister Marquiz De Durazzo. Same suggestions
were made by Tefik Mborja, the person in charge of the Albanian affairs in
Rome, on behalf of Mussolini, who stressed the indispensable need for
legalization. On the other hand, the domestic opinion understood this need
and put pressure on the government to get legalized. Even the supporters of
Zog with Vuçiterni at the top, declared to the government that they, in the
quality of members of the assembly were ready to vote for the government.
But all these good willed suggestions remained without effect” (18)
Colonel Faik Quku also recalls: “The opposition did not perform one necessary
task for the democratic world: the legalization of the government. For this
intention, it could have been sufficient to invite the ex-members of the
Assembly or call for new elections. When they started the preparation for the
new election it was too late. (19)” Since August 16, 1924, the publicist Faik
Konica made his critique about Fan Noli public, by writing with irony and pain
in the “Shqiptari i Amerikës” (”Albanian of America”) newspaper:
“Our dear bourgeois Government, with noble beautiful words, promised to
give us a reorganized state, a healthy state, pure, very new. But what lumber
are we using for the new construction? Let us wait and hope. We are certain
of one thing: that whatever excellent paint applied on the rotten lumber will
not prevent it from the “fleas”. The new building needs new lumber – brand
new lumber as they say it in English, or “flambant neuf” if you prefer to say
it in French. If we are not skilled to stay away from nepotism and hidden
interests, then the revolution and the bloodshed were not necessary.” (20)
The second major mistake Fan Noli made in the field of liberal reforms in
economy was especially the lack of implementation of the agrarian reform. The

necessity of the transformations in the field of ownership and the relationship
to production in the countryside was dictated by the broken down situation of
the agricultural economy and the economic misery of the peasants. According
to the 1923 census, Albania had 803.959 people, out of which 104.382 (12.3%)
people lived in the 11 cities of the country, while the rest of 699.577 (87.7%)
people lived in the countryside where they had to provide almost all their food
supply and 75% of essential clothing. Albanian travelers could drive only for
839.5 km. of roads; the rest had to be done by horses, mules and donkeys or
walk. (21)
The landscape of the country was dominated by 67% bushes, shrubs and steep
mountains, 24% forests and only 9% of the Albanian territory was available for
agricultural production. According to the property records of the arable land,
220.000 hectares of land (55%) were owned by the landowners, state and
religious institutions. The relations between landowners and peasants were
regulated by the old ottoman system, which according to the American
historian Bernd J. Fischer, “is very much resembled the system of serfdom”.
According to the Albanian - American scholar Stavro Skendi, who is referred to
by many other historians, “the middle class Albanian lived in extreme poverty.”
(22)
The Dutch councilor Jan Hunger, sent by the United Nations to assist the
Albanian government, had noted that, unlike other countries, the Albanian
peasantry who lived in extreme poverty, paid 76.2% of the taxes, while the rich
owners only 6%. To flip over this absurd ratio, Hunger had recommended a
series of reforms in the system of income taxes. He had suggested that the
wealthy landed, who paid only 6% of the taxes be forced to take over a greater
responsibility. In fact Bernd J Fischer says that “what Hunger suggested, was
the agrarian reform”. It was comprehensible that before the June, 1924
Revolution, the government headed by the richest landowner in the country,
Shefqet Bey Verlaci, could not accept the liberal proposals of the market
economy proposed by Hunger and in May 1924 he was expelled from Albania.
(23)
After the victory of the General Uprising of June 1924, Fan Noli put the
agrarian reform on the day agenda. In his autobiography written in third
person, former Prime Minister Fan Noli claims that during his governance, he
put the agrarian reform on the priority agenda for Albania, the land of which
was ruled and dominated by a handful of landowners until then. It was natural
for a Harvard University graduate to put democracy in his country on the day
agenda.(24) In October 1924 the Ministry of Agriculture designed a project
which predicted the expropriation of the state assets. The expropriated land,
could be given to the peasants without land and with very little land. Every
Albanian family who had 3 boys would be given up to 6 hectares of arable land.
If the family had more than three boys, they would be given an additional land
of 2 hectares etc. In the draft bill of the reform it was not specified whether the
land would be given to the peasants free of charge or for a payment, but its
contents implied that both forms could be used. (25)
However as in other undertakings Fan Noli was hesitant and eventually
completely withdrew from the desired project. In the reply sent to the historian
Joseph Swire, Fan Noli would testify: “By insisting in the agrarian reform, I

provoked the anger of the landed aristocracy; by not accomplishing it I lost the
support of the peasants. My colleagues in the government and the majority of
the military officers were either against or at best indifferent to these reforms,
though previously they had declared themselves in favor. Mister Peci (Sotir),
the Regent opposed them openly and severely. Mister Eyres (Harry) managed to
convince all those around me that the agrarian reforms were a dangerous
Bolshevik innovation.” (26)
As a result, by failing to implement the “day agenda” in practice, Fan Noli not
only did not accomplish the full cycle of the embryonic development of the
democratic revolution, but also compromised the armed uprising which
brought him to power, about which some scholars say it was a “military coup” ,
“coup d’etat”, “pronunciamento militare”etc. (27)
The third fatal mistake of Noli Government was the economic and diplomatic
relations with the democratic countries of the Western Europe and America.
First it did not open the green light to the British company “Anglo – Persian”
and the American “Standard Oil” for the exploitation of the oil and gas fields in
Albania thus keeping at a distance the two most powerful democratic countries
of the time. Second, Noli Government never took a step forward to secure the
aid and friendship of the Kingdom of Italy, although he asked Benito Mussolini,
a “popular” prime minister of the time, to support him “morally” and
“materially” for the implementation of the program of his democratic
government. Noli government was so hesitant in the relations with the Italian
government that not only refused the special friendship pact offered by
Mussolini, but also did not amend the Italian –Albanian trade treaty that had
been signed in the beginning of the year 1924.
Contrary to the democratic line of his government and against the advice of the
former prime minister Sulejman Delvina, who held the position of the Minister
of Foreign Affairs in Noli Government, Fan Noli ordered the establishment of
the diplomatic relations with the Bolshevik Russia; an action that isolated his
government from the outside liberal and democratic world. In the anarchic
domestic conditions and external indifference, the head of the conservative
landowners, Ahmet Bey Zogu, did not find it hard to get the power back with
the armed assistance of the neighboring monarchies, expel the Democratic
Government of Fan Noli and impose his authoritarian dictatorship.(28)
The failure of the Democratic Revolution of June 1924 in Albania demonstrated
that, first, the people initiate the democratic revolution, but its continuation
and its success is in the hands of the leaders; secondly, whether a democratic
revolution fails, the political situation does not return to the previous situation,
but falls into the dictatorship of a handful of people; and thirdly, no liberal and
democratic government is immune to the return of the dictatorial regime.
Notes:
 1. Avni Rustemi, summary of documents, prepared for publication by
DPASH, Tirana, 1974, doc. no. 74, 76, 87.
 2. Documents and historical materialsfrom the Albanian people’swar for
Freedom and Democracy (1917-1941), DPASH, Tirana, 1959, p. 124
(doc. no. 116: newspaper "Shkumbini", April 30, 1924).

 3. Ibid., p. 126 (doc. no. 121, telegram dated April 23, 1924; newspaper
"Politika", Vlora, April 23, 1924.)
 4. "Politika", year III, no. 5, February 4, 1924; History of Albania, vol. II,
Tirana, 1965, p. 534; History of the Albanian people, vol. III (2007), p.
216.
 5. Documents and historical materialsfrom the Albanian people’swar for
Freedom and Democracy (1917-1941), p. 130 (doc. 127: tel. of Marchese
Durazzo, sent to Roma, 29 April 1924); p. 130 (doc. no. 130: letter of
Consul Meloni sent to Marchese Duraco in Durrës, May 3, 1924).
 6. Avni Rustemi, summary of documents, p. 181-182 (doc no. 114:
newspaper "Politika", May 8,1924); bashibazouk (Turkish başι-bozuk:
formerly civilian of irregular mounted troops in the Ottoman military
service.)
 7. The documents and historical materials about the war of the Albanian
people ..., p. 134 (doc. no. 131: information of Meloni, Italian consul in
Vlora, sent to the Italian Legation in Durrës, on May 5, 1924).
 8. Ibid., p. 141 (doc. no. 141: tel. of Vlora Assembly delegates sent to
the Council of Ministers, May 24, 1924); Sejfi Vllamasi, Political
confrontation in Albania (1897-1942), second edition, Tirana: Neraida,
2000, p. 416.
 9. Fan S. Noli, Work 3, Academy of Sciences of Albania (Institute of
History), Tirana, 1987, p. 24: article "Response to Sun", published in
the newspaper "Immigrant", Worcester, no. 14, December 26, 1925.
 10. Documents and historical materials from the Albanian people’s war
for Freedom and Democracy (1917-1941), p. 135 (doc. no. 132: tel. of
the Italian consul in Shkodra, Spano, sent to the Italian Legation in
Durres, on May 7, 1924), p. 144, doc. no. 144: letter of a participant in
the uprising to Colonel Bajram Curri, on May 26, 1924); p. 145 (doc.
no. 147: tel. of the Commander of North Operation, Ahmet Zogu sent
to the Puka sub-prefecture, May 31, 1924): History of Albania, vol. II,
Tirana 1965, p. 541-43, History of the Albanian people, vol. III (2007),
p. 224-25.
for Freedom and Democracy (1917-1941), p. 148-150 (doc. no. 152-157:
telegrams of the Commander of the North Operation, Ahmet Zogu sent
to prefectures of Elbasan and sub-prefecture of Lezha, Kavaja, Milot,
June 4 - 8 1924); Joseph Swire, Albania. The rise of a Kingdom,
Albanian edition, Tirana: Dituria, 2005, p. 342-43; Owen Pearson,
Albania and King Zog, Indipendence, Republic and Monarchy 1908-
1939, The Center for Albanian Studies in association with I. B. Tauris
Publishers, London, 2004, p. 222, 224; Emine Arifi-Bakalli, The
attitude of Serb-Kroat-Sloven Kingdom to Albanian June Revolution,
published in the journal " Gjurmime Albanologjike", Series of historical
sciences, X-1980, Pristina, 1981, p. 191; Bernd J. Fischer, King Zog
and the struggle for stability in Albania, Albanian edition, Tirana: Çabej,
1996, p. 73.
 12. F. Konica, Work 3, prepared by Nasho Jorgaqi, Tirana: Dudaj,
2001, p. 314-15 (article "National army action," published in "Sun",
June 5, 1924).
 13. History of Albania, vol. II (1965), p. 543: History of the Albanian
people, vol. III (2007), p. 226.
for Freedom and Democracy (1917-1941), p. 150-51, doc. no. 159 (The

call of "Bashkimi” association, June 16, 1924, published in the
newspaper "Bashkimi”, July 8, 1924).
 15. Ibid., p. 151-53 (Democratic government’s Program led by Fan Noli,
published in the "Drita" newspaper, June 19, 1924); Musine Kokalari
"Biography", published in the section "Dossier" of the newspaper
"Ndryshe", no. 406, September 11, 2007, p. 18.
 16. Excerpts from the interview of the correspondent of "The Times",
September 4, 1924, the magazine "Studime Historike”, no. 3-4, Tirana,
1999, p. 234.
 17. S. Vllamasi, Political confrontations ..., p. 408.
 18. Ibid., p. 371.
 19. F. Quku, Albanian resistance during World War II, vol. I, Tirana:
Ilar, 2006, p. 25.
 20. F. Konica, Work 3, p. 331 (article "New house with old lumber,"
published in newspaper "Shqiptari і Amerikës” (The Albanian of
America), August 16, 1924).
 21. Teki Selenica, Albania in 1927, Tiranë 1928, p. III, Valentina Duka,
Cities of Albania in the years 1912-1924, Tirana: Toena, 1997, p. 77,
113.
 22. Iljaz Fishta, Veniamin Toçi, Economic situation of Albania in the
years 1912-1944, its backwardness, its causes and consequences,
Tirana: November 8, 1983, p. 66-67; Iljaz Fishta, Mihal Ziu, History of
the Albanian economy, Tirana: Dita, 2004, p. 35; Stavro Skendi,
Albania, New York: F. Praeger, 1956, p. 152; B. Fischer, King Zog ..., p.
55.
 23. B. Fischer, King Zog ..., p. 61-63.
 24. Fan S. Noli, Work 6, Academy of Sciences of Albania (Institute of
History), Tirana, 1990, p. 295.
 25. Niko Decka, article “On the agrarian reform prepared by the
Democratic government of Fan Noli”, in the book "Issues of democratic
and revolutionary movement in the Albania on years 1921-1924 ",
Tirana: November 8, 1977, p. 149-150.
 26. J. Swire, Albania, The Rise of á Kingdom, p. 350, O. Pearson,
Albania and King Zog, p. 230.
 27. Gazmend Shpuza, article “Year 1924 - between the revolution, coup
and armed intervention”, in the "Studime Historike" magazine, no. 1-2,
Academy of Sciences of Albania (Institute of History), Tirana, 2000, p.
70: History of the Albanian people, vol. III (2007), p. 227.
 28. Arben Puto, Political Albania 1912-1939, Tirana: Toena, p. 365-66;
S. Vllamasi, Political confrontation in Albania (1897-1942), second
edition, p. 385-86.

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